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Presented  to 
THE  LIBRARY 

of 
VICTORIA  UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 


Reverend  Neill  McRae 


Critical  Cantnuntarg 


011  iln  Ifclg  Scriptures  flf  %  (JDlfr  aufr 


UNDER   THE  EDITORSHIP  OF 


THE   REV.  SAMUEL   ROLLES    DRIVER,  D.D. 

Kcgi  us  Professor  of  Hebrew,  Oxford', 

THE  REV.  ALFRED  PLUMMER,  M.A.,  D.D., 

Late  Master  of  University  College,   Durham; 


THE   REV.  CHARLES   AUGUSTUS    BRIGGS,  D.D., 

Edward  Robinson  Professor  of  Biblical  Theology, 
Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York. 


THE   INTERNATIONAL  CRITICAL  COMMENTARY 


CRITICAL  AND  EXEGETICAL 
COMMENTARY 


ON 


AMOS    AND    HOSEA 


BY 


WILLIAM    RAINEY   HARPER 

LATE   PROFESSOR   OF   SEMITIC   LANGUAGES    AND   LITERATURES 
IN    THF.    I'MVERSITY    OF    CHICAGO 


EDINBURGH 
T.    &    T.    CLARK,    38  GEORGE    STREET 


EMMANUEL 


PRINTED  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  BY 
MORRISON    AND    GIBB    LIMITED 

FOR 

T.    &    T.     CLARK,     EDINBURGH 

LONDON  :   SIMPKIN   MARSHALL,   LIMITED 
NEW  YORK  :   CHARLES  SCRIBNER's  SONS 


FIRST  IMPRESSION  .  .  .  1905 
SIXTH  IMPRESSION  .  .  .  1966 
LATEST  IMPRESSION  .  .  1973 


ELLA    DAVIDA    HARPER 

WHOSE   DEVOTION   TO   HER    HUSBAND   AND   TO    HIS   WORK 

HAS   BEEN   HIS   GREATEST   SOURCE   OF    HELP   AND   STRENGTH 

DURING   THIRTY    YEARS 


PREFACE 

THE  agreement  to  prepare  the  volumes  on  the  Minor  Prophets 
for  this  series  was  entered  into  in  1890,  —  fourteen  years  ago. 
I  did  not  then  anticipate  the  serious  obligations  which  were 
shortly  to  be  assumed  in  other  directions.  But  in  all  these 
years  of  administrative  concern  I  have  had  recourse  for  change, 
comfort,  and  courage  to  my  work  on  the  Twelve  Prophets. 
A  large  portion  of  the  work  had  been  finished  as  early  as 
1897,  when  the  essential  results  on  the  structure  of  Amos 
appeared  in  The  Biblical  World.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that 
during  these  fourteen  years  there  have  been  given  to  the  world 
the  noteworthy  contributions  of  Oort  (1890),  Mitchell  (1893, 
1900),  Miiller  (1896),  Cheyne  (in  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets*,  1895), 
Nowack  (1897,  1903),  George  Adam  Smith  (1896),  Volz  (1897), 
Driver  (1897),  Wellhausen  (3d  ed.,  1898),  Budde  (1899),  Lohr 
(1901),  Sievers  (1901),  Baumann  (1903),  Meinhold  (1903),  and 
Marti  (1903). 

The  plan  originally  included  two  volumes  for  the  Minor 
Prophets ;  this  has  been  enlarged  to  three,  of  which  the  pres 
ent  volume,  containing  Amos  and  Hosea,  is  the  first.  Vol.  II. 
will  include  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Obadiah ; 
Vol.  III.,  Haggai,  Zechariah,  Malachi,  Joel,  Jonah.  It  is  hoped 
that  the  second  and  third  volumes  will  appear  within  the  next 
two  years, 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  Twelve  Prophets  lack,  either  in 
the  comprehensive  relation  which  they  sustain  to  the  entire 
history  of  Hebrew  life  and  thought,  in  the  interest  of  the  prob 
lems  which  they  suggest,  or  in  the  almost  infinite  variety  of 
these  problems.  In  every  field  of  study,  the  textual,  the  literary, 
the  historical,  the  archaeological,  and  the  theological,  they  fur 
nish  facts  and  suggest  questions  than  which  few  others,  perhaps, 
possess  greater  significance.  One  need  only  mention,  by  way 


viii  PREFACE 

of  illustration,  the  questions  involved  in  determining  the  place 
of  Amos  in  the  development  of  Hebrew  thought,  the  problems  of 
criticism  and  interpretation  which  are  suggested  by  the  early 
chapters  of  Hosea,  the  text  and  historical  distribution  of  the 
chapters  now  joined  together  under  the  name  of  Micah,  the 
complexity  of  the  data  included  in  the  several  portions  of 
Zechariah,  not  to  speak  of  the  fragmentary  character  of  Oba- 
diah,  the  peculiar  phenomena  presented  in  Jonah,  and  many 
other  equally  puzzling  but  significant  aspects  of  literary  and 
theological  inquiry.  These  facts  and  problems  connect  them 
selves  with  every  important  phase  of  the  Old  Testament  activity 
between  900  B.C.  and  300  B.C.,  in  other  words,  with  the  entire 
creative  period. 

The  books  which  occupy  our  attention  in  this  first  volume  go 
well  together,  not  only  because  one  follows  the  other  chrono 
logically,  but  also  because  one  supplements  the  other  logically, 
the  two  presenting  a  totality  of  expression  in  the  light  of  which 
each  receives  a  clearer  interpretation.  It  seemed  necessary  to 
take  up,  in  connection  with  these  first  two  of  the  immortal 
Twelve,  mariy  questions  that  concern  just  as  closely  the  others. 
Especially  was  the  force  of  this  point  felt  in  the  Introduction  ; 
for  an  introduction  to  Amos  and  Hosea  is  really  an  introduction 
to  Prophecy. 

Nowhere  is  it  more  necessary  to  distinguish  sharply  between 
the  actual  words  of  an  author  and  those  that  have  been  added 
by  later  writers  than  in  the  case  of  Amos  and  Hosea.  The  his 
tory  of  the  Messianic  idea,  in  whatever  sense  we  employ  that 
term,  is  fundamentally  involved  in  this  distinction.  Care  has 
been  taken,  therefore,  to  keep  separate  the  quite  considerable 
proportion  of  material  (ascribed  by  tradition  to  these  authors) 
which  may  confidently  be  treated  as  of  later  origin.  This  in 
the  case  of  Amos  is  about  one-fifth  of  the  whole,  and  in  the  case 
of  Hosea  about  one-fourth. 

It  is  unquestionably  the  first  duty  of  a  commentator  to  recon 
struct  the  text  as  best  he  may.  The  contributions  to  the  text- 
criticism  of  Amos  and  Hosea,  made  within  two  decades,  are 
striking;  but  not  more  so  than  the  unanimity  with  which  the 
more  important  emendations  have  received  acceptance.  More- 


PREFACE  ix 

over,  many  of  the  changes  originally  suggested,  perhaps  on 
one  or  another  basis  (e.g.  grammar,  history,  the  versions,  or  the 
strophic  structure),  have  later  received  corroboration  on  other 
grounds  than  those  on  which  they  rested  primarily.  This  has 
frequently  occurred  in  my  own  experience ;  and  when  I  recall 
how  often  a  twofold  or  even  threefold  substantiation  of  a  con 
jecture  has  thus  taken  place,  I  am  compelled  to  defend  myself, 
and  others  like  myself,  against  Professor  Driver's  suggestion 
that  "  it  is  precarious  to  base  textual  and  critical  inferences  " 
upon  the  "strophe."*  I  venture  to  suggest  that  in  the  near 
future  this  comparatively  new  phase  of  critical  study  will  be 
"brought  forth  into  a  large  place."!  It  is  worthy  of  notice 
surely  that  nearly  every  important  piece  of  work  on  the  Twelve 
Prophets  in  fifteen  years  has  taken  into  consideration  the  ques 
tion  of  the  measure  and  strophic  arrangement  (pp.  clxv  f.). 
My  own  interest  in  this  subject  was  aroused  in  1887  by  the 
articles  of  Professor  Briggs  in  Hebraica.  No  one  can  doubt 
the  good  results  in  general  which  have  followed  the  turning  of 
attention  in  this  direction.  It  is  unnecessary,  and  in  a  com 
mentary  impossible,  to  take  up  this  phase  of  treatment  in  all 
the  detail  worked  out  by  Sievers ;  but  it  is  equally  impossible 
now  to  study  the  thought  of  these  prophetic  sermons  without 
recognizing  fully  this  fundamental  factor  in  their  form  of  com 
position.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  "  strophic  structure  "  is  only 
another  name  for  "  logical  structure." 

The  textual  notes  preceding  the  general  treatment  and  the 
grammatical  and  philological  notes  following  it  have  been  in 
tended  to  furnish  the  student  of  ordinary  advancement  the 
more  important  data  with  which  to  reach  his  own  conclusions. 
I  fear  that  in  some  cases  these  suggestions  are  too  elementary 
in  their  character;  but  I  have  had  in  mind  that  student  of 
Sacred  Scripture  who,  with  such  help,  might  enter  into  a  fairly 
critical  appreciation  of  the  points  raised ;  and  I  have  felt  that  I 
might  advantageously  omit  a  portion  of  this  kind  of  material  in 
the  succeeding  volumes.  The  presentation  of  different  read 
ings  which  are  not  accepted,  as  well  as  of  all  the  principal 

*  Joel  and  Amos,  p.  116.  f  V.  p.  clxix. 


X  PREFACE 

interpretations  in  every  case,  seemed  to  me  to  be  required  by 
the  emphasis  which  the  editors  of  the  series  have  placed  upon 
the  importance  of  providing  the  history  of  the  interpretation. 
I  am  perfectly  aware  that  the  history  of  interpretation  does  not 
consist  in  placing  one  after  another  a  series  of  differing  interpre 
tations  ;  but  it  is  quite  clear  that  space  would  not  permit  a  fuller 
discussion  in  every  place,  nor  was  such  discussion  necessary. 
At  the  same  time,  upon  the  basis  of  the  interpretations  as  thus 
given,  even  when  no  comment  is  added,  it  is  not  difficult  for 
one  to  construct  the  history.  I  have  endeavored  to  note  all 
opinions  really  worthy  of  consideration ;  and  I  trust  that  the 
fulness  of  citation  in  some  passages  may  not  prove  too  weari 
some  to  the  reader  who  is  not  a  student. 

It  is  a  source  of  great  satisfaction  to  make  acknowledgment 
of  the  indebtedness  which  I  owe  to  those  who  have  preceded  me  ; 
and  especially  to  Baur,  Wiinsche,  Cheyne,  Wellhausen,  W.  Rob 
ertson  Smith,  Nowack,  Driver,  George  Adam  Smith,  Budde, 
and  Kautzsch  (v.  his  article,  "  Religion  of  Israel,"  in  Hast- 
ings's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible).  I  have  tried  in  each  important 
instance  to  indicate  the  position  taken  by  those  who  have  dis 
cussed  that  particular  case;  and  likewise  to  recognize  the 
author  who  first  suggested  a  reading  or  interpretation  after 
ward  adopted  by  others.  I  regret  that  my  manuscript  was 
already  almost  wholly  in  type  before  the  appearance  of  No- 
wack's  second  edition  and  of  Marti's  commentary.  Use  has 
been  made  of  these  volumes  in  the  revision  of  the  sheets.  I 
ought  perhaps  to  mention  that  a  considerable  portion  of  my 
manuscript  has  been  thrown  out  because  I  had  transgressed  the 
limits  set  for  the  volume. 

A  word  more  concerning  the  Introduction  seems  to  be  neces 
sary.  It  appeared  to  me  that  a  brief  summary  of  pre-prophetism 
was  required  as  the  basis  on  which  to  place  the  work  of  Amos 
and  Hosea.  This  would  have  been  unnecessary  if  it  were  cer 
tain  that  all  Hebrew  thought  really  began  with  Amos.  But  this 
view  I  cannot  accept,  and  so  I  have  enlarged  the  Introduction 
to  include  a  re"sum£  of  the  pre-prophetic  activity.  In  the  pres 
entation  of  this  I  have  found  myself  greatly  embarrassed  for 
lack  of  space. 


PREFACE  xi 

The  list  of  literature  will  be  found  fairly  exhaustive  as  far  as 
half  a  century  back.  Lists  of  the  literature  before  that  time 
are  accessible  in  Gunning's  De  Godspraken  van  Amos,  Driver's 
article  on  Amos  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  tlie  Bible  (20!  ed.), 
Wiinsche's  Hosea,  and  in  Lange's  Commentary,  Vol.  XVI.  The 
reader  is  requested  to  note  the  Addenda  and  Corrigenda  on 
pp.  xv,  xvi,  as  well  as  the  abbreviations  on  pp.  xvii  ff. 

In  conclusion,  I  wish  particularly  to  acknowledge  the  help 
which  has  been  given  me  in  the  preparation  of  the  volume 
by  my  former  pupil,  now  my  colleague,  Dr.  John  M.  P.  Smith. 
The  assistance  which  he  has  rendered  in  gathering  material, 
in  verifying  references,  and  in  revising  the  manuscript  and  the 
printer's  sheets,  and  the  suggestions  which  he  has  made  from 
time  to  time  upon  the  subject-matter  itself,  have  been  of  the 
greatest  value.  Without  this  help  I  doubt  whether  I  should 
have  been  able  to  bring  the  work  to  a  completion.  My  thanks 
are  due  also  to  my  former  pupil,  Professor  George  R.  Berry 
of  Colgate  University,  for  aid  furnished,  and  to  my  colleague, 
Professor  George  S.  Goodspeed,  for  important  suggestions  in 
connection  with  the  historical  material  in  Amos. 

The  publishers  have  cooperated  most  generously  in  securing 
a  typographical  excellence  which,  I  am  confident,  will  be  greatly 
appreciated. 

I  think  that  I  realize  most  keenly  some  of  the  defects  of 
this  commentary.  Doubtless  many  that  I  do  not  perceive  will 
be  pointed  out  to  me.  I  shall  hope  to  make  good  use  of  all 
such  criticisms  and  suggestions  in  connection  with  the  two 
remaining  volumes. 

CHICAGO,  NOVEMBER  TWENTY-FOUR, 
THANKSGIVING  DAY,  1904. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGR 

PREFACE       ............   vii-xi 

ADDENDA  AND  CORRIGENDA  xv 

PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS xvii 

INTRODUCTION xxxi-clxxxi 

A.    FACTORS  IN  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  MOVEMENT. 

§  i.  The  Pre-prophetic  Movement  in  General xxxi 

§  2.  Pre-prophetic  Participation  in  the  Revolt  of  Jeroboam  I.    .         .  xxxii 

§  3.  Pre-prophetic  Manifestation  under  Elijah's  Leadership        .         .  xxxiv 

§  4.  Pre-prophetic  Influences  in  the  Time  of  Elisha  xli 

§  5.  The  Pre-prophetic  Societies xlix 

§  6.  The  Older  and  Younger  Decalogues Iviii 

§  7.  The  Book  of  the  Covenant  (  =  CC) Ixiv 

§8.  The  Judaean  (Pre-prophetic)  Narrative  (=  J)    ....  Ixix 

§  9.  The  Ephraimite  (Pre-prophetic)  Narrative  (=  E)       .         .         .  Ixxix 

B.    THE  BASIS  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC 
MOVEMENT. 

§  10.    The  Relation  of  Pre-prophetism  to  Mosaism       ....  Ixxxiv 
§11.   The  Essential  Thought  of  Pre-prophetism  .         .        .        .         Ixxxviii 

C.    AMOS. 

§  12.   The  Personal  Life  of  Amos          .......  C 

§  13.  The  Message  of  Amos ex 

§  14.   The  Ministry  of  Amos .         .  cxxiv 

§  15.  The  Literary  Form  of  Amos        .......  cxxx 

D.    HOSEA. 

§  1 6.   The  Personal  Life  of  Hosea cxl 

§  17.   The  Message  of  Hosea        .                          cxlvi 

§  1 8.   The  Ministry  of  Hosea        ........  civ 

§  19.  The  Literary  Form  of  Hosea clviii 


Xiv  CONTENTS 

E.      AMOS  AND    HObEA. 

PAGE 

§  20.   The  Poetical  Form  of  Amos  and  Hosea  „  clxiv 

§  21.  The  Language  and  Style  of  Amos  and  Hosea  ....  clxx 
§  22.  The  Text  and  Versions  of  Amos  and  Hosea  ....  clxxiii 
§  23.  The  Literature  on  Amos  and  Hosea  .....  clxxviii 

COMMENTARY.     On  Amos ,  1-200 

On  Hosea      .......       201-417 

INDEX 

L  Subject 419 

II.  Geographical  .        .        • 423 

ill.  Hebrew          .  423 

CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE Facing         i 

MAP      ....••«»••         At  end  of  volume 


ADDENDA   AND   CORRIGENDA. 


p.  lv,  line  I.  The  first  mention  of  Phoenician  prophets  is  found  in  the  report 
of  Wenamon,  an  Egyptian  envoy  to  Byblos,  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  XII., 
probably  about  noo  B.C.  SeeJ.  H.  Breasted,  "The  Report  of  Wena 
mon,"  AJSL.  XXI.  (Jan.  1905),  pp.  101  f.,  105. 

p.  Ixxxix,  line  14.     For  "  Ju.  546,"  read  "Ju.  54V 

p.  ex.  On  the  teachings  of  Amos,  Hosea,  and  preceding  prophets  of  the 
eighth  century,  see  Koberle,  Siinde  ttnd  Gnade  im  religiosen  Leben  des 
Volkes  Israel  bis  auf  Christum  (1905),  pp.  96-153. 

p.  4,  line  12.     For  (_£jlLaJ,  read  ^jlsJ. 

pp.  15  ff.  On  the  nations  dealt  with  in  Am.  i3-24,  see  the  article  "Semites," 
in  DB.  V.,  by  J.  F.  McCurdy. 


•*>     7 


p.  42,  line  6  (from  bottom).     For  __»_£lCCLxiO5,  read 
p.  257,  line  4.     Omit  against  me,  with  J5,  as  a  gloss  ;  see  p.  256. 
p.  277,  note  £•     For  GVf.t  read  GI. 

p.  280,  lines  27-29.     The  text  of  strophe  I,  lines  7  and  8,  is  better  arranged 
as  in  the  translation  on  p.  283,  viz.  : 


p.  281,  lines  I,  2.  Transpose  "6lla  is,  of  course,  a  gloss,"  to  follow  "In 
strophe  4  (6"-72  ."  Dele  "(0  v.llb  is  suspected,  but  v.t"  For 
"v.110"  read  ('v.llft." 


p.  287,  line  2  (from  bottom).     P'or  J>O.*j^)(,  read 

p.  291,  line  15.     For  "also  rejects,"  read  "rejects  all  of." 

p.  313,  line  20.      Orelli  reads  Ncn^  ;  see  p.  320. 

p.  329,  line  I.     Insert  it  after  cat. 


PRINCIPAL   ABBREVIATIONS 


i.  GENERAL. 

abs. 

absolute. 

lit. 

literal,  or  literally. 

ace. 
adv. 

accusative, 
adverb,  or  adverbial. 

m.,  or  masc. 

masculine, 

apod. 

apodosis. 

Ni. 

Niph'al. 

art. 

article. 

om. 

omits,  omit,  etc. 

Ass.,  or  Assyr 

.,  Assyrian. 

P- 

person. 

fa.,  or  dr. 

circa,  about. 

pass. 

passive. 

cf. 

confer,  compare. 

pf. 

perfect. 

circ. 

circumstantial. 

Pi. 

Pi'el. 

cl. 

clause. 

pi. 

plural. 

cod.,  codd. 

codex,  codices. 

prec. 

preceding. 

cog.,  or  cogn. 

cognate. 

pred. 

predicate. 

com. 

commentators,  or   com 

prep. 

preposition. 

mentaries. 

pron. 

pronoun,  or  pronominal. 

cons. 

consecutive. 

ptcp. 

participle. 

cont. 
cstr. 

continue,  continuing,  etc. 
construct. 

rel. 

relative. 

rm. 

remark. 

dat. 

dative. 

d.f.,  or  dag.  f. 

dagesh  forte. 

SS- 

singular. 

stat. 

stative. 

f.  or  fem. 

feminine. 

str. 

strophe. 

fol. 

following,  follows,  etc. 

subj. 

subject. 

freq. 

frequentative. 

suf. 

suffix. 

sugg. 

suggest,  suggestion,  etc, 

gen. 

genitive. 

s.v. 

sub  voce. 

Hiph. 

Hiph'il. 

trans. 

transitive. 

impf. 

imperfect. 

V. 

verse. 

imv. 

imperative. 

V. 

vide,  see. 

indef. 

indefinite. 

vb. 

verb,  verbal. 

inf. 

infinitive. 

v.i. 

vide  infra,  see  below. 

intrans. 

intransitive. 

V.S. 

vide  supra,  see  above. 

xvii 

xvm 


PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 


2.  TEXT  AND  VERSIONS. 


A.V.  Authorized  Version  (161 1 ). 

'A.  Aquila's    translation,    cited 

from  Field's  Hexapla. 

Bab.  Cod.  Prophetarum  posteriorum 
codex  Babylonicus  Pe- 
tropolitanus  auspiciis 
augustissimi  Imperatoris 
Alexandri  II.  Edidit 
H.  Strack  (1876). 

Complut.  The  Complutensian  Poly 
glot. 

<S  The  Septuagint,  cited  from 

The  Old  Testament  in 
Greek  according  to  the 
Septuagint;  edited  by 
H.  B.  Swete;  Vol.  Ill 
(1894). 

(5s  Codex  Sinaiticus. 

<§-*•  Codex  Alexandrinus. 

<&B  Codex  Vaticanus. 

<5Q  Codex  Marchalianus. 

(S1-  Lucian's  Recension. 

Kt.  K«thtbh. 

1L  The    Old    Latin    Version, 

cited     from     Oesterley's 


O.T. 
Qr. 

RV. 
RV.m. 

£ 


Studies  in  the  Greek  and 
Latin  Versions  of  the 
Book  of  Amos  (1902)  and 
"The  Old  Latin  Texts  of 
the  Minor  Prophets," 
Journal  of  Theological 
Studies,  V.  76-88. 

The  Massoretic  Text. 
Old  Testament. 
Q'ri. 

Revised  Version  (1885). 
Revised  Version,  margin. 


The  Syriac  translation,  cited 
from  the  Paris  Polyglot. 

2.  Symmachus's  translation, 

cited  from  Field's  Hex- 
apla. 

Syr.-Hex.  Syro-Hexaplar. 

&  The  Targum,  cited  from  the 

Paris  Polyglot. 

6.  Theodotion's  translation, 

cited  from  Field's  Hex 
apla. 

H  The  Vulgate,  cited  from  the 

Paris  Polyglot. 


3.  AUTHORS  AND  BOOKS. 

Abar.  or  Abarb.     Abarbanel  (f  1508). 

ABL.  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature.  Selected  Transla 

tions.  Edited  by  Robert  Francis  Harper  (1901). 

AE.  Aben  Ezra  (f  1167). 

AJSL.  American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures, 

edited  by  William  R.  Harper. 

AJT(h).  American  Journal  of  Theology,  edited  by  the  Divinity 

Faculty  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 


AUTHORS  AND   BOOKS 


XIX 


Ba.  Baur,  Der  Prophet  Amos  erkldrt  (1847). 

Bach.  Bachmann,  Alttestamentliche  Untersuchungen  (1894) 

Bach.  Pr.  Pracparationen  zu  den  kleinen  Prophcten  (1890). 

Bad.  Badecker's  Handbuch  z.  Paldstina   und  Syrien  (5th  ed. 

1900;   English,  1894). 
Baethgen,  Baethgen,    Beitrage    zur    semitischen    Religionsgeschichtt 

Sem.  Rel.  (1888). 

Barth,  NB.  J.  Barth,  Die  Nominalbildung  in  den  semitischen  Sprachen 

(1889-91). 

Barth,  ES.  Etymologische  Studien  (1893). 

BAS.  Beitrage  zur  Assyriologie  und  semitischen   Sprachwissen- 

schaft,  herausgegeben  von  Friedrich  Delitzsch  und  Paul 

Haupt  (i89off.). 
Baud.  Einl.  Baudissin,  Einleitung  in  die  Bucher  des  Alien  Testamentes 

(1901). 
Baud.  Rel.  Studien  zur  semitischen  Religionsgeschichte,  I.  (1876),  II. 

(1878). 
Bauer,  G.  L.  Bauer,  Die  kleinen  Propheten  iibersetzt  und  mit  Com- 

mentarien  erldutert,  L,  Hoseas  bis  Micha  (1786). 

Baumann,  Der  Aufbau  der  Amosreden  (Beihefte  zur  ZA  W.  VII.  1903). 

BDB.  A  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon  of  the  Old  Testament,  -with 

an  Appendix  containing  the  Biblical  Aramaic,  based  on 

the  Lexicon  of  William  Gesenius  as  translated  by  Edward 

Robinson,  edited  by  Francis  Brown,  with  the  cooperation 

of  S.  R.  Driver  and  Charles  A.  Briggs  (1891  ff.).     Eleven 

parts  have  appeared  thus  far,  extending  as  far  as  "ofr. 
Benz.  I.  Benzinger. 

Benz.  Arch.  Hebrdische  Archdologie  (1894). 

BL.  Schenkel's  Bibel-Lexikon.     Kealw'orterbuch  zum  Handge- 

brauch   fur    geistliche    und    Gemeindeglieder,    5    vols. 

(1869-75). 
Bl.  Einl.  F.  Bleek,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament  (5th  ed.  by 

Julius  Wellhausen,  1886). 
Bockel,  Hoseas  (1807). 

Bottcher,  Ausfiihrliches  Lehrbuch  der  Hebrdischen  Sprache,  I.  (1866), 

II.  (1868). 

Briggs,  Hex.  Chas.  A.  Briggs,  Higher  Criticism  of  the  Hexateuch  (1897). 

Brugsch,  Hist.        Heinrich    Brugsch-Bey,   A    History   of  Egypt   under  the 

Pharaohs  (1881). 
Brull,  "  Beitrage    zur    Erklarung   des  Buches    Hosea,"  Jahrb.  f. 

judischen  Geschichte  und  Litter atur,  1883,  pp.  1-62. 
BSZ.  Wilhelm   Gesenius'  Hebrdisches   una  Aramdisches  Hand- 

ivorterbuch  iiber  das  Alte  Testament  in  verbindung  mit 

Prof.  Albert  Socin  und  Prof.  H.  Zimmern  bearbeitet  von 

Dr.  Frants  Buhl,     ijth  ed.  (1899). 


XX 


PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 


Bu.  Karl  Budde. 

Bu.  Rel.  Religion  of  Israel  to  the  Exile  (1899). 

Buhl,  Pal,  Geographic  des  alien  Palaestina  (  1  896)  . 

Burkius,  Gnomon  in  12  Prophetas  Minor  es  (1753). 

Burney,  Notes  on  the  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Books  of  Kings  (1903). 

8  W.  The  Biblical  World,  edited  by  William  R.  Harper. 

Cal.  Calvin,    Commentaries    on   the    Twelve    Minor  Prophets; 

transl.  by  J.  Owen.     Vols.  I.,  II.  (1846). 
Cap(pellus),  Critica  sacra,  sive  de  variis  quae  in  sacris  Veteris  Testa- 

menti  libris   occurrunt  lectionibus  libri  sex.     Kecensuil 

multisque  animadversionibus  auxit  Geo.  lo.  Lud.Vogel. 

Tomus  I.  (1775),  II.  (1778). 
Che.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  Hosea  with  Notes  and  Introduction  (The 

Cambridge  Bible   for  Schools  and  Colleges,   1884).     In 

the  commentary  on   Hosea,  "  Che."  always  means  this 

work,  unless  otherwise  indicated. 
Co.  C.  H.  Cornill. 

Co.  Einl.  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament  (1891;   4th  ed.,  1897). 

Cornelius  a  Lapide  (f  1637),  Commentarii  (1664). 
COT.  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and  the  Old  Testament  (1885; 

English  transl.  of  KA  7V2). 
Crit.  Bib.  or  CB.     Critica  Biblica  or   Critical  Notes  on  the   Text  of  the  Old 

Testament  Writings,  by  T.  K.  Cheyne.     Part  II.,  Ezekiel 

and  the  Minor  Prophets  (1903). 
Crocius,  Johannis  Crocii  .  .  .  hypotyposes  concionum   in  Prophetas 

Minores,  etc.  (1673). 
Cyril,  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (t444  A.D.). 


Da. 

Da.  §, 

Da.  Theol, 

Dahl, 

Dathe  or  Dat. 


DB. 


De. 
de  R. 


A.  B.  Davidson. 

Hebrew  Syntax  (2d  ed.,  1896). 

The  Theology  of  the  Old  Testament  (1904). 

J.  C.  Dahl,  Amos  neu  ubersetzt  und  erldutert  (1795). 

Prophetae  minores  ex  recensione  textus  Hebraei  et  versionum 

antiquarum  latine  versi  notisque  philologicis  et  criticis 

illustrati  a  J.  A.  Dathio  (1773). 
A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  edited  by  James  Hastings.    4  vols. 

(1898-1902)  and  an  "Extra  Volume"  (1904),  cited  here 

as  Vol.  V. 
A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  edited  by  Sir  William  Smith  and 

J.  M.  Fuller.     3  vols.  (2d  ed.,  1893). 
Franz  Delitzsch. 
de  Rossi,  Variae  Lectiones  Veteris  Testamenti,  etc.,  Vol.  III. 

(1786),  and  Scholia  Critica  in  Veteris  Testamenti  libra* 

(1798). 


AUTHORS  AND   BOOKS 


XXI 


DHM.  Prcph.        D.  H.  Miiller,  Die  Propheten  in  ihrer  urspri'mglichen  Form, 

2  vols.  (1896). 

Di.  August  Dillmann. 

Di.  Theol.  Handbuch  der  Alttestamentlichen   Theologie  (1895;   edited 

by  Kittel). 

DI.  Friedrich  Delitzsch. 

DI.  Pr.  or  Pro  1.     Prolegomena  eines  neuen  Hebrdisch-Aramaischen  Worter- 

buchs  zum  Alien  Testament  (1886). 
DI.  HWB.  Assyrisches  Handworterbuch  (1896). 

DI.  Pa.  or  Par.       Wo  lag  das  Parodies  ( 1 88 1 ) . 
DI.  Hebr.  Lang.      The  Hebrew  Language  (1883). 
Dr.  S.  R.  Driver,  Joel  and  Amos   (The  Cambridge  Bible  for 

Schools  and  Colleges;    1897). 
Dr.  §,  A  Treatise  on  the  Use  of  the  Tenses  in  Hebrew  (1874;    3d 

ed.,  1892). 
Dr.  LOT.  An  Introdtection  to  the  Literature  of  the   O.  T.  (6th  ed., 

1897). 
Dr.  Dt.  A   Critical  and  Exegetical  Commentary  on  Deuteronomy 

(International  Critical  Commentary,  1895). 

Dr.  Sam.  Notes  on  the  Hebreiv  Text  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  (1890). 

Dru.  or  Drus.         Drusius,  Commentary  on  Minor  Prophets,  in  Critici  Sacri : 

s.   doctissimorum    virorum   ad  Sacra   Biblia   annott.   et 

tractatus  (London,  1660). 

Duhm,  Theol.         Bernhard  Duhm,  Die  Theologie  der  Propheten  (1875). 
Diisterdieck,  "  Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  des  Propheten  Amos,  mit  beson- 

derer    Riicksicht    auf    G.    Baur,    Der    Prophet    Amos," 

Theologische  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1849,  pp.  869-914. 

EB.  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  edited  byT.  K.  Cheyne  and  J.  Suther 

land  Black.  4  vols.  (1899-1903). 

Ed.  Meyer,  GA.     Geschichte  d.  Alterthums,  Vol.  I.  (1884). 

Eich.  Eichhorn,  Die  Hebr'dischen  Propheten  (1816  ff.). 

Elh.  H.  J.  Elhorst,  De  Profetie  van  Amos  (1901). 

Enc.  Br.  Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 

Eph.  Syr.  Ephraem  Syrus  (f  373). 

Ew.  Heinrich  Ewald,  Die  Propheten  des  Alien  Bundes  (1840; 

2d  ed.,  1867;  transl.  as  Commentary  on  the  Prophets  of 
the  Old  Testament,  5  vols.,  1875-81). 

Ew.8  Ausfiihrliches  Lehrbuch  der  Hebr'dischen  Sprache  des  Alien 

Bundes  (8th  ed.,  1870). 

Ew.  Hist.  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel  (3d  ed.,  1866),  Engl.  transl, 

History  of  Israel  (1871). 

Exp.  The  Expositor,  edited  by  W.  Robertson  Nicoll.  (Superior 

figures  indicate  the  series  cited.) 

Exp.  T.  The  Expository  Times,  edited  by  James  Hastings. 


XX11 


PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 


Furst,  Lex.  Hebrdisches   und  Chalddisches  Handworterbuch   uber  das 

Alte  Testament  (3d  ed.,  1876). 

GAS.  George  Adam  Smith,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets 

(The  Expositor's  Bible,  Vol.  I.,  1896). 

viAS.  HG.  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land  (1895). 

Gebo  Gebhard,  Grundliche  Einleitung  in  die  zwolf  kleinen  Pro- 


Geiger, 

Ges. 
Ges.  Thes. 

GFM. 
GFM.  Ju. 
Giesebrecht, 

GK. 
Gr. 


Gr.  Gesch. 
Grimm,  Lit.  App. 

Grot(ius), 
GSG.  Hist. 

Gu. 


Gu.  Gesch.  or  G  VI. 
Gun. 

H. 
Hal. 


Har. 


Abraham  Geiger,  Urschrift  und  Uebersetzungen  der  Bibel 
in  ihrer  Abhangigkeit  von  der  innern  Entwickelung  des 
Judenthums  (1857). 

Wilhelm  Gesenius. 

\Vilhelm  Gesenius,  Thesaurus  philologicus  criticus  linguae 
Hebraeae  et  Chaldaeae  Veteris  Testamenti  (1829). 

George  Foote  Moore. 

Judges  (International  Critical  Commentary,  1895). 

Beitrdge  zur  Jesaiakritik,  nebst  einer  Studie  uber  prophe- 
tische  Schriftstellerei  (1890). 

Wilhelm  Gesenius,  Hebr'dische  Grammatik  vollig  umgearbei- 
tet,  von  E.  Kautzsch  (27th  ed.,  1902). 

H.  Gratz,  Emendationes  in  plerosque  Sacrae  Scripturae 
Veteris  J^estamenti  libros,  secundum  veterum  versiones 
nee  non  auxiliis  criticis  caeteris  adhibitis.  Fasciculus 
secundus  Ezechielis  et  Duodecim  Prophetarum  libros>  etc., 
continens  (1893). 

Geschichte  der  Juden  (1853-76). 

Euphemistic  Liturgical  Appendixes  in  the  Old  Testament 
(1901). 

Annotata  ad  Vetus  Testamentum,  Vol.  II.  (1644). 

George  S.  Goodspeed,  History  of  the  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  (1902). 

H.  Guthe;  when  no  specific  reference  is  added,  the  trans 
lation  of  the  Minor  Prophets  in  Kautzsch's  Die  Heilige 
Schrift  (1896)  is  to  be  understood. 

,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel  (1899). 

J.  H.  Gunning,  De  Godspraken  van  Amos  (1885). 

W.  R.  Harper,  Elements  of  Hebrew  Syntax  (1888;  5th  ed., 

1899). 
J.  Halevy:    (l)    "  Le  livre  d'Osee,"  Rwue  Semitique,  X. 

(1902),  1-12,  97~I33»  I93-212,  289-304. 

(2)  "  Le  livre  d'Amos,"  ibid.  XI.  (1903),  1-31,  97-121. 

193-209,  289-300;   XII.  (1904),  1-18. 
J.  C.  Harenberg,  Amos  Propheta  expositus  interpretations 

nova  latina,  etc.  (1763). 


AUTHORS  AND   BOOKS 


XX111 


HSv.  Havernick,  Handbuch  der  historisch-kritischen  Einleitung 

in  das  Alte  Testament  (1837;  transl.  1852). 

Hd.  Henderson,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  trans 

lated  from  the  original  Hebrew,  with  a  Commentary,  criti 
cal,  philological,  and  exegetical  (1868). 

Hebr.  Hebraica,  Vols.  I.-XI.  (1884-95);  continued  as  American 

Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures. 

Hes.  Heinrich  Hesselberg,  Die  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten  ausgelegt 

(1838). 

Hi.  Hitzig,  Die  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten  (1838;  4th  ed.  by 

Steiner,  1881). 

Hirscht,  "Textkritische  Untersuchungen  fiber  das  Buch  Amos," 

Zeitschrift  fur  wissenschaftliche  1  heologie,  Vol.  XLIV. 
(1903),  pp.  11-73. 

Hng.  Hengstenberg,  Die  Christologie  des  Alien  Testaments  (2d 

ed.,  1854-8;  transl.  1863). 

Hoffm.  Hoffmann,  "  Versuche  zu  Amos,"  Zeitschrift  fur  die  Alttes- 

tamentliche  Wisscnschaft,  III.  87-126. 

Holzinger,  Rinl.    Rinleitung  in  den  Hexateuch  (1893). 

Horn.  F.  Hommel,  The  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition  as  Illustrated 

by  the  Monuments  (1897). 

Horn.  GBA.  Geschichte  Rabyloniens  und  Assyriens  (1885). 

Houtsma,  "  Bijdrage  tot  de  kritiek  en  verklaring  van  Hozea,"  Theo- 

logisch  Tijdschrift,  IX.  (1875),  55-75. 

Hux(table),  Commentary  on  Hosea  (Bible  Commentary,  VI.,  1892). 

Jarchi  =  Rashi  =  Rabbi  Solomon  ben  Isaak  (f  1 105). 

Jastrow,  Rel.  The  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  (1898). 

JBL.  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature. 

Jer.  Jerome  (f42o). 

Jew.  Enc.  The  Jewish  Encyclopaedia  (of  which  8  vols.  are  now  pur> 

lished). 

Jos.  Ant.  Flavius  Josephus,  The  Antiquities  of  the  Jews. 

JPTh.  Jahrbucher  fur  Prot.  Theologie. 

JQR.  The  Jewish  Quarterly  Review. 

Jus.  C.  W.  Justi,  Amos  neu  ubersetzt  und  erlautert  (1799). 

K.  E.  Kautzsch. 

K.  DB.  V.  Art.    "  Religion   of  Israel,"   by   Kautzsch,    in    Hastings's 

Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  extra  volume  (1904). 
KAT*  Die  Keilinschriften   und  das  Alte    Testament,   von    Eb. 

Schrader  (2d  ed.  1883). 
KAT?  Die    Keilinschriften    und   das   Alte    Testament,    von    E. 

Schrader.     Dritte  Auflage  .  .  .  neu  bearbeitet  von  Dr. 

H.  Zimmern  und  Dr.  H.  Winckler  (1902). 


xxiv  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 

KB.  Kcilinschriftliche     Bibliothek,     herausgegeben    von     Eb. 

Schrader  (iSSgff.). 
Ke.  C.  F.  Keil,  Commentary  on  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  in 

Keil    and    Delitzsch's    Biblische    Commentar,   Vol.    IV. 

(1866;   transl.  1880). 
Kenn.  B.  Kennicott,  Vetus  Testamentum  Hebr.  cum  variis  lecti- 

onibus  (1776-80). 

Kent,  Hist.  A  History  of  the  Hebrew  People,  I.  (1896);   II.  (1897). 

KGF.  Keilinschriften  und  Geschichtsforschung,  von  Eb.  Schrader 

(1878). 

Ki.  David  Kimchi  (11230). 

Kirk.  Doct.  or        A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets  (1892;   3d  ed. 

Proph.  1901). 

Kit.  Rudolph  Kittel. 

Kit.  Hist.  History  of  the  Hebrews,  2  vols.  (1888-92;   English  transl. 

by  John  Taylor,  1895-96). 
Klo.  Klostermann. 

Kno.  Knobel,  Prophetismus  der  Hebr'der  (1837). 

K6.  Konig,   Historisch-kritische   Lehrgeb'dude   der   Hebr'dischen 

Sprache,  Vols.   I.-III.    (1881-97).     Where   there  is  no 

indication  of  the  volume,  the  reference  is  to  Part  III., 

Historisch-comparative  Syntax  der  Hebr.  Sprache  (1897). 
K6.  Einl.  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament  (1893). 

Ko.  Hauptprobleme,  Die  Hauptprobleme  der  altisr.  Religionsgeschichte  (1884). 
K6.  Stil.  Stilistik,  Rhetor ik,  Poetik  (1900). 

Kue.  Abraham  Kuenen. 

Kue.  Einl.  Historisch-kritische   Einleitiing  in   die   Bucher   des  Alien 

Testaments  (2d  ed.  of  Dutch,  1885  f.;  German,  1887-93). 
Kue.  Hibb.  Lect.     National    Religions    and  Universal    Religions    (Hibbert 

Lectures,  1882). 
Kue.  Proph.  De  profeten  en  de  profetie  onder  Israel.      Historisch-dogma- 

tische  Studie  (2d  ed.,  1875  ;    English,  The  Prophets  and 

Prophecy  in  Israel :  an  Historical  and  Critical  Enquiry, 

1877). 

Kue.  Rel.  The  Religion  of  Israel  (Dutch,  1869  f.;    English,  1874  f.). 

Kurtz,  Die  Eke  des  Propheten  Hosea,  chaps.  1-3  (1859). 

Kusznitzki,  Joel,  Amos,  Obadja  qua  aetate  quibus  de  rebus  sint  locuti 

(Inaugural  dissertation,  1872). 

Lag.  Paul  de  Lagarde. 

Lag.  BN.  Uebersicht    uber    die    im   Aram'dischen,   Arabischen    und 

Hebr'dischen  ubliche  Bildung  der  Nomina  (1889). 
Lag.  Mit.  Mittheilungen,  Vols.  I.-IV.  (1884-91). 

Levy,  NHWB.      Neuhebr'disches  und  Chald'disches  IVorterbuch  uber  die  Tal 

mudim  und  Midraschim,  von  Jacob  Levy  (1876—89). 


AUTHORS  AND   BOOKS 


XXV 


Linder,  "Bemerkungen  iiber  einige  Stellen  im  Propheten  Hosea," 

TheoL  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1860,  pp.  739  ff. 

Loftm.  or  Loft.  Loftman,  Kritisk  under  so  kning  af  den  Masoretiska  texten 
till  prof.  Hoseas  bok  (1894). 

Lohr,  Untersuchungen  zum  Buck  Amos  (Beiheft  zur  Zeitschrifl 

filr  die  Alttestament.  \Vissenschaft,  IV.,  1901). 

Lu.  or  Luth.  Martin  Luther. 


Ma. 
Marck, 
Marti, 
Marti,  Rel.  or 

Gesch. 
Mau. 

Maybaum,  Proph 
McC.  HPM. 

Meinhold, 

Merc(erus), 

Mich. 

Mit. 
Miiller,  SK. 

Munster, 
Muss-Arnolt, 
Diet. 

MV. 

New.  or  Newc. 


No. 

Now. 


Now.  Arch. 


Manger,  Comm.  in  Hoseam  (1782). 

Commentariits  in  Duodecim  Prophetas  Minor  es  (1784). 

Dodekapropheton  (1903). 

Geschichte   der    israelitischen   Religion  (3d  ed.,   1897  »    4^ 

ed.,  1903). 
Maurer,  Commentarius  grammaticus  historicus  criticus  in 

Prophetas  minor  es  (1840). 

Die  Entwickelung  des  israelitischen  Prophetenthums  (1883). 
J.  F.  McCurdy,  History,  Prophecy,  and  the   Monuments. 

3  vols.  (1895-1901). 
Studien  zur  israelitischen  Religionsgeschichte.    I.,  Der  heilige 

Rest.     Teil  I.,  "  Elias,  Amos,  Hosea,  Jesaja  "  (1903). 
Commentarii  locuptetissimi  in  vales  quinque  priores,  inter 

eos  qui  minores  vocantur  (2d  ed.,  1695). 
J.  D.  Michaelis,  Deutsche  Uebersetzung  des  Allen  Testament 

mit  Anmerkungen    fur    Ungelehrte.      Der   erste    TJieit 

welcher  die  zw'olf  kleinen  Propheten  enthalt  (1872). 
H.  G.  Mitchell,  Amos,  an  Essay  in  Exegesis  (1893;    2(^  e<^-> 

1900). 
"  Textkritische   Studien  zum  Buche   Hosea,"    Theologische 

Studien  und  Kritiken,  1904,  pp.  124-6. 
Commentary  on  Minor  Prophets,  in  Critici  Sacri  (1660). 
Wm.  Muss-Arnolt,  A    Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Assyrian 

Language  (of  which    16  parts,  extending  to  Satru,  arc 

now  published). 
Gesenius's    Hebr.    u.   Aram.    Handworterbiich,    nth    ed. 

(1890)  by  Miihlau  and  Volck. 

Newcome,  An  Attempt  towards  an  Improved  Version,  Met 

rical  Arrangement,  and  an  Explanation  of  the  Twelve 

Minor  Prophets  (1836). 
Theodor  Noldeke. 
W.   Nowack,  Die  kleinen  Propheten  ubersetzt  und  erklart 

(Handkommentar  zum  Alten  Testament,  1897;   2(^  ec^'» 

1903  =  Now.3). 

Lehrbuch  d.  hebr.  Arch'dologie  (1894). 
Der  Prophet  Hosea  (1880). 


XXVI 


PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 


Oct.  Oettli,  Amos  und  Hosea.     Zwei  Zeugen  gegen  die  Anwen- 

dung    der    Evolutionstheorie    auf  die  Religion   Israeli 

(Beitrage  zur  Forderung  christlicher  Theologie,  Funfter 

Jahrgang,  Heft  4,  1901). 

Ols.  J.  Olshausen,  Lehrbuch  der  Hebr.  Sprache  (1861). 

OLZ.  Orientalistische    Litteratur-Zeitung,     herausgegeben    von 

F.  E.  Peiser. 
Oort,  H.  Oort,  (i)  "De  profeet  Amos,"  Iheologisch  Tijdschrift, 

XIV.  (1880),  114-58. 

(2)  "Hozea,"  ibid.  XXIV.  (1890)  345-64;  480-505. 
Oort  (.£#/.),  Textus  Hebraici  Emendationes  quibus  in  Vetere  Testamento 

Neerlandice  vertendo  usi  sunt  A.  Kuenen,  I.  Hooykaas, 

W.  H.  Kosters,  H.  Oort.     Edidit  H.  Oort  (1900). 
Or.  Orelli,  The  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  (1888;  transl.  by  J.  S. 

Banks,  1893). 
Os.  Osiander,  Ezechiel,  Daniel,  Osee,  Joel,  Amos,  Abdias,  Jonas, 

etc,juxta  veterem  seuvulgatam  translationem  ad Hebraeam 

veritatem  emendati,  etc.  (1579). 

PA  OS.  Proceedings  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

Pareus,  Hoseas  proph.  comm.  illustr.  cum  transl.  trip,  ex  Hebr.  et 

Chald.  (1605-09). 

Paton,  Hist.  L.  B.  Paton,  The  Early  History  of  Syria  and  Palestine 

(1901). 

PEF.  Quarterly  Statements  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund. 

Perles,  Analekten  zur  Textkritik  des  Alten  Testaments  (1895). 

Po.  Edward  Pococke,  A  Commentary  on  the  Prophecy  of  Hosea 

(1685). 

PRE?  Realencyklop'ddie  fur  protestantische  Theologie  und  Kirche, 

begriindet  von  J.  J.  Herzog;  in  dritter  verbesserter  und 
vermehrter  Auflage  .  .  .  von  A.  Hauck  (1896  ff.;  14  vols. 
are  now  issued). 

Preiswerk,  Explication  des  douze  derniers  livres  prophetiques  de  I'An- 

cien  Testament  (1841). 

PSBA.  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 

Pu.  E.  B.  Pusey,  The  Minor  Prophets  with  a  Commentary,  ex 

planatory  and  practical,  and  Introductions  to  the  several 
Books.  Vol.  I.  (1865). 

I  R.,  II  R.,  Ill       Rawlinson's     Cuneiform    Inscriptions   of    Western   Asia, 

R.,  IV  R.,  V  R.      5  vols. 

Ra.  or  Ras.  Rashi,  i.e.  Rabbi  Solomon  ben  Izaak  (f  1105). 

Redslob,  Die  Integrit'dt  der  Stelle  Ho.  7^°  im  Frage  gestellt  (1842). 

Reu.  Ed.  Reuss,  Das  Alte    l^estament  iibersetzt  eingeleitet  und 

erlaitiert,  Band  II,  Die  Propheten  (1892). 


AUTHORS  AND   BOOKS 


xxvii 


RFH.  Robert  Francis  Harper  (see  ABL.\ 

Riedel,  Alttestamentliche  Untersuchungen,  Part  I.  (1902),  1-36. 

Ri(ehm),  HBA.     Riehm's  Handw'drterbuch  d.  Biblischen  Alterthums. 

Riehm,  Einl.          Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  Vol.  II.  (1890), 

Rob.  BR?  or  Pal.  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  3  vols.  (2d  ed., 
1874). 

Ros.  Rosenmiilleri,  Scholia  in  Vetus  Testamentum  in  compen 

dium  redacta  ;  postauctoris  obitum  edidit  J.  C.  S.  Lechner. 
Vol.  VI.  scholia  in  prophetas  minores  continens  (1886). 

RP*  Records  of  the  Past  (new  series),  Vols.  I-IV.  (1889-92). 

Ru.  Paul  Ruben,  Critical  Remarks  upon  Some  Passages  of  the 

Old  Testament  (1896). 

Riickert,  Hebraische  Propheten,  ubersetzt  und  erldutert,  Vol.  I.  ( 1 83 1 ) . 

Sanctius,  Comm.  in  Proph.  Min.  (1621). 

Sayce,  Bab.  ReL  A.  H.  Sayce,  Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth  of  Reli 
gion  as  Illustrated  by  the  Religion  of  the  Ancient  Baby 
lonians  (Hibbert  Lectures,  1887). 

Sayce,  HCM.  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Verdict  of  the  Monuments  (3d 
ed.,  1894). 

Sayce,  Pat.  Pal.     Patriarchal  Palestine  (1895). 

SBONT.  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  A  New 

English  Translation  with  Explanatory  Notes  and  Pic 
torial  Illustrations,  prepared  by  ...  and  edited,  with  the 
assistance  of  H.  H.  Furness,  by  Paul  Haupt. 

SBOT.  The  Sacred  Books  of  the  Old  Testament.  A  Critical  edi 

tion  of  the  Hebrew  Text,  printed  in  Colors  with  Notes, 
prepared  by  .  .  .,  under  the  editorial  direction  of  Paul 
Haupt. 

Schegg,  Die  kleinen  Propheten  ubersetzt  und  erklart,  Theil  I.  ( 1 854) . 

Schleus.  J.  F.  Schleusneri,  Opuscula  critica  ad  versiones  Graecas 

Veteris  Testamenti  pertinentia  (1812). 

Schlier,  J.  Die  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten.  Ein  Wegweiser  zum  Verst'dnd- 

niss  des  Prophetemvortes  fur  die  Gemeinde  (2d  ed.,  1876). 

Schmo.  Schmoller,  Exposition  of  the  Books  of  Hosea  and  Amos  in 

Lange's  Bibelwerk  (1872;  transl.  by  J.  F.  McCurdy 
[Hosea]  and  T.  W.  Chambers  [Amos],  1874). 

Schmidt,  Sebastian  Schmidt,  In  Prophetam  Hoseam  commentarius 

(1687). 

Scholz,  Commentar  zum  Buche  des  Propheten  Hosea  (1882). 

Schra.  Eberhard  Schrader  (see  KA  T.  and  KB.  and  KGF.}. 

Schro.  J.  F.  Schroder,  Die  kleineren  Propheten  ubersetzt  und 

erldutert  (1829). 

Schultz,  Theol.  Old  Testament  Theology  (1869;  5th  ed.,  1896;  English, 
1892). 


xxvill  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 

Seb.  Mark  Sebok,  Die  syrische    Uebersetzung  d.  zwolf  kleinen 

Propheten    und  ihr  Verhaltniss   zu   dem    massoretischen 

Text  und  zu   den   alter  en    Uebersetzungen,    namentlich 

den  LXX.  und  dem  Targum  (1887). 
Seesemann,  Israel  und  Juda  bei  Amos  und  Hosea  nebst  einem  Exkurs 

uber  Ho.  1-3  (1898). 
Sellin,  Beitrage  zur  israelitischen  undjudischen  Religionsgeschichte 

(1896  f.). 
Sharpe,  Notes    and  Dissertations    upon    the    Prophecy    of  Hosea 

(1884). 
Sim.  August  Simson,  Der  Prophet  Hosea  erkl'drt  und  ubersetzt 

(1851). 
SK.  Theologische    Studien    und  Kritiken,   herausgegeben  von 

E.  Kautzsch  und  E.  Haupt. 

Skinner,  Kings  (New-Century  Bible,  1904). 

Sm.  R.  Smend. 

Sm.  ReL  Lehrbuch  der  alttestamentlichen  Religionsgeschichte  (1893  ; 

2d  ed.,  1899). 

HPS.  O.  T.  Hist.,  H.  P.  Smith,  Old  Testament  History  (1903). 
SS.  Siegfried  und   Stade,  Hebraisches  Worterbuch  zum  Alien 

Testamente  (1903). 

St.  H.  Steiner  (see  under  Hi.). 

Sta.  Bernhard  Stade. 

Sta.  GVI.  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel  (1887-89). 

Sta.  §.  Lehrbuch  der  Hebraischen  Grammatik  (1879). 

Sta.  SBOT.  The  Books  of  Kings  — Critical  Edition  of  the  Hebrew  Text 

printed  in  Colors  (1904). 

Sta.  Akad.  Reden,  Ausgewahlte  Akadeniische  Reden  und  Abhandlungen  (1899). 
Staudlin,  Neue  Beitrage  zur  Erlauterung  der  biblischen  Propheten 

(I790- 
Stek.  Schuurmans  Stekhoven,  De  Alexandrijnsche  Vertaling  van 

het  Dodekapropheton  (1887). 
Stru.  Struensee,  Neue   Uebersetzung  der  Weissagungen  Jesaias, 

Joels,    Amos,     Obadja     und    Micha    nach    dem    Ebr'd- 

ischen    Text    mit  Zuziehung   der  griechischen    Version 

(1773). 
Stuck,  Hoseas  Propheta.      Introductionem  praemisit,  vertit,  com- 

mentatus  est  (1828). 
SV.  Skizzen  und  Vorarbeiten,  von  J.  Wellhausen,  Vols.  I.-VI. 

(1884-89). 

Tay.  J.  Taylor,  art.  "  Amos,"  Hastings's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

Theiner,  Die  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten  (1828). 

Theod.  Theodoret,  Bishop  of  Cyrus  (t457)« 

T(h}LZ.  Theologische  Literaturzeitung. 


AUTHORS  AND  BOOKS 


xxix 


Thomson,  LB.  The  Land  and  the  Book  ;  or  Biblical  Illustrations  drawn 
from  the  Manners  and  Customs,  the  Scenes  and  Scenery, 
of  the  Holy  Land,  by  W.  M.  Thomson,  2  vols.  (1859). 

ThSt.  Theologische  Studi'en.     Tijdschrift  onder  redactie  van  F.  E. 

Daubanton  en  C.  H.  Van  Rhijn. 

ThT.  Theologisch  Tijdschrift. 

Torrey,  (i)  "On  the  Text  of  Am.  526  61-2  72,"  Journal  of  Biblical 

Literature,  XIII.  (1894),  61-3. 
(2)  "Notes  on  Am.  a7  610  818  98-10,"   ibid.  XV.  (1896), 


Tott.  Tottermann,    Die    Weissagungen    Hosea's    bis    zur    ersten 

assyrischen  Deportation  (/-6s)  erlautert  (1879). 
Tristram,  NHB.    Natural  History  of  the  Bible  (1889). 
TSBA.  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 


Umb. 


Va. 


Val. 

Vatablus, 

Volz, 
Vol. 


We. 


Umbreit,  Praktischer  Commentar  uber  die  kleinen  Propheten, 
I.  (1844). 

Vater,  Amos  ubersetzt  und  erl'dutert  mit  Beifugung  des 
Hebraischen  Textes  und  des  Griechischen  der  Septua- 
ginta  nebst  Anmerkungen  zu  letzterem  (1810). 

Valeton,  Amos  en  Hosea  (1894  ;   German,  1898). 

Commentary  on  Minor  Prophets,  contained  in  Critici  Sacri 
(1660). 

Die  vorexilische  Jahweprophetie  und  der  Messias  (1897). 

K.  Vollers,  "  Das  Dodekapropheton  der  Alexandriner," 
Zeitschrift  fur  die  alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  III. 

(1883),  219-72;    IV.  (1884),   1-20. 


J.  Wellhausen,  Die  kleinen  Propheten  ubersetzt  und  erklart 

(1892;   3d  ed.  1 898  =  We.3). 

We.  Prol.  Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel. 

We.  SV.  Skizzen  und  Vorarbeiten,  Vols.  I. -VI.  (1884-89). 

We.  Hex.  Die  Composition  des  Hexateuchs  und  der  historischen  Buchcr 

des  Alien  Testaments  (1889). 
Wkl.  H.  Winckler. 

Wkl.  Untersuch.    Alttestamentliche  Untersuchungen  (1892). 
Wkl.  A  OF.  Altorientalische  Forsch ungen  ( 1 893  ff .) . 

Wkl.  GL  Geschichte   Israels   in  Einzeldarstellungen,  2  vols,  (1895- 

1900). 

W.  Max  Miiller,  AE.,  Asien  u.  Europa  nach  Altagyptischen  Denkmalern  (1893). 
WRS.  Proph.          W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel  (1882  ;   new  ed.,  1895). 
WRS.  Sem.  Lectures  on  the  Religion  of  the  Semites  (1889  ;  2d  ed.,  1894). 

WRS.  OTJC?       The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church  (1881 ;   2d  ed., 

1892). 


XXX  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 

Wil  Wiinsche,  Der  Prophet  Hosea   ubersetzt  und  erklart,  mit 

Benutzung  der  Targumin  der  jiidischen  Ausleger  Raschi, 
Aben  Ezra  und  David  Kimchi  (1868). 

ZA.  Zeitschrift  fur  Assyriologie,  herausgegeben  von  C.  Bezold. 

ZA  W.  Zeitschrift  fitr  die  alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  heraus 

gegeben  von  Dr.  Bernhard  Stade. 

ZDMG.  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  morgenlandischen  Gesellschaft. 

ZDPV.  Zeitschrift  d.  deutsch.  Palaestina-Vereins. 

ZKW.  Zeitschrift  fur  kirchliche  Wissenschaft  und  kirchliches 

Leben. 

ZL  Th.  Zeitschrift  fur  Lutherische  Theologie. 

ZWTh.  Zeitschrift  fur  ivissenschaftliche  Theologie. 


Biblical  passages  are  cited  according  to  the  English  enumeration  of  chap 
ters  and  verses,  except  in  the  textual,  strophical,  and  grammatical  portions 
where  the  Hebrew  enumeration  is  followed. 


INTRODUCTION 


A.    FACTORS  IN  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  MOVEMENT. 
§  i.  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  MOVEMENT  IN  GENERAL. 

FOR  a  proper  understanding  of  the  place  of  Amos  and  Hosea  in 
connection  with  Hebrew  prophecy  it  is  necessary  to  consider 
briefly  the  principal  manifestations,  during  the  two  preceding  cen 
turies,  of  what  may  be  called  "  pre-prophetisrn  "  ;  *  the  basis  of 
this  movement  and  its  chief  characteristics ;  likewise  its  funda 
mental  thought  (concerning  God,  man,  worship,  life,  and  the 
future),!  as  wrought  out  in  this  period.  In  the  same  connec 
tion  some  attention  must  be  given  to  Assyria,  which  in  these 
times  touches  Israel  so  closely  and  exercises  so  marked  an  in 
fluence  upon  the  development  of  Israelitish  thought.  J  With  some 
of  the  data  relating  to  these  subjects  in  our  possession,  we  shall 
be  better  prepared  to  take  up  the  subjects  connected  with  Amos 
and  Hosea,  viz.  in  each  case  the  personal  life,  the  message,  the 
public  ministry ;  likewise  the  literary  form  of  the  prophetic  work, 

*  The  distinction  between  prophetism  proper  (i.e.  written  prophecy)  and  that 
out  of  which  it  sprang  is  important,  and  may  be  maintained  by  using  for  the  latter 
the  word  "  pre-prophetism."  For  the  same  reason,  we  may  use  nabhi  (pi.  nebhiim) 
in  speaking  of  those  (not  seers)  who  preceded  Amos.  Cf.  the  use  of  the  terms 
Nebiismus  and  Prophetismus  by  R.  Kraetzschmar  in  Prophet  and  Seher  im  Alien 
Israel  (1901). 

t  In  other  words,  the  theology  of  these  times,  as  it  has  been  preserved  in  con 
temporaneous  writings  and  in  tradition. 

J  A  striking  characteristic  of  Israel,  in  comparison  with  its  sister  nations,  was 
a  readiness  to  receive,  from  the  outside,  contributions  in  the  form  of  new  institutions 
and  new  thought.  Much  of  this  was  bad  and  in  time  was  lost ;  but  much  of  it, 
being  good,  was  retained.  The  gradual  accumulation  and  assimilation  of  this 
outside  material,  under  the  guidance  of  an  all-wise  Providence,  ultimately  lifted 
Israel  to  a  position  of  influence  in  world-history. 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION 

the  versions  in   which  it  has  come  down  to  us,  and  the  more 

important  literature.* 

The  spirit  of  pre-prophetism  was  always  alert  and  aggressive.  Its  manifes 
tations  were  frequent,  strong,  and  of  a  unique  character.  These  manifesta 
tions  were  factors  in  preparing  the  way  for  that  "point  in  the  history  of 
prophecy  at  which  this  great  religious  phenomenon  rises  —  apparently,  but 
surely  not  really  —  on  a  sudden  to  a  higher  level"  (Che.  EB.  3855);  in 
other  words,  the  point  at  which  Amos  and  Hosea  appear  upon  the  scene  of 
action.  Unless  a  better  explanation  of  the  forward  step  taken  at  this  time  by 
the  so-called  writing  prophets  can  be  furnished  than  that  which  Budde  {ReL 
131)  proposes  (viz.  their  utter  failure  to  impress  the  people  by  oral  speech), 
the  question  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  problem  still  unsolved. 

§  2.    PRE-PROPHETIC  PARTICIPATION  IN  THE  REVOLT  OF 
JEROBOAM  I. 

The  participation  of  the  nebhVim  in  the  revolt  which  resulted 
in  the  disruption  of  the  united  kingdom  may  be  assumed,!  not 
withstanding  the  late  date  of  those  portions  of  the  narrative  \  in 
which  this  participation  is  especially  described. 

*  Much  is  gained  in  thinking  of  Amos  and  Hosea  as  together  presenting  a  single 
unit  of  thought ;  for,  while  each  is  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  other  in  tempera 
ment  and  in  message,  neither,  by  himself,  is  complete.  They  must  both  be  taken 
to  secure  the  whole  idea. 

f  Kue.  (Rel.  I.  198  f.)  says,  "  The  revolt  of  the  ten  tribes  from  the  royal  house 
of  David  was  undoubtedly  countenanced  by  the  prophets,  especially  by  those  of 
Ephraim  "  ;  We.  (Prol.  458),  declares  that  they  "  actually  suggested  and  promoted 
it";  Kit.  (Hist.  II.  188)  says,  "Jeroboam  was  supported  in  his  enterprise  by  a 
prophet,  Ahijah  of  Shiloh  ";  Kent  (Hist.  II.  20)  maintains  that  it  was  supported  by 
prophets  who  selected  the  leader.  So  also  Gu.  (GVI.  130-132),  Wade  (O.T.Hist. 
313),  Paton  (Hist.  191).  Cf.  Che.  (EB.  2406),  who,  though  treating  the  narratives 
as  unhistorical,  regards  it  as  possible  that  Jeroboam  had  friendly  relations  with 
Ahijah  who  lived  at  Shiloh,  and  certain  that  the  northern  prophets  were  on  Jero 
boam's  side;  and  contra  Winckler  ((77.  I.  159  f.,  II.  273)  and  H.  P.  Smith  (O.  T 
Hist.  1903,  pp.  177-80),  who  make  no  reference  to  prophetic  influence;  Sta.  (GVI. 
I.  306 f.),  who  declares  the  narratives  concerning  the  prophets  to  be  without 
historical  basis. 

t  There  are  four  stories  :  (i)  Ahijah,  i  K.  ii»-40f  of  which  vs. 29-31  may  be  early 
(so  Kit.  and  Skinner)  ;  but  all  is  considered  late  by  Wkl.  (Untersuch.  8f.),  Kamp- 
hausen,  Benz.,  and  Sta.  (SBOT.)  ;  (2)  Shemaiah,  i  K.  1222-24,  clearly  late ;  (3)  "  the 
man  of  God  out  of  Judah  "  and  "  the  old  prophet  at  Bethel,"  i  K.  I31-32,  all  of  which 
is  late;  (4)  the  visit  of  Jeroboam's  wife  to  Ahijah,  i  K.  I41'18,  which,  if  early,  has 
been  thoroughly  worked  over  by  a  later  editor,  the  Hebrew  text  seeming  to  be  a 
late  recension  of  <&. 


PRE-PROPHETISM  AND  THE  REVOLT  OF  JEROBOAM  I.     xxxiii 

This  assumption  is  based  upon  (i)  the  fact  that  the  early  prophets  in  their 
intense  conservatism  stand  opposed  to  every  advance  of  civilization;  cf.  the 
general  policy  of  Elijah  (p.  xxxvi),  the  attitude  of  the  Judean  narrative  toward 
the  beginnings  of  civilization  in  Gn.  416"24,  and  the  opposition  of  Isaiah  (26f- 
316"26)  to  everything  that  seemed  to  favor  luxury  in  life ;  not  to  speak  of  the 
representation  of  this  same  idea  by  the  Nazirites  and  Rechabites  who  were 
closely  associated  with  nebhfism  and  prophetism  (p.  xxxi);  (2)  the  probabil 
ity  that  the  spirit  which  later  actuated  Elijah  (as  well  as  Amos  and  especially 
Hosea)  in  reference  to  the  acknowledgment  of  other  gods  existed,  at  least 
in  germ,  in  the  minds  of  these  earlier  nebhi'im  (so  e.g.  WRS.  Proph.  48  ff.; 
Bu.  Rel.  102);  (3)  the  consistency  of  this  pre-prophetic  action  with  that 
of  Elijah  and  Elisha  in  the  conspiracy  against  the  dynasty  of  Omri,  as  well  as 
with  the  alleged  conspiracy  of  Amos  himself  (Am.  y10-13)  against  Jeroboam  II., 
at  which  time  the  prophetic  temper  was  at  all  events  regarded  as  revolu 
tionary  ;  and  (4)  the  extreme  likelihood  that  the  prophetic  stories,  while  late, 
represent  in  the  main  a  true  tradition,  since  they,  at  least,  indicate  one  school 
of  later  opinion,  the  other  school,  led  by  Hosea  (cf.  Ho.  84  I311)  regarding 
the  revolt  or  schism  as  a  great  blunder. 

The  effect  of  the  disruption,  in  so  far  as  the  pre-prophetic 
movement  is  concerned,  appears  (i)  in  the  fact  that  this  move 
ment  takes  place  in  the  North,  rather  than  under  the  Davidic 
dynasty  in  the  South,*  for  until  the  last  twenty  years  or  so  before 
the  end  of  the  Northern  kingdom  (721  B.C.)  Judah  produced 
little  or  nothing  except  the  Judean  narrative  (p.  Ixix).  This  was 
true  in  part,  because  (2)  a  much  greater  liberty  existed  in  the 
North,  as  a  consequence  of  the  failure  of  the  Solomonic  regime  to 
maintain  in  Israel  the  obligations  which  it  succeeded  in  imposing 
upon  Judah;  and  with  this  liberty,  there  was  possible  also  (3)  a 
far  greater  simplicity  of  life  than  in  the  South ;  there  existed,  in 
fact,  a  more  democratic  atmosphere,  the  extreme  class  distinctions 
being  less  emphasized;!  while  (4)  there  was  less  interference 
from  outside  influence  than  would  have  been  felt  under  a  con 
tinuation  of  the  Solomonic  policy;  likewise,  (5)  the  disruption, 

*  Che.  (ER.  3863),  after  making  the  words  "  Gilgal,"  "  Carmel,"  "  Ephraim," 
"Jordan,"  "  Ramoth-gilead,"  etc.  (as  they  occur  in  the  narrative),  corruptions  of 
the  all-pervading  Jerahmeel  of  North  Arabia,  and  after  assigning  the  homes  of 
Elijah  and  Elisha,  as  well  as  of  Amos,  to  this  region,  says,  "  We  cannot  therefore 
be  certain  that  there  were  any  settlements  of  prophets  in  Northern  Israel." 

t  Meinhold  (p.  25)  suggests  that  Yahweh  was  the  champion  of  every  Israelite 
against  the  despotism  of  Solomon,  and  that  the  nab  hi ,  therefore,  as  in  later  times 
the  prophet,  took  the  side  of  the  deity  against  the  despot. 


XXXIV  INTRODUCTION 

in  spite  of  the  calves  of  Jeroboam,  contributed  very  largely  toward 
preparing  the  way  for  that  ultimate  separation  of  Yahweh  irom  a 
place  among  the  gods  of  the  nations,  and  his  elevation  into  the 
god  of  the  heavens.*  The  revolt,  in  a  word,  was  in  some  slight 
sense  an  anticipation  of  the  later  and  more  radical  steps  taken  by 
Elijah  and  Elisha. 

§  3.    THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  MANIFESTATION  UNDER  ELIJAH' 
LEADERSHIP. 

1.  Prophetic  interference  in   the  affairs  of  state   took   place 
under  Elijah's  leadership  in  the  days  of  Ahab  (ca.  875-850  B.C.). 
In   estimating   the   importance  of  this  very  notable   and  unique 
manifestation  of  the   pre-prophetic  spirit,  account  must  first   be 
taken  of  the  different  strata  of  material  preserved.     On  this  point 
students  are  practically  agreed. 

Certain  stories  come  from  about  800  B.C.,  i.e.  from  within  fifty  years  or 
so  of  Elijah's  own  times,  viz.  (a)  the  early  trouble  with  Ahab  and  the 
drought;  the  contest  on  Carmel ;  and  the  visit  to  Horeb  (i  K.  ly'-iS3"-  5~30 
jS^^a-m-si).  (£)  the  story  of  Naboth's  vineyard  (i  K.  2i1-20a-27)i 
(<r)  Elijah's  encounter  with  Ahaziah's  messengers  (2  K.  I1"4-5-8).  From  a 
period  twenty-five  to  fifty  years  later  comes  the  account  of  Elijah's  last  days 
with  Elisha  and  his  translation  (2  K.  21"25).  To  a  much  later  time  belong 
the  story  of  Elijah's  treatment  of  the  companies  sent  out  by  Ahaziah  (2  K. 
i*-18)  and  certain  additions  to  the  early  stories  (e.g.  i  K.  i836-4-31-32a  199^-110 
2I9&.  26. 28f.  Benzinger  makes  2  K.  I5~8  also  late,  and  Kamphausen  the  entire 
account,  2  K.  i1'18).  So  substantially  Kit.,  Benz.,  Kamphausen,  Burney,  and 
Skinner  ;  but  Sta.  (SBOT.}  calls  all  the  Elijah  and  Elisha  material  late  except 

I    K.    IS31'32"    I996.10.11«.c.    2I206.21f.24    2    K     2la.2,56    (cf-    GVL    J    ^    note)  . 

Meinhold  (pp.  17-21)  places  the  stories  about  750  B.C.  on  the  ground  that 
such  legends  could  not  have  developed  in  fifty  years  ;  and  Todd  (Politics  and 
Religion  in  Ancient  hr.  (1904),  195  ff.)  minimizes  Elijah's  significance  and 
makes  the  entire  Baal-story  an  allegory  coming  from  Manasseh's  times. 

2.  In  the  interpretation  of  these  stories,  the  earlier,  as  well  as  the 
later,  must  be  acknowledged  to  show  two  tendencies  of  a  decided 
character.    The  narrator's  point  of  view  is  one  strongly  biassed  by 
the  attitude  toward  Baalism  which  prevailed  in  the  times  succeeding 

«  Cf.  K.  DB.  v.  646  f. 


PRE-PROPHETISM  UNDER    ELIJAH'S   LEADERSHIP     XXXV 

Jehu.  The  picture  of  Ahab  and  his  relation  to  Baalism  is  greatly 
overdrawn,  a  very  large  legendary  element  having  entered  into  it.* 
Besides  this,  Elijah,  called  nabhf,  or  prophet,  only  once  in  the 
entire  narrative  (viz.  i  K.  i822  where  no  other  designation  could 
have  been  employed),  is  everywhere  (especially  in  i  K.  i  y8"24  2  K. 
i9"12  28)  represented  as  possessed  of  magical  powers. f 

3.  But  after  making  full  allowance  for  these  elements,  we  may 
feel  confident  that  Elijah  represents  a  true  historical  character  of 
a  remarkable  type,  and  that  a  proof  of  his  greatness  is  this  very 
"  stupendous  and  superhuman "  image  of  him  here  sketched.  \ 
We  are  not  compelled  to  choose  between  the  two  extreme  views, 
according  to  one  of  which,  the  prophet  Elijah,  while  above  the 
level  of  the  nebhfim  of  his  time,  is  presented  in  greatly  magnified 
form,  the  prophets  of  this  period  having  had  no  such  prominence 
as  the  narratives  assign  to  them ;  §  while  the  other  treats  him  as  a 
Titanic  character  creating  a  new  epoch  in  Israel's  history,  to  be 
placed  side  by  side  with  Moses  himself.  ||  His  proper  place  may 
be  determined  by  observing  certain  secondary  points  in  connec 
tion  with  his  contest  with  Ahab  regarding  Baalism,  and  with 
Ahab's  relations  to  Naboth,  and  all  of  this  must  be  studied 
in  the  light  of  the  issue  of  the  whole  matter  as  it  appears  in  the 
case  of  Jehu  under  Elisha's  ministry. 

Among  other  points,  outside  of  the  two  main  stories,  the  following  should 
not  be  overlooked:  (i)  Elijah  (z/.j.)  is  not  called  nabhi\  because  even  at 
this  time  he  is  recognized  as  something  different.  He  may  not,  however,  be 
placed  in  the  class  of  the  writing  prophets,  because,  unlike  them,  he  has  left 

*  This  is  the  unanimous  voice  of  critical  opinion ;  cf.  e.g.  Kue.  Einl.  §  25 ; 
Kit.  Hist.  II.  267;  Addis,  art.  "Elijah,"  EB.\  We.  Prol.  292  f. ;  Co.  Proph.  29; 
Che.  EB.  3859  f. ;  Meinhold ;  Sm.  Rel?  175  ff. ;  H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T.  Htst.  188 ; 
K.  DB.  V.  655. 

t  This  is  in  accordance  with  the  earlier  conceptions  ot  ncbMism  which  Israel 
held  in  common  with  other  nations ;  ct  the  power  ol  Moses  with  his  magician's 
staff  (Ex.  42<f-  720  923>  etc.),  that  of  Josnua  and  his  spear  (Jos.  I8.ao)f  and  the  use 
of  the  arrow  in  divining  referred  to  in  2  K.  1315  ff.  See  K.  DB.  V.  650  f. ;  Sm. 
Rel?  154;  Kit.  Hist.  II.  266  f.;  Che.  EB.  3856  f. 

|  Cf.  Co.  Proph.  29. 

§  We.  Prol.  291;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  526  f . ;  Todd,  op.  cit.  195  ff.;  H.  P.  Smith,  O. 
71  Hist.  191  ff. ;  Meinhold,  1-32. 

||  Co.  Proph.  29;  Kit.  Hist.  II.  266  f. ;  Addis,  art.  "  Elijah,"  EB.;  Strachan,  art. 
"  Elijah,"  DB. 


XXXvi  INTRODUCTION 

nothing  in  written  form  ;  and  unlike  them,  he  is  closely  associated  with  man* 
ticism  and  magic.  On  the  other  hand,  the  facts  seem  to  make  him  both  seer 
and  nabhf.  Witness  the  point  already  suggested  in  reference  to  manticism  and 
magic,  and,  in  addition,  the  fact  of  his  close  relationship  with  the  societies  of 
nebhi'im,  and  his  apparent  leadership  among  them,  his  farewell  visit  to  the  vari 
ous  headquarters  of  these  societies,  their  strong  interest  in  the  occasion  and  the 
manner  of  his  final  departure  ;  and,  still  further,  those  great  characteristics 
of  sturdiness,  strength,  and  courage  which  bespeak  for  him  a  place  side  by 
side  with  the  seers  of  the  past,  viz.  Moses,  Joshua,  Samuel.  (2)  The  sud 
denness  of  his  appearances  and  disappearances,  so  frequently  a  subject  of 
comment  (i  K.  i;1  i87ff-  2  K.  2ia),  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  lacunae  of  the 
narrative,  rather  than  to  any  effort  upon  the  part  of  the  writer  to  cultivate  an 
atmosphere  of  mystery. 

(3)  The  impression  of  a  magical  personality  (cf.  the  story  of  Samuel  and 
the  witch  of  Endor)  is  conveyed,  not  only  in  the  miraculous  power  ascribed 
to  him  in  general,  but  also  in  his  special  power  over  dew  and  rain  (i  K. 
\f  iS1-41-45),  the  deference  paid  to  him  by  Obadiah  (i  K.  i87ff-),the  use  of  an 
extra  quantity  of  water  to  prevent  suspicion  (i833ff-),  the  physical  performance 
in  connection  with  his  premonition  of  rain  (i842'45),  the  ecstatic  condition 
in  which  he  ran  five  hours  from  Carmel  to  Jezreel  (i84ti),  the  magical  power 
ascribed  to  his  mantle  (i919,  cf.  2  K.  28-13ff-),  which  Elisha  may  not  resist, 
and  with  which  the  waters  are  divided  ;  and  especially  in  the  account  of 
his  marvellous  translation  by  means  of  a  chariot  and  horses  of  fire  (2  K.  211  f  ), 
a  later  expression  of  the  feeling  that  his  activity  was  enduring,  and  that  his 
fellowship  with  God  was  "so  close  that  its  interruption  seemed  inconceiv 
able"  (K.  DR.  V.  655).  In  close  connection  with  all  this  is  (4)  the  strongly 
pronounced  nomadic  spirit,  which,  naturally,  stands  opposed  to  everything 
that  indicates  progress  in  civilization.  This  spirit  appears  in  the  simplicity 
of  his  food  and  dress  (i  K.  ig6- 13  2  K.  I8),  in  his  isolation  from  his  fellows, 
and  in  his  opposition  to  the  religious  policy  of  Ahab  (z/.z.).  Perhaps  this 
furnishes  the  explanation,  also,  of  the  sudden  character  of  his  appearances 
and  disappearances  (z/.5.)  :  it  is  surely  in  accord  with  this  that  he  is  repre 
sented  as  living  by  the  brook  Cherith,  which  flows  into  the  Jordan  (i  K. 
I72~7);  sojourning  outside  of  his  own  country  at  Zarephath  in  Phoenicia 
(i  K.  I78ff-);  paying  a  visit  to  Horeb,  after  a  journey  of  forty  days  and  forty 
nights  (i  K.  I95"8);  and  moving  about  from  place  to  place  (2  K.  I,  2); 
cf.  the  nomadic  character  of  the  Rechabites  (p.  lii),  who  arose  about  this 
time  (z/.z.).  (5)  Not  a  little  light  is  thrown  upon  the  story  of  pre-prophetism 
by  the  two  incidents  in  Elijah's  life,  in  connection  with  which  he  left  his 
native  land  and  visited  foreign  countries.  The  earlier  sojourn  in  Phoenicia, 
at  Zarephath,  together  with  the  nature  of  the  work  performed,  indicates,  on  his 
part,  not  only  the  nomadic  tendency  (in  this  case  encouraged,  doubtless,  by 
fear  of  Ahab),  but  also  an  attitude  toward  non-Israelites  which  is  broad  and 
liberal,  in  spite  of  the  narrow  and  intense  zeal  ordinarily  attributed  to  him ; 
and  besides,  a  leniency  which  meant  that  the  hatred  shown  in  connection 


PRE-PROPHETISM   UNDER   ELIJAH'S   LEADERSHIP     XXXvii 

with  Baalism  was  not  against  that  religion  in  itself,  but  only  against  its 
encroachment  upon  the  realm  of  Yahweh  (Sm.  Rel?  178;  Co.  Proph.  31), 
who  had  now  become  recognized  as,  indeed,  the  god  of  the  land  of  Israel, 
although  not  god  also  of  Phoenicia.  The  visit  to  Horeb  (i  K.  I98ff>),  while 
illustrative  of  many  elements  in  the  prophet's  character  (e.g.  the  longing  for 
solitude  characteristic  of  the  nomad,  and  a  deep  spiritual  nature,  as  well  as  a 
tendency  to  deep  despondency),  also  calls  attention  to  the  prophet's  idea  of 
Yahweh's  original  home  and  dwelling-place,  i.e.  the  place  in  which  one  can 
most  easily  secure  his  oracle  ;  and  is  better  understood  in  the  light  of  Ju.  55 
(cf.  also  Dt.  332  Hb.  33  Ps.  688).  This  journey,  although  undertaken  in  a  fit 
of  discouragement,  and  because  of  Jezebel's  inimical  attitude,  cannot  be  easily 
explained  on  any  other  supposition  than  that  the  nab  hi1 ,  in  accordance  with 
the  general  conviction,  makes  this  pilgrimage,  in  the  fashion  of  all  ages,  to  a 
place  regarded  as  sacred  from  the  oldest  times,  because  there  Yahweh  had 
dwelt  in  the  beginning  (Bu.  Rel.  18  ;  K.  DB.  V.  626  f. ;  Barton,  Semitic 
Origins,  277  ;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  130  ff.). 

(6)  The  chief  elements  in  certain  situations  described  in  the  Elijah-stories 
had  already  been  anticipated  in  earlier  history,  eg.  Solomon  had  erected 
sanctuaries  for  his  foreign  wives  (i  K.  H7f)  just  as  Ahab  does  for  Jezebel 
(v.i.},  and  probably  this  constituted  one  of  the  charges  in  the  prophetic 
indictment  of  that  monarch.  Even  earlier,  Nathan  had  taken  precisely  the 
same  stand  against  the  abuse  of  royal  power  (2  S.  I21-15)  as  that  taken  by 
Elijah  in  the  case  of  Ahab.  Still  further,  the  thought  of  Yahweh's  using 
Syria  (i  K.  IQ15-17)  in  order  to  punish  Israel  for  wrong-doing,  does  not,  of 
itself,  imply  that  Yahweh  is  other  than  a  national  god,  as  is  clear  from  the 
presence  of  this  same  conception  not  only  in  earlier  Israelitish  times  (Nu. 
,440ff.  rjf  E]  Jos.  7  [J]),  but  also  among  other  nations  (cf.  the  part  played 
by  the  gods  in  the  fall  of  Babylon  in  the  Cyrus  Cylinder,*  and  the  representa 
tions  concerning  Yahweh's  power  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  [J,  E],  and  in  the 
confusion  of  tongues  at  Babel  [in  J] ;  cf.  Meinhold,  30  f.).  On  the  further 
bearing  of  this,  v.i.  (7)  Much  turns  upon  the  exact  meaning  assigned 
to  the  utterances  concerning  Yahweh  and  the  Baalim  in  i  K.  iS24-27-37-39 
(Sm.  Rel?  178),  v.t. 

4.  The  uncertainty  of  the  facts  in  the  story  of  Elijah's  struggle 
with  Ahab  and  the  priests  of  Baal  explains,  if  it  does  not  justify, 
the  varying  interpretations  which  have  been  founded  upon  them. 
We  may  consider  here  those  points  which  relate  to  the  form  of 

*The  words  of  Sennacherib's  general  (2  K.  i825  =  Is.  36!°)  might  also  be  cited, 
were  it  not  probable  that  they  represent  a  later  Israelitish  view  rather  than  the 
thought  of  the  Assyrian  (cf.  Sta.,  Benz.,  Marti,  Duhm,  in  loc.}.  It  is  hardly  likely 
that  the  haughty  Assyrian  would  represent  himself  as  acting  in  obedience  to  the 
command  of  the  god  of  a  small,  despised  people. 


XXXviii  INTRODUCTION 

the  story,  the  actual  facts  as  nearly  as  they  can  be  determined, 
and  the  problems  raised  by  these  facts.  But  since  Elijah's  contest 
is  only  part  (or  perhaps  the  beginning)  of  the  great  struggle  which 
was  closed,  under  the  direction  of  Elisha,  by  Jehu,  we  shall  state 
the  problems  and  reserve  a  decision  upon  them  until  the  additional 
help  has  been  gained  which  is  furnished  by  the  events  of  Elisha's 
career  and  a  consideration  of  the  actual  denouement  (pp.  xlviii  f.). 

(i)  Reference  has  been  made  to  the  date  of  the  material  (v.s.~),  as  weH  as 
to  its  prejudiced  character.  We  cannot  fail  to  note  also  its  fragmentary  form, 
e.g.  its  failure  to  furnish  any  introduction  to  the  story  of  the  challenge,  from 
which  an  adequate  knowledge  of  the  events  leading  up  to  it  may  be  obtained; 
the  lack,  also,  of  the  end  of  the  story,  in  which  one  might  have  expected  to 
find  out  how  Elijah  executed  the  commission  given  him  at  Horeb,  for  surely 

1  K.  iQ1^20  cannot  be  accepted  as  a  fitting  conclusion;   and,  still  further,  the 
absence  of  anything  that  will  throw  light  on  the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction 
in  I  K.  I917.     Perhaps  the  story  of  Naboth  was  intended,  as  Wellhausen  sug 
gests,  to  be  the  beginning  of  the  judgment  which  overtook  the  worshippers 
of  Baal.     (2)  The  facts  in  the  story  itself  are  not  always  mutually  consistent, 
and  the  statement  throughout  bears  evidence  of  being  too  strongly  colored 
against  Ahab.      The  formal  charge  in   I  K.  I630"33  represents  him  as  being 
actually  the  greatest  sinner  that  has  yet  occupied  Israel's  throne.     But  every 
accusation  made,  except  that  of  building  an  altar  in  the  house  of  Baal  (v.82), 
comes  from  the  Deuteronomic  period,  nearly  two  and  a  half  centuries  later, 
when  the  official  spirit  had  altogether  changed.     Was  the  extension  of  this 
courtesy  to  his  wife  worse  than  the  similar  act  of  Solomon  ?     And  then,  we 
may  not  think  that  Ahab  had  altogether  forsaken  Yahweh,  or  that  Yahwism 
was  in  so  bad  a  state,  when  we  learn  that  of  Ahab's  children,  three  (i  K.  22*° 

2  K.  31  818-  26)  were  given  names  containing  the  word  Yahweh  as  one  element; 
that  Ahab  is  able  to  find  four  hundred  Yahweh  prophets  in  one  place,  when 
there  is  occasion  for  their  service  (i  K.  226);  and  that  the  number  of  those 
who  had  not  bowed    the  knee  to  Baal  was  seven  thousand,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  all  of  the  Bai  \  adherents  are  able  a  little  later  to  be  accommo 
dated  in  one  house  (2  K.  io21-23).     If,  now,  we  add  to  this  the  statement  of 
Jehu  that  Ahab  served  Baal  only  a  little  (2  K.  io18),  and  the  evidence 
that  Jezebel  was,  indeed,  a  malicious  and  vindictive  woman,  we  may  well 
suppose  not  only  that  the  situation  was  less  serious  than  it  is  represented, 
but  also  that  Jezebel,  rather  than  Ahab,  was  the  chief  sinner.     Ahab,  follow 
ing  the  policy  of  David  and  Solomon,  sought  to  strengthen  his  throne  and 
benefit  the  nation  by  alliance  with  outside  powers,  and  did  not  appreciate  the 
full  meaning  of  the  struggle  as  it  presented  itself  to  Elijah.    He  regarded  the 
question  as  one  in  which  the  royal  authority  was  involved,  and,  encouraged 
doubtless  by  the  Tyrian  influence,  acted  accordingly  (WRS.  Proph.  76  ff.). 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  Jezebel  was  zealous  and  persistent  in  her  efforts  to 


PRE-PROPHETISM  UNDER   ELIJAH'S   LEADERSHIP     xxxix 

build  up  the  Baal-party,  for  political  as  well  as  for  religious  purposes.  The 
Tyrian  Baal-worship  threatened  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  Israelitish 
Yahweh-worship.  (3)  But  these  facts,  even  in  this  simpler  and  less  sensational 
form,  represent  a  contest.  What  was  the  point  at  issue  ? 

The  question,  in  general,  is  this  :  Does  Elijah  here  draw  the  line 
between  the  spiritual  Israel  (i.e.  the  seven  thousand),  and  Israel  of 
the  flesh,  who,  though  of  the  nation,  are  not  members  of  the  elect, 
known  later  as  "  the  remnant "  ?  *  Are  the  spiritual  and  the  worldly 
here  for  the  first  time  brought  into  conflict  ?f  Does  Elijah,  then, 
give  evidence  of  a  conception  of  God  higher  than  any  that  has  yet 
been  held?  Or,  on  the  other  hand,  shall  we  throw  out  this  entire 
narrative  of  the  Baal-struggle  as  absolutely  unhistorical ;  \  and 
understanding  that  it  had  its  origin  a  century  or  a  century  and  a 
half  later  than  was  indicated  above,  regard  it  as  consequently  the 
expression  of  a  time  not  earlier  than  that  of  Amos  and  Hosea  ? 
In  either  case  may  we  suppose  that,  after  all,  Elijah's  position  is 
nothing  more  than  Ahijah  might  have  taken  against  Solomon,  the 
fact  being  that  the  struggle  is  on  behalf  of  the  old  idea,  viz.  an 
undefiled  cultus,  through  a  correct  performance  of  which  Yahweh's 
demands  are  satisfied,  §  and  not  in  behalf  of  the  new  idea,  empha 
sized  by  the  writing  prophets,  that  Yahweh's  religion  was  something 
other  than  a  cult  ?  Does  Elijah  represent  Yahweh  as  about  to 
bring  great  punishment  on  Israel,  through  Syria,  because  of  failure 
to  observe  a  pure  cult,  or  because  of  ethical  shortcomings  ?  This 
is  the  question  at  issue.  The  answer  to  it  is  of  great  con 
cern  in  determining  the  value  of  the  contribution  of  Amos  and 
Hcsea. 

5.  The  Naboth  story  is  perhaps  more  significant  than  anything 
else  connected  with  the  life  of  Elijah,  for  here  there  is  spoken  the 
condemnation  of  governmental  unrighteousness  which  receives  so 
large  a  notice  from  later  prophets. 

Some  difficulties  exist,  likewise,  in  the  form,  as  it  is  given  us,  of  this 
story  (i  K.  21).  It  is  easy  to  see  that  it  interrupts  the  connection  of  chaps.  20 
and  22.  If  to  this  we  add  that  in  <&  it  immediately  follows  chap.  19,  and  that 
it  has  many  points  of  affinity  with  the  narrative  in  chaps.  17,  19  (e.g.  the 


*  We.  hr,  u.  jild.  Geschl  54,  note.  f  Sm.  Rel?  177  ff. 

J  Sta.  GVLl.  526  ff. ;  Todd,  op.  cit.  195  ff.  §  Meinhold,  24  ff. 


xl  INTRODUCTION 

representation  of  Ahab  as  a  weak  man  controlled  by  Jezebel;  also  the  appar 
ent  dependence  of  2i20a  upon  i817),  sustaining  no  relation  to  chaps.  20,  22, 
we  have  a  fairly  strong  case  for  the  order  given  in  (51  (v.s.).  But  now,  if 
we  put  together  the  fact  that  Elijah  is  being  introduced  again  by  the  same 
writer  after  his  successor  has  been  appointed  (i  K.  IQ15'21);  the  fact  that  the 
murder  of  Naboth  contributed  more  largely  to  the  ruin  of  Ahab's  house  than 
did  his  religious  policy  (Ew.Hist.  IV.  71, 107;  Co.  Proph.  31  ff.;  Skinner,  255) ; 
and  the  better  understanding  gained  of  the  Carmel  episode  if  we  suppose  the 
murder  of  Naboth  to  have  preceded  it,  and  to  have  excited  the  feeling  of  the 
people  against  Ahab  (Skinner,  255;  WRS.  EB.  2670),  —  we  are  compelled  to 
assume  either  that  chap.  21  originally  stood  between  vs.18and19  of  chap.  19, 
or  that  it  is  an  independent  document  (cf.  its  resemblance  to  I41"16,  and  the 
view  of  Burney  that  it  belongs  to  the  same  source  as  2  K.  gi-io28).* 

Keeping  in  mind  the  difficulties  which  the  form  of  the  story 
presents,  we  may  note  in  reference  to  its  content :  (a)  that  the 
main  point,  rebuke  of  the  king  for  an  outrageous  act,  is  the 
same  as  that  found  in  the  Nathan-David  story  (v.s.),  and  forms 
one  of  the  principal  topics  in  the  discourses  of  Amos  and  Hosea ; 
(b)  that,  after  all,  Ahab's  act  was  not  an  unusual  thing  for  an  oriental 
monarch  (v.s.)  ;  but,  in  this  case,  the  ancient  spirit  of  freedom  is 
again  aroused  (as  in  the  days  of  the  disruption)  against  a  personal 
despotism;  (c)  that  it  was  this  crime  (v.s.*),  rather  than  Ahab's 
defence  of  Baalism,  that  cost  him  his  throne,  a  significant  fact  in 
the  history  of  national  ethics  and  of  a  true  conception  of  religion. 
In  this  same  connection  we  may  observe  further :  (a)  the  thing 
which  Yahweh  is  here  represented  as  doing  is  something  quite 
unusual ;  the  threat  that  Ahab's  house  is  to  be  destroyed  by  a 
foreign  power,  viz.  Syria,  plainly  makes  Yahweh  something  other 
than  a  merely  national  god  (v.i.)  ;  (b)  the  Naboth-story  is  to 
receive  practically  the  same  interpretation,  whether  we  suppose  it 

*  To  this  may  still  be  added  the  lack  of  harmony  between  chap.  21  and  2  K.  9 ; 
cf.  the  position  of  Naboth's  "field"  in  2  K.  916ff-,  a  little  way  from  Jezreel,  and 
Naboth's  "vineyard"  close  to  Ahab's  palace  (in  Samaria?),  I  K.  2i18,  and  the 
variants  of  ©  in  v.1 ;  the  visit  of  Ahab  to  his  ill-gotten  prize  on  the  day  after  the 
murder  in  2  K.  g26,  but  apparently  on  the  same  day  in  i  K.  21 ;  also,  the  words  of 
Jehu  in  2  K.  926  tell  us  a  fact  not  in  i  K.  2I11-16,  viz.  that  Naboth's  sons  were  killed. 
On  the  basis  of  these  and  other  facts  chap.  21  is  assigned  to  an  independent  source, 
as  an  appendix  to  chaps.  17-1921,  by  Kue.  Einl.  IIL  78;  Meinhold,  12 ff.;  Gunkel, 
Preussische  Jahrb.  XXVI  I.  (1897) ,  18  ff. ;  Skinner ;  but  cf.  We.  Hex.  283  ff. ;  WRS., 
art.  "  Kings,"  EB.  2670;  Kit.  159-162;  Benz.  in  loc. 


PRE-PROPHETIC   INFLUENCES   IN  TIME   OF   ELISHA       xli 

to  have  preceded  the  Carmel  event,  and  to  be  closely  connected 
therewith  (furnishing,  in  fact,  the  basis  of  that  popular  uprising), 
or  to  have  followed  it  and  been  entirely  independent  of  it.  In 
either  case  it  is  a  cry  for  justice  to  those  oppressed.  Upon  the 
whole,  something  tangible  is  gained  if  the  two  stories  are  joined 
together ;  (c)  with  both  stories  there  may  be  connected  logically 
the  opening  message  of  Elijah  to  Ahab  (i  K.  I71)  containing  the 
threat  of  drought ;  for,  after  all,  this  is  the  question  at  issue  ;  Who 
grants  rain?  Who  is  God?  Yahweh  or  Baal?  The  chief  purpose 
of  this  threat  was  "  to  demonstrate  that  the  God,  whose  servant  is 
Elijah,  is  the  sole  ruler  of  nature,  against  whose  will  no  power 
in  heaven  or  earth  can  prevail"  (Skinner).  This,  in  brief,  was 
Elijah's  great  message  (v.s.). 


§  4.   PRE-PROPHETIC  INFLUENCES  IN  THE  TIME  OF  ELISHA. 

i.  Close  cooperation  of  the  prophet  with  the  government,  a 
conspiracy  against  the  government  and  its  overthrow  by  the  insti 
gation  of  the  prophet,  —  all  this  took  place  in  the  days  of  Elisha 
(ca.  850-800  B.C.).  In  this  we  have  the  completion  of  the  work 
initiated  by  Elijah. 

The  portions  of  2  K.  concerned  with  the  life  of  Elisha  may  be  classified : 

(1)  21"25  41-623  81"15  I314'21,  a  series  of  early  prophetic  narratives  of  a  personal 
or  biographical  character,  loosely  strung  together  and  laying  special  emphasis 
on  Elisha's  activity  as  a  wonder-worker  (to  be  designated  by  the  symbol  E6) ; 

(2)  S4'27  62*-7~  91"6- 11~28-  30-io27,  a  different  collection  of  early  prophetic  narra 
tives  giving  special  attention  to  Elisha's  influence  in  affairs  of  state  and  in  the 
campaigns  against  Syria  and  other  nations  (E*») ;    (3)  31'3  71*"20  816-24-  ^  97'10 
IO28-si.  32-365  a  series  of  later  additions  chiefly  from  the  pen  of  the  Deuteronomic 
compiler  of  Kings.     Cf.  the  comm.  of  Kit,  Benz.,  Burney,  Skinner;   and  Kue. 
Einl.  IIL  80  ff.;    We.  Hex.  286-90;    Addis,  art.  "Elisha,"  EB.\    Dr.  LOT. 
196  f.;   WRS.  and  K.,  art.  "  Kings,"  EB. 

This  material  presents  some  of  the  characteristics  named  above,  notably, 
e.g.  (#)  the  magical  element  (strikingly  similar,  and  even  stronger),  but  there 
is  little  or  no  basis  for  the  opinion  (H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T.  Hist.,  p.  194,  and 
others;  cf.  contra,  Addis,  EB.  1276;  Strachan,  art.  "  Elijah,"  DB.\  and  the 
comm.  of  Kit.,  Benz.,  and  Skinner)  that  the  Elisha-memoirs  are  in  large  part 
a  duplication  of  those  of  Elijah,  and  consequently  unhistorical.  (£)  The  lack 
of  chronological  order,  as  well  as  of  chronological  indication;  and  the  result 
of  this  is  to  create  a  wrong  impression  of  Elisha's  career  (cf.  Addis,  EB.  1276; 


xlii  INTRODUCTION 

Strachan,  DB.  I.  694;  Benz.  129;  Kit.  185);  for  who  really  gathers  from  the 
narrative  that  Elisha  lived  forty-five  years  after  the  revolt  of  Jehu?  A.  true 
conception  of  the  case  is  prevented  by  the  placing  of  this  story  at  tne  end, 
with  all  the  anecdotes  but  one  preceding. 

2.  The  following  points,  although  of  secondary  interest,  may 
not  be  ignored  :  — 

(i)  The  first  meeting,  at  which  the  call  was  extended  (by  Elijah,  it  would 
seem,  rather  than  by  Yahvveh  himself),*  took  place  at  the  home  of  Elisha's 
family  (which  must  have  possessed  substance ;  and  consequently  Elisha,  like 
Amos,  was  not  an  ordinary  nabhi^,  some  time  after  Elijah's  visit  to  Horeb,f 
perhaps  six  or  seven  years  before  Elijah's  final  disappearance,  \  in  all  a  dozen 
years  or  so  before  the  great  revolution  which  unseated  the  dynasty  of  Omri. 
Elisha  differed  greatly  from  Elijah  in  appearance  (cf.  the  phrase  hairy  man, 
2  K.  1 8  [unless  with  Kittel,  Benzinger,  and  Skinner,  we  refer  this  to  the  hairy 
mantle],  with  the  epithet  bald-head,  2  K.  223)  and  in  dress  (cf.  the  mantle, 

1  K.  I919,  which  Elisha  does  not  seem  to  have  worn  in  later  life;   note  an.n, 

2  K.  429).    He  used  a  staff,  which,  with  the  mantle,  served  him  in  his  work  as 
a  magician.     In  a  true  sense  he  was  a  successor,  since  he  it  was  who  gave 
political    effect    to    Elijah's    teaching,  §    or,    in    other   words,    faithfully   and 
resolutely  carried  out  the  policy  of  annihilating  Baal  and  all  that  belonged 
to  Baal,  which  was  Elijah's  great  legacy  to  the  nation.  ||      In  this  case  there  is 
no  exegetical  nor  historical  sense  in  calling  Elisha  a  "  demagogue,  conspirator, 
revolutionist,  and  agitator  "  (Co.  Proph.  33) ;   the  phrase  "  father  and  guide  of 
the  Northern  kingdom"  (Addis,  EB.  1276)  seems  more  appropriate  (p.  xliv)- 
(2)  The  story  of  the  separation  is  late,  and  exhibits  some  peculiarities,  two  or 
three  of  which  deserve  mention  ;    e.g.  how  comes  it   that   Elijah,  who  has 
always  lived  a  solitary  life,  now  sustains  close  personal  relations  with  the  pro 
phetic  societies?     Perhaps  he  sees  fit  to  change  his  habits  now  that  the  end 
is  coming  (Ew.  Hist.  IV.  80);    or  does  this   document  present  a  different 
conception  of  Elijah  (Skinner)  ?    It  is,  rather,  Elijah's  emphatic  way  of  intro 
ducing  his  successor,  to  whom  he  intrusts  a  task  so  terrible  in  its  seriousness. 
The  passage,  therefore,  has  closer  connection  with  the  "  Elisha-stories  "  than 
with  the  "Elijah-stories."     The  "double  portion"   (29)  is  not   the  portion 
of  the  first-born,  Dt.  2i17  (Thenius,  Benz.,  Kit.,  Skinner,  in  loc.  ;   and  Addis, 
EB.  1277);    nor  may  we  follow  the  literalizing  view  of  Sirach  (that  Elisha 
performed  twice  as  many  miracles  as  did  Elijah) ;  ^f   but  rather  it  expresses 
Elisha's  desire  that,  having  an  even  larger  enduement  of  the  divine  spirit 
than  his  master,  he  may  be  able  to  carry  the  struggle  of  Yahweh  begun  by 


*  Cf.  cases  of  second-hand  inspiration  noted  by  Sm.  AW.2  80,  note. 

f  Addis,  EB.  1276  ;   cf.  Skinner,  242  ;   Benz.  113  ;   Kit.  153  f. 

t  Strachan,  DB.  I.  693.          §  WRS.  Proph.  85.          ||  Kit.  Hist.  II.  279. 

U  EccluS.  4813,  1,-Pfl   NS1D  S3 


PRE-PROPHETIC  INFLUENCES  IN  TIME  OF  ELISHA       xliii 

Elijah  to  a  successful  issue  (Maybaum,  Proph.  76).  On  the  purpose  of  the 
picture,  as  a  whole,  v.s.,  p.  xxxvi.  (3)  The  fact  that  Elisha's  habits  were  those 
of  an  agriculturalist  at  first,  and  later  of  a  city  dweller  (in  Jericho,  2  K.  218, 
Samaria,  632,  Dothan,  613,  Shunem,  410,  Damascus,  87),  plays  an  important 
part  in  contrast  with  Elijah's  nomadic  manner  of  life  (p.  xxxvi).  It  is  not 
enoagb  to  observe  simply  that  here,  as  frequently,  those  are  associated  who 
differ  greatly  from  each  other  (c.g.  Amos  and  Hosea,  Isaiah  and  Micah) ;  or 
that  one  kind  of  mind  is  needed  for  initiation,  another  for  final  execution. 
The  case  is  incomplete,  unless  we  realize  the  full  significance,  in  this  long 
ministry  of,  perhaps,  fifty  years,  of  Elisha's  "  easy  familiarity "  and  gentle 
manners,  not  only  when  he  is  sought  out  by  kings  (2  K.  621  I314),  but  also  when 
he  is  visited  on  new  moon  or  Sabbath  (2  K.  4-2 ff-)  by  the  people  who  trust  him 
implicitly.  Was  this  demagoguery  ?  Then  Jesus  also  must  have  been  a 
demagogue.  Elijah's  whole  career  was  a  protest  against  civilization.  Not  so 
Elisha's  ;  but  rather  an  example  of  wise  and  effective  adjustment,  in  spite  of 
his  strict  religious  views,  to  the  new  environment  created  by  Ahab.  This 
suggests  (4)  other  points  of  character  which  come  out  in  connection  with 
some  of  the  smaller  events,  such  as  the  remarkable  spirit  of  toleration  (cf. 
Elijah  during  his  residence  in  Zarephath)  in  the  advice  given  Naaman  the 
Syrian  (Strachan,  DB.  I.  694);  of  humaneness,  in  his  attitude  toward  the 
Syrian  captives  (622) ;  of  intense  love  for  Israel,  in  his  reply  to  Hazael's 
question,  Why  does  my  lord  weep  ?  (811-13) ;  *  of  widely  recognized  sympathy, 
as  shown  by  the  coming  to  him  of  widows  and  orphans  (41)  ;  of  the  tremendous 
energy  and  fruitfulness  of  his  work,  if  we  may  accept  the  estimate  placed  in 
the  mouth  of  king  Joash  (i314),  for  had  he  not  been  more  to  Israel  than  its 
chariots  and  horsemen  ?f  It  will  be  noted  that  the  data  suggestive  of  these 
elements  in  Elisha's  character  lie,  for  the  most  part,  outside  of  the  field  of  his 
political  activity,  and  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  revolution,  on 
which  v.i. 

3.  Nothing  in  prophecy,  or  indeed  in  the  entire  Old  Testament 
scripture,  is  more  suggestive  of  wonderland  than  the  stories  which 
recount  Elisha's  miracles.  This  idealization  finds  explanation  in 
more  than  a  single  way ;  e.g.  the  writer  thus  makes  expression 
of  the  profound  feeling  of  love  and  esteem  entertained  by  the 
people  for  Elisha,  as  well  as  of  an  equally  profound  belief  in  the 
love  of  Yahweh  for  his  people,  a  love  exhibited  in  the  beneficent 
activity  of  the  great  representative,  Elisha.  Whether  emphasis 
is  to  be  placed  upon  the  first  or  the  second  of  these  ideas  will  be 
determined  by  one's  final  estimate  of  Elisha's  work  as  a  whole. 

*  With  the  reading,  oir>:,  his  face  took  on  a  fixed  look  of  unutterable  horror 
(Skinner,  X.;  cf.  Klo.,  Kit.).  t  Addis,  EB.  1278  ;  Skinner  in  loc. 


xliv  INTRODUCTION 

We  cannot  tail  to  make  three  comparisons:  (i)  Of  these  miracles  with 
those  of  Elijah  (v.s.  p.  xxxvi) ;  but  here  we  should  regard  Elisha's  miracles 
neither,  on  the  one  hand,  as  grotesque  and  vulgar  in  so  far  as  they  are  not 
pure  imitation,  and  as  altogether  lacking  in  sanctification  and  grandeur,*  nor, 
on  the  other,  as  something  altogether  ideal  and  above  criticism  of  any  sort.f 

(2)  Of   Elisha's  relation  to  Samaria  during  the   Syrian  wars,  with  Isaiah's 
relation  to  Jerusalem  in  701  B.C.  during  Sennacherib's  invasion;    but  in  making 
this  comparison,  we  must  remember  that  a  century  and  a  half  full  of  good 
teaching  for  Israel  has  elapsed,  and  that  while  Elisha,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
appears  to  less  advantage  than  does  Isaiah,  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether, 
upon   the   whole,  the    latter  event  was   more   critical  than  the  former,  and 
whether,  likewise,  the  doctrine  of  Zion's  inviolability  established  in  connec 
tion  with   Isaiah's  preaching  in   701  B.C.  was  not  far  more  injurious  to  the 
Israel  of  the  future,  both  ethically  and  politically,  than  the  severe  and,  indeed, 
terrible  measures  apparently  sanctioned  by  Elisha  in  the  uprooting  of  Baalism. 

(3)  Of  Elisha's  miracles  with   those  of  Jesus  Christ;   were  they  not  of  the 
same  general  character  ?     Omitting  the  treatment  of  the  children  slain  by 
bears,  do  they  not  represent  the  single  idea  of  beneficence,  that  is,  love  ? 
From  no  other  source  does  prophecy  receive  a  contribution  which  so  defi 
nitely  represents   or  anticipates  the  Christlike  element   (Addis,  EB.  1277). 
Surely  this  thought  of  love  is  a  new  idea  in  Israel's  religion.     But  is  it  just  to 
attribute  it  to  Elisha  ?     His  life  and  work  furnished  the  conception.     Even  if 
the  stories  are  very  late,  and  even  if  little  historical  fact  may  be  found  in  them, 
they,  at  all  events,  reproduced  Elisha's  character  as  it  appeared  to  the  people 
of  his  own  times  and  of  those  that  followed. 

Much  in  these  miracles  relates  to  the  pre-prophetic  societies  (§  5).  Elisha 
was  strengthening  and  developing  these  societies  for  purposes  of  propaganda 
(Che.  EB.  3863).  These  societies  were  capable  of  exercising  great  influence 
on  Israel.  This  method  of  warfare  was  more  diplomatic  than  that  of  Elijah. 
It  does  not  mean,  however,  that  Elisha  lacked  courage  (2  K.  313f>).  It  is 
probable  that  in  view  of  his  feeling  toward  Joram,  he  did  not  use  his  house  in 
Samaria  to  any  great  extent  until  after  Jehu's  accession,  but  lived  much  of 
the  time  with  the  societies.  This  work  was  to  have  great  significance  in  the 
further  development  of  prophecy. 

4.  The  political  activity  of  Elisha  is  full  of  interesting  problems. 
(i)  Pre-prophetism,  acting  through  him,  now  controlled  the  state. 
He  was  not  merely  an  adviser  like  Isaiah.  He  was  himself  an 
active  participant  in  the  affairs  of  administration,  "a  decisive 
power  in  court  and  camp  "  (Addis,  EB.  1277).  In  this  he  followed 
the  example  of  all  his  predecessors.  The  time  had  not  yet  quite 

*  So  Co.  Proph.  33 ;   cf.  Addis,  EB.  1277. 
•f  So  most  of  the  older  commentators. 


PRE-PROPHETIC  INFLUENCES   IN  TIME  OF  ELISHA        xlv 

come  for  the  introduction  of  a  new  policy,  viz.  that  of  non-inter 
ference  except  in  so  far  as  moral  suasion  might  exert  an  influence. 
(2)  His  relations  with  foreign  kings  and  potentates  are  of  a  re 
markable  nature.  They  seek  him  out.  His  reputation  must  have 
been  widespread.  Meimhold  is  right  in  pointing  out  that  Well- 
hausen  underestimates  the  influence  of  the  prophets  in  these 
times.  It  is  quite  inconceivable  how  certain  writers  *  count  Elisha 
as  of  so  small  a  value  to  Israelitish  thought.  Greater  justice  is 
shown  him  by  others. f 

(3)  The  account  of  the  Moabite  campaign  of  the  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  34'27) 
with  his  vassal  kings  of  Judah  and  Edom  possesses  for  us  a  larger  interest 
even  than  that  which  its  relation  to  the  well-known  Mesha  inscription  (a 
voucher  for  the  historicity  of  this  story)  occasions,  J  because,  being  evidently 
from  the  series  of  political  stories  (p.  xli),  it  assigns  to  Elisha  an  important  role 
as  political  adviser,  and,  besides,  refers  to  certain  facts  in  connection  with  the 
prophet  which  aid  us  in  formulating  our  estimate  of  him.  We  observe  («)  the 
custom  of  making  inquiry  of  the  nebhfim  concerning  war  (cf.  I  K.  226ff-),and 
when  we  recall  the  times  of  Saul  and  the  beginning  of  the  work  of  the 
nebhijim,  we  find  ground  for  the  supposition  that  the  primary  aim  of  these 
dervishes  was  to  awaken  the  spirit  of  the  nation  for  purposes  of  war  (Schwally, 
Semitische  Kriegsaltertiimer,  I.  (1901),  103  ff.;  K.  DB.  V.  653)  ;  but  (b)  Eli 
sha  being  discovered  in  the  camp,  the  mere  mention  of  his  relation  to  Elijah 
(as  the  pourer  of  water  on  the  hands  =  servitor)  gives  him  standing  in  the 
eyes  of  the  king  of  Judah,  who  in  I  K.  22  seems  not  to  have  known  the 
Northern  prophets.  There  is  to  be  noted  next  (c)  the  statement  of  the  king 
of  Israel  (v.13)  which  implies  that  the  kings,  in  this  case  as  in  i  K.  22, 
have  undertaken  this  expedition  by  prophetic  advice  for  which  Yahweh 
was  responsible;  but  (d)  Elisha,  following  Elijah's  policy,  will  have  no 
dealings  with  the  king  of  Israel  (whichever  king  it  was)  §  ;  for  the  sake, 
however,  of  Judah's  king  he  will  speak.  But  he  cannot  speak  except  in  trance, 
and  so  (e}  as  was  his  custom  (HTP,  and  it  used  to  be,  is  frequentative),  he  asks 
for  a  musician  (v.15)  in  order  by  the  influence  of  music  to  excite  himself  into 
the  ecstatic  condition.  This  act,  attested  by  I  S.  io5,  alluded  to  frequently 
in  Arabian  literature  (WRS.  Proph.  392),  and  recognized  to-day  as  a  powerful 
incentive  to  religious  emotion  (cf.  the  influence  of  music  on  Saul's  evil  spirit, 
I  S.  i616),  seems  to  bear  witness  to  three  things  :  that  Elisha  {contra  Elijah) 

*  Co.,  Sta.,  H.  P.  Smith,  Marti. 

f  E\v.,  WRS.,  Addis,  Gu.,  Meinhold,  Sm.,  Kit.;  K.  DB.  V.  655  f. 

%  Mesha's  inscription  relates  to  the  revolt  in  which  he  secured  independence 
from  Israel.  The  campaign  of  Jehoram  seems  to  have  been  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  reduce  Moab  to  submission  again. 

$  Cf.  comm.  on  2  K.  37,  and  ©L's  substitution  of  Ahaziah  for  Jehoshaphat. 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION 

is  in  close  companionship  with  the  nebhfim;  that,  while  the  spirit  of  Yahweh 
takes  hold  of  Elijah  spontaneously,  artificial  means  are  resorted  to  in  Elisha's 
case  ;  and  that  consequently  he  belongs  rather  with  those  that  preceded  him  in 
the  prophetic  work  (i.e.  a  lower  order)  than  with  those  who  followed  {i.e.  Amos 
and  Hosea).  The  first  of  these  all  will  accept;  but  are  the  other  inferences 
strictly  legitimate  ?  May  not  this  act  in  his  case  have  been  merely  the  con 
ventional  way  of  announcing  the  oracle  ?  Is  it  really  any  more  derogatory  to 
his  standing  as  a  prophet  than  the  ecstatic  visions  of  Amos  or  Isaiah  or  Jere 
miah  or  Ezekiel  (v.i.}  ?  (/)  The  method  adopted  to  secure  water  (vs.16~19) 
was  adapted  to  the  possibilities  of  the  locality  (known  for  its  sand-pits) ;  cf. 
the  plagues  of  Egypt.  (^)  The  evident  recognition  (326>27)  of  the  efficacy 
of  the  sacrifice  of  the  king's  own  son  to  Chemosh  is  of  interest  in  fixing  the 
theological  point  of  view  of  the  writer. 

(4)  Evidence  of  Elisha's  political  activity  is  seen,  still  further,  in  the  stories 
of  the  healing  of  Naaman  (51"19),  of  the  entrapping  of  the  Syrians  in  Samaria 
(68-23),  of  the  siege  of  Samaria  by  Ben-hadad  (6'24~72)),  with  each  of  which 
important  difficulties  are  connected ;  *  but,  in  general,  they  show  the  high 
esteem  in  which  Elisha  was  held  by  all  classes  of  men,  his  international  as  well 
as  national  reputation,  his  almost  unlimited  influence  at  home  and  abroad, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  great  breadth  of  his  mind,  and  his  entire  devotion 
to  the  nation's  God,  Yahweh.  We  may  not  go  so  far  as  to  infer  that  Elisha's 
international  greatness  and  his  international  relations  furnished  the  basis  for 
the  idea  of  an  international  god,  which,  in  turn,  prepared  the  way  for  Amos's 
position  taken  in  chaps.  I  and  2;  yet  the  high  character  of  his  work  must  be 
recognized. 

5.  The  great  revolution  instigated  by  Elisha  and  executed  by 
Jehu,  described  in  2  K.  9,  10,  is  one  of  the  most  important  events 
in  Israel's  history ;  this  importance  relates  to  the  political  situation, 
but  also,  and  especially,  to  the  history  of  the  pre-prophetic  move 
ment,  the  relation,  in  that  movement,  of  both  Elijah  and  Elisha  to 
the  history  of  Israel's  religion.  This  revolution  placed  on  the  throne 
the  dynasty  under  which  Amos  and  Hosea  (in  part)  did  their  work. 
That  Omri's  dynasty  had  greatly  strengthened  Israel  at  home  and 
abroad  is  universally  acknowledged,  f  That  seed  was  sown  in  this 
revolution,  which  in  the  end  proved  Israel's  ruin,  has  not  been 
denied  since  Hosea  (i4)  first  announced  it.  We  may  call  Jehu 
ambitious  and  bloodthirsty,  and,  since  he  undoubtedly  believed 


*  E.g.  the  latter  event  is  assigned  to  the  reigns  of  Ahab  (Benz.),  Jehoram  (We.; 
H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T.  Hist.  196),  Jehoahaz  (Kue.  Einl.  IM-  81  f.). 
t  Kit.  Hist.  II.  262;  We.  Prol.  458  f.;  Sta.  GV1.  I.  518,  522. 


PRE-PfcOPHETIC  INFLUENCES   IN  TIME  OP   ELISHA       xlvii 

himself  to  be  acting  for  and  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  a  fanatic.* 
Sacred  history  fails  to  furnish  a  more  ghastly  series  of  official  mur 
ders,  beginning  with  the  shooting  of  Jehoram  in  his  chariot,  and 
closing  with  the  horrible  blood-bath  of  the  Baal-worshippers  in  the 
temple.  But  there  was  prophetic  precedent  for  the  revolution, 
and  the  total  destruction  of  the  royal  house,  when  dethroned, 
has  been  the  regular  routine  in  all  Oriental  revolutions.!  Al 
though  by  the  revolution  there  was  gained  a  destruction  of  the 
Baal  cult,  and  although  it  was  strictly  in  accord  with  Oriental 
policy,  from  the  political  point  of  view  it  was  a  blunder.  } 

It  is  more  difficult  to  reach  a  decision  as  to  the  meaning  of  this 
event  in  connection  with  the  pre-prophetic  movement,  and  of  the 
role  played  by  the  individual  prophets.  Apparently  no  great  fault 
has  ever  been  found  with  Elijah  because  of  his  share  in  it,  and 
yet  it  was  he  who  conceived  and  initiated  the  movement,  indi 
cated  the  exact  lines  of  its  execution,  and  selected  specifically 
the  agents  who  were  to  complete  its  execution.  On  whom,  then, 
rests  the  responsibility  ?  If  one  may  judge  Elijah's  character  by 
the  impression  which  it  produced  upon  his  contemporaries  and 
upon  those  immediately  following  him,  he  himself  would  have 
done,  in  detail,  just  what  Jehu  did;  for  did  he  not  (i  K.  iS40) 
actually  slay  the  prophets  of  Baal  (four  hundred  and  fifty)?  Did 
he  not  foretell  the  awful  events  which  were  to  rid  Israel  of  Baalism 


On  the  other  hand,  severe  criticism  has  been  meted  out  to 


*  Cornill's  characterization  is  too  strong,  viz.  "  one  of  the  most  contemptible 
characters  known  in  the  history  of  Israel"  {Proph.  33). 

t  Cf.  Ju.  g5  i  K.  I529  i6n ;  the  Panammu  Inscription  from  Zinjirli,  line  3,  men 
tions  a  slaughter  of  seventy  kinsmen  of  the  king  in  a  conspiracy  against  the  throne. 
Che.  EB.  2355. 

t  Sta.  GVI.  I.  545;  Gu.  GVL  178;  Co.  Proph.  33. 

§  Bu.  (Rel.  122),  concerning  the  reason  for  the  prophets'  support  of  Jehu,  says : 
"  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  reason  why  Jehu  was  made  the  candidate  of  the 
prophets  for  succession  to  the  throne  was  that  he  was  known  as  a  zealot  for  the 
pure  worship  of  Yahweh.  For  this  reason  alone  we  might  be  sure  that  he  and  his 
successors  were  unremitting  in  their  zealous  endeavor  to  maintain  the  worship  of 
Vahweh  in  Israel  pure  and  uncontaminated.  This  inference  is  fully  confirmed  — 
if  we  may  trust  the  popular  tales  of  the  Second  Book  of  Kings  — by  the  fact  that 
for  full  two  generations  the  prophet  is  found  firmly  established  alongside  the  king, 
as  the  bulwark  of  the  throne."  Cf.  also  K.  DB.  V.  653. 


xlviii  INTRODUCTION 

Elisha,  who,  it  is  maintained,  is  scarcely  to  be  justified  for  his 
participation  in  the  deeds  of  Jehu,  even  from  the  point  of  view  of 
his  own  times.*  It  is  suggested  that  he  was  entirely  deceived  as 
to  Jehu's  character ;  f  or,  in  any  event,  though  meaning  well,  lived 
on  that  lower  plane  of  religious  life  which,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
patriarchs,  did  not  forbid  intrigue  and  bloodshed.  J  Now,  in 
making  our  estimate  of  Elisha,  let  us  recall  (a)  the  lack  of  any 
word  of  disapproval  from  the  pen  of  the  narrators ;  (ft)  the  won 
derfully  beautiful  character  portrayed  by  these  writers,  in  which 
the  features  especially  emphasized  are  humaneness,  tenderness, 
compassion,  and  love,  —  the  very  opposite  of  those  ascribed  to 
Elijah  (who  can  imagine  Elisha  as  suggesting  or  favoring  the 
policy  of  Jehu,  except  under  the  constraint  of  a  controlling  reli 
gious  conviction?);  (c)  the  strangely  solemn  circumstances  of  his 
appointment  to  office,  and  of  his  reception  of  Elijah's  legacy;  (d)  the 
opinion  of  Joash,  when  Elisha's  life  is  just  closing,  a  strong  testi 
mony  in  favor  of  its  magnificent  value,  while  the  estimate  of  Hosea 
is  to  be  treated  as  we  treat  the  anachronistic  utterances  of  other 
prophets  whose  judgments  concerning  earlier  events  are  deter 
mined  by  the  sympathies  and  antipathies  of  a  later  age. 

With  these  points  in  mind,  the  question  briefly  stated  is  this  : 
Was  the  religious  crisis  one  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  justify  the 
revolution  ?  We  do  not  wish,  in  any  sense,  to  justify  the  intrigue 
and  bloodshed  connected  with  the  revolution. 

6.  It  remains  to  present,  in  the  form  of  propositions,  the  answers 
to  the  questions  that  have  thus  far  been  raised  (cf.  pp.  xxxviii  ff. 
and  xliv  f.),  all  of  which  pei  tain  to  the  significance  of  the  revolution 
in  connection  with  the  progress  of  Israel's  religion. 

(1)  The  contest,  initiated  by  Elijah  and  completed  by  Jehu 
under  Elisha's  direction,  was  one  for  which  the  higher  prophetism 
of  the  period  (860  to  800  B.C.)  was  responsible.     It  signified  for 
pre-prophetism  a  great  victory,  and  lifted  it  higher  than  it  had 
before  reached. 

(2)  The   contest  was   a   struggle,  not  so  much  with  the  old 
Canaanitish    Baalism,   which   had    largely  disappeared,  but   with 


*  Co.  Proph.  33;  Addis,  EB.  1278. 

t  Cf.  Kent,  Hist.  II.  68.  t  Kent,  loc.  cit. 


THE  PRE-PROPHETIC   SOCIETIES  xlix 

Phoenician  Baalism,  a  new  form  of  syncretism  which,  in  view  of 
all  the  circumstances,  involved  far  greater  danger  to  the  interesis 
of  the  Yahweh-religion  (v.s.~).* 

(3)  The  point  at  issue  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than  that  of 
Yahweh's  existence ;  it  was  not  simply  that  of  giving  him  a  lower 
place,  but  rather  of  his  complete  rejection ;  t   for  if  Baalism  had 
conquered,  Yahwism  would  sooner  or  later  have  disappeared,  just 
as  Baalism  disappeared  after  the  victory  of  Yahwism. 

(4)  The  conception  of  Yahweh  which  the  prophets  represent  is 
higher  than  that  of  the  past.      For  them  he  is,  to  be   sure,  a 
national  God,  but  he  sustains  relations  also  to  other  nations,  and 
exercises  over  them  a  large  controlling  influence.     This  is  moving 
in   the  direction  of  an  international  God,  although  it  has  not 
reached  that  point. 

(5)  The  religion  for  which  they  contend  is   something   other 
than  a  cult  such  as  had  existed  in  the  past,  but  with  its  corruption 
eliminated,  j      It  may  be  elected  or  rejected.     It  is  one  which 
makes  ethical  demands.     Its  ideal  life  for  men  is  that  of  sympathy 
and  love. 

(6)  The  distinction  is  now  for  the  first  time  drawn  (though  very 
vaguely)  between  the  spiritual  and  the  worldly,  in  other  words 
between  a  true  spiritual  religion  and  nature-worship.  § 

The  content  of  these  propositions  prepares  the  way  for  an 
examination  of  other  pre-prophetic  influences  which  antedated  the 
work  of  Amos  and  Hosea ;  but  before  it  receives  a  final  formu 
lation  it  requires  a  consideration  of  the  other  influences. 

§  5.  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  SOCIETIES. 

i.  The  pre-prophetic  societies  constitute  a  phase  in  the  devel 
opment  of  pre-prophetism  which  bears  closely  on  later  prophecy. 
Omitting  many  points  which  do  not  stand  in  close  relationship 
with  the  later  development,  the  following  may  be  regarded  as 
the  essential  features  for  our  immediate  purpose,  viz.  (i)  the 
numbers  of  the  ne&hi'im,  including  the  closely  related  sects  of  the 
Nazirites  and  Rechabites  ;  (2)  the  general  purpose,  character,  and 

*  K.  DB.  V.  647.  f  Contra  Sm.  Rel?  155 ;  but  cf.  Meinhold,  28. 

J  Contra  Meinhold.         \  Contra  Meinhold;  but  cf.  Sm.  AW.2  177  ff. ;  We. 


1  INTRODUCTION 

habits  of  these  associations;  and  (3)  the  question  of  their  origin, 
their  external  and  internal  relations,  and  their  place  in  history  and 
prophecy.* 

2.  That  these  societies  represented  a  large  movement  (whether 
patriotic,  or  religious,  or  both)  is  clear  from  the  great  numbers  of 
nebhVim  referred  to  (viz.  the  one  hundred  hidden  by  Obadiah, 
i  K.  i83;  the  four  hundred  in  conference  with  Ahab,  i  K.  226; 
the  fifty  or  more  residing  at  Jericho,  2  K.  27-16),  as  well  as  the 
citation  of  some  by  name,f  among  whom  we  must  select  Micaiah 
ben  Imlah  for  special  mention,  since  a  true  estimate  will  place 
him  side  by  side  with  Elijah  and  Elisha,  and,  in  some  respects, 
above  both.  These  numbers  signify  not  only  deep  interest  in 
Yahweh-worship,  but  also  an  intense  excitement  because  this 
worship  was  in  danger  from  the  Baalism  of  Tyre. 

The  failure  of  Ep,  which  describes  the  public  activity  of  the 
nebhfim,  to  make  any  definite  reference  to  the  societies  (but 
cf.  2  K.  91  =  Ep,  and  i  K.  2O35,  probably  late),  as  well  as  the 
silence  of  Eb  concerning  any  public  activity  on  their  part,  is  not 
to  be  interpreted  either  as  destroying  the  value  of  the  represen 
tations  made  in  each  (for  the  narratives  need  not  be  taken  as 
mutually  exclusive]:),  nor  as  giving  special  weight  to  the  opinion 
that  the  life  of  the  societies  was  exclusively  retired  and  devoted  to 
worship  and  meditation,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  was  largely 
public.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  both,  the  two  narratives  pre 
senting  different  phases  of  the  life  of  the  nebhfim. 

From  the  lack  of  any  mention  of  the  societies  between  the  days 
of  Samuel  and  those  of  Elijah  and  Elisha,  a  period  of  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  we  may  not  assume  that  with  the  pass 
ing  of  the  Philistine  struggle  they  had  died  out  and  were  later 
revived  by  Elijah.  Against  this  may  be  urged,  not  only  the  num 
bers  just  mentioned,  but  also  the  standing  which  they  had  in 
Ahab's  time  as  an  order  that  must  be  consulted  (i  K.  2.28f-). 

*  The  most  satisfactory  treatments  of  this  subject  will  be  found  in  Kue.  Proph 
ets  and  Prophecy,  46  ff.,  and  ReL  I.  193-202,  316  ff . ;  WRS.  Proph.  85  f.,  389-392; 
GAS.  I.  20-30;  Maybaum,  Die  Entwickelung  d.  tsr.  Prophetenthums  (1883),  30- 
59  ;  Da.,  art.  "  Prophecy,"  DB.  IV.  109  f. ;  Bu.  ReL,  93-103;  K.  DB.  V.  652  ff. 

f  Viz.  Micaiah  and  Zedekiah,  i  K.  22llff-;  Jehu,  i  K.  i6l. 

J  Cf.  K.  DB.  V.  656  f. ;  note  also  the  failure  of  the  Elijah  stories  to  mention  the 
societies. 


THE  PRE-PROPHETIC  SOCIETIES  li 

This  silence  may  be  accidental,  or  it  may  be  due  to  the  frag 
mentary  and  incomplete  character  of  the  narratives  as  they  have 
come  down.  So  few  are  the  names  of  preexilic  writing  prophets 
preserved  in  the  historical  narratives  (Isaiah  alone,  and  in  Je. 
2618f>,  Micah)  *  that,  but  for  the  preservation  of  their  utterances, 
one  might  deny  their  very  existence. 

In  addition  to  the  many  nebh^im^  named  and  unnamed,  and 
the  societies  which  are  so  marked  a  feature  of  the  times,  cognizance 
must  be  taken  of  two  sects,  perhaps  orders,  viz.  the  Nazirites 
and  Rechabites,  the  members  of  which,  while  not  reckoned  as 
nebhi'im,  share  to  some  extent  their  ideas  and  their  work  as  ser 
vants  of  Yahweh. 

The  Nazirites  (pp.  56  f.),  rarely  mentioned,  were  individuals  especially 
consecrated  to  Yahweh,  the  consecration  taking  the  form  of  a  vow  or  dedi 
cation  in  which  some  restriction  was  assumed  (<?.£".  in  the  case  of  Samson, 
his  unshorn  hair,  the  possession  of  which  secured  to  him  Yahweh's  spirit ; 
note  also  the  obligation  placed  upon  his  mother,  during  pregnancy,  in  refer 
ence  to  wine  and  unclean  food).  We  are  not  here  interested  in  the  later 
codification  (Nu.  62'8- 13-21),  but  two  things  seem  very  suggestive  :  (a]  the 
fact  that  Samson's  Nazirate  involved  exhibitions  of  great  strength  against 
Israel's  enemies,  and  was,  in  fact,  a  vow  of  abstinence  solely  for  warlike 
purposes.t  Was  this  perhaps  the  motive  that  led  also  to  the  organization 
of  the  bands  of  nebhfim  (z/.z.)?  (<£)  The  reference  of  Amos  (2llf-)  to  Nazi- 
rites,  in  parallelism  with  prophets,  who  had  been  caused  to  drink  wine,  a  sin 
as  great  as  that  which  was  committed  in  forbidding  the  prophets  to  prophesy. 
From  this  we  must  infer  that  the  prohibition  of  wine  (which  was  regarded 
by  all  nomadic  tribes  as  a  luxury  belonging  to  agricultural  life,  J  and  was,  like 
sensuality,  a  part  of  the  routine  of  Baal-worship  §),  as  well  as  that  of  cutting 
the  hair  was,  at  one  time  or  another,  the  restriction  assumed  in  the  con 
secration  ;  but  further,  that  this  service  was  one  which,  like  the  prophetic 
service,  received  Yahweh's  approbation  and  was  worthy  of  being  cited  along 
with  it.  Whether,  now,  this  abstinence  represented  merely  a  service  in  war, 
uninterrupted  by  periods  in  which  one  yields  himself  to  pleasure,  that  is,  an 
absolutely  unbroken  service,  ||  or  rather  (as  with  the  Rechabites,  z>.?.)  a 
sworn  protest  against  Baalism  (wine  being  a  special  product  of  Baal's  land), 

*  Bu.  Rel.  103. 

f  Now.  Arch.  II.  134;   Schwally,  Semit.  Kriegsaltertumer,  I.  101  ff. ;  K.  DB.  V 
657  f- 

t  WRS.,  Proph.  84,  389;  Schultz,  Theol.  I.  163;  Kue.  Rel.  I.  316  f. 

§  Cf.  also  the  attitude  of  the  ancient  Greeks,  and  of  Mohammedans  to-day. 

||  Schwally,  loc.  cit. ;  K.  loc.  cit. 


Hi  INTRODUCTION 

tne  general  meaning  is  the  same  ;   for  in  both  cases  the  purpose  is  protest, 
that  is,  consecration  to  war. 

Another  society  or  sect  which  seems  to  have  been  prominent  in  these 
times  was  that  of  the  Rechabites,  who  appear  and  disappear  in  Israelitish 
history  almost  mysteriously.  Assuming  *  that  the  Jehonadab  whom  Jehu 
took  up  into  his  chariot  and  thus  joined  with  himself  in  his  bloody  work  for 
Yahweh  (2  K.  io15f-)  was  the  Jonadab  cited  in  Jeremiah,  chap.  35,  as  the 
ancestor  of  the  Rechabites,  who  prohibited  to  his  descendants  the  drinking 
of  wine,  we  may  make  three  assertions  :  (a)  in  Elisha's  times  a  sect  or  family 
or  perhaps  order  existed,  pledged  not  to  drink  wine  (the  symbol  of  a  cor 
rupted  civilization),  not  to  engage  in  agriculture  or  in  the  building  of  homes 
(that  is,  pledged  to  the  primitive  nomadic  life);  (6)  this  pledge  was  made  in 
the  service  of  Yahweh  (cf.  the  names  of  those  whom  Jeremiah  brought  into  a 
chamber  of  the  temple,  all  of  which  end  with  Yah,  and  also  Jeremiah's  closing 
words,  viz.  that  for  Yahweh's  service  there  shall  always  be  sons  of  Jonadab) ; 
(<r)  the  life  of  this  society  was  a  protest  against  luxury,  intemperance,  and 
idolatry,  and  against  the  Canaanitish  civilization  of  the  times;  and  was  a 
reaction  toward  the  primitive  simplicity  of  Israel.  We  may  leave  unsettled 
the  question  whether  this  order  was  founded  on  the  model  of  the  Kenites  f 
(cf.  i  Ch.  2s5,  Ju.  i16,  I  S.  I56),  or  was  really  a  family  descended  from  them. 
"  They  represented  in  either  case  a  type  of  anchoritism  "  (Kautzsch)  which 
was  closely  related  in  form,  and  especially  in  spirit,  to  that  of  the  nebhfim 
and  the  Nazirites,  the  three  together  constituting  a  comparatively  new  and 
extraordinary  propaganda  for  the  old-fashioned  idea  of  Yahweh  as  the  god 
of  the  desert,  and  of  storm  and  battle,  —  an  idea  which  carried  with  it  sim 
plicity  both  of  life  and  of  cult. 

3.  A  few  points  relating  to  the  general  character  and  the  habits 
of  these  prophetic  associations  deserve  consideration. 

(1)  While  in  Samuel's  time  these  societies  were  bands  of  men 
roving  from  place  to  place  (probably  in  order  to  draw  others  into 
their  association  by  the  contagion  of  their  enthusiasm),  in  Elisha's 
time,  they  had  adopted,  more  or  less  fully,  a  settled  mode  of  life, 
their  residences  being  at  great  sanctuaries  like  Gilgal  (2  K.  4s8), 
Bethel  (2  K.  2s),  or  at  political  centres  like  Samaria,  bands  of  fifty 
or  more  living  together  (2  K.  21),  and  sometimes  at  a  common  table 
(2  K.  4s8),  while  some  among  them  were  married  (2  K.  41). 

(2)  Samuel,  although  a  prominent  adviser,  was  probably  never 
really  a  head  (notwithstanding  i  S.  iQ20),  and  surely  never  lived 

*  So  Bu.  Rel.  120;  Sm.  Rel?  152  f. ;  K.  DB.  V.  659. 

f  Bu.  Rel.  20,  30,  and  New  World,  1895,  P-  729>  c*-  Ew.  Hist.  IV.  79;  Schra 
BL.  V.  46;  Sm.  Rel?  93  f. ;  K.  DB.  V.  659. 


THE   PRE-PROPHETIC   SOCIETIES  Hil 

with  them  (i  S.  iQ18),  unless  Naioth  means  "dwellings"  ;  *  while  it 
was  a  common  custom  for  them  to  sit  before  (2  K.  4>38,  cf.  61)  Elisha, 
as  disciples  before  a  master. 

(3)  These  associations  have  been  improperly  termed  "schools"  f 
since  the  members  are  already  engaged  in  public  work,  and  some 
of  them  are  married,  while  no  phrase  occurs  which  would  justify 
the  use  of  the  word.     Moreover,  the  idiom  of  the  title,  sons  of  tlie 
nebhi'im,  together  with  Semitic  usage,  requires  the  conception  of 
guilds  or  corporations.     Nevertheless,  we  are  warranted  in  sup 
posing  that  instruction  was  imparted  (cf.  2  K.  438  61) ;   and  proba 
bly  the  prophetic  technique  and  nomenclature  which  Amos  found 
in  existence  had  its  origin  among  them.  J 

(4)  The  members  of  the  association  did  not  prophesy  as  indi 
viduals,  but  jointly  in  a  body,  and  in  their  processions  (i  S.  io5) 
they  were,  in  fact,  conducting  a  kind  of  public  worship  at  the 
various  high  places  or  sanctuaries  (cf.  Is.  3O29). 

(5)  The  ecstasy  (i  S.  ig18"24)  was  the  physical  and  psychological 
condition  §  in  which  they  performed  their  service,  "the  hand  of 
Yahweh"  (i  K.  i84(J  2  K.  315)  being  upon  them;    and  this  "holy 
frenzy,"  which  was  frequently  induced  by  music  (cf.  especially  the 
case  of  Elisha),  passed,  according  to  E   (Nu.   n17-251*-),  in  part, 
from  Moses  to  the  seventy  elders,  and  lifted  them  into  the  condi 
tion  of  ecstasy.     Still  further,  it  may  be  inferred  from   i  K.  2O41 
that  the  nebhi'im  bore  a  peculiar  mark,  which  distinguished  their 
service.  || 

(6)  In  Samuel's  time  this  uprising  had  its  occasion  in  the  Philis 
tine  crisis,  when  Israel's  existence  was  threatened,  and  the  result 

*So  Schultz,  Theol.  I.  241;  WRS.  Proph.  392;  and  most  of  the  older  com 
mentators  ;  but  nij  denotes  a  pastoral  abode,  and  is  hardly  appropriate  as  a  desig 
nation  for  a  prophetic  residence.  Moreover,  the  absence  of  the  article  here  counts 
against  any  appellative  signification.  It  is  now  generally  taken  as  the  name  of  some 
locality  in  Ramah,  the  precise  meaning  being  unknown.  See  especially,  Dr.  Sam. 
124  f.,  and  art.  "  Naioth,"  DB\  H.  P.  Smith  and  Bu.  on  i  S.  1918;  Che.,  art.  "  Naioth," 
EB\  BSZ.,and  BDB. 

t  By  Ew.  Hist.  III.  49  f. ;  Da.  DB.  IV.  109;  Kue.  Rel.  I.  195;  but  v.  WRS, 
Proph.  85. 

J  So  Da.  DB.  IV.  109 ;  cf.  K.  DB.  V.  656. 

§  Bu.  Rel.  100  f. ;  Che.  EB.  3872  f. ;  Giesebrecht,  Die  Berufsbegabung  d.  alttest 
Propheten,  38-72. 

||  Kraetzschmar,  Prophet  u.  Seher  im  alt.  Israel,  9 ;  K.  DB.  V.  656. 


llV  INTRODUCTION 

was  "a  national  religious  enthusiasm,"  which  again  came  forward, 
perhaps  more  strongly,  in  the  crisis  of  the  Tyrian  Baalism  in  the 
times  of  Elijah  and  Elisha.  These  national  disasters  are  the 
expression  of  Yahweh's  anger;  hence  the  reaction  in  the  form 
of  patriotic  spirit,  in  other  words,  the  spirit  of  battle. 

(7)  That  Saul  is  thought  to  be  insane,  Elisha's  messenger  "mad" 
(2  K.  911)  ;  that  the  word  £]"l3n,  to  prophesy,  means  literally  to  drop 
(sc.  foam\  i.e.  to  foam  at  the  mouth;  and  that  the  insane  were 
looked  upon  in  all  Semitic  antiquity  with  respect  and  awe  as  being 
controlled  by  demons  (cf.,  e.g.,  David  at  the  court  of  Achish, 
i  S.  2i12ff),  —  all  point  to  the  presence  of  a  large  element  of 
superstition  upon  the  subject  of  prophecy,  and  also  show  its  emo 
tional  and  ecstatic  character.  With  these  facts  before  us,  we  may 
conclude  in  general  that  the  spirit  of  these  associations,  while 
intense  and  upon  the  whole  correct,  was  nevertheless  as  narrow 
as  it  was  intense,  as  crude  as  it  was  correct ;  and  that  it  partook 
largely  of  the  spirit  of  the  four  hundred  and  fifty  Baal-prophets, 
an  association  of  very  similar  nature  (zu.). 

4.  The  questions  of  their  origin,  their  external  and  internal  relations,  are 
of  great  interest,  (i)  Concerning  the  origin  we  actually  know  little,  but 
certain  points  may  be  grouped  for  consideration :  The  character  of  ancient 
Semitic  life  (v.  e.g.  WRS.  Sent.;  We.  SV.  III.;  Barton,  Sketch  of  Semitic 
Origins  ;  Lagrange,  Etudes  sur  les  religions  semitiques)t  especially  as  seen  in 
its  purest  form  in  Arabia,*  was  but  slightly  changed  in  these  early  days  of 
Israel ;  and  Palestine,  like  Arabia,  with  its  desert  life,  its  compulsory  fasts 
("  in  which  the  soul  easily  detaches  itself  and  hunger  lends  the  mind  a  curious 
passion,  mixed  of  resignation  and  hot  anger  "  [GAS.  HG.  29 ;  cf.  Schultz, 
Theol.  I.  102  ff.]),  its  habit  of  continuous  war,  its  uniformity  of  religious  life 
(growing  out  of  the  exclusive  attention  to  a  tribal  god),  was  well  fitted  to 
produce  and  develop  fanaticism,  as  is  shown  by  every  century  of  past  history, 
and  by  the  presence  to-day  in  the  Mohammedan  world  of  the  dancing  and 
howling  dervishes,  who,  by  a  peculiar  life  and  in  strange  ecstatic  cries,  seek 
to  secure  and  to  express  their  religious  exaltation.  Amid  such  surroundings 
the  religious  feeling,  if  at  all  awakened,  becomes  intense,  and  tends  to  an 
"  entire  self-surrender,"  which  finds  concrete  expression  in  a  frenzied  state, 
that  sometimes  involves  self-mutilation,  human  sacrifice,  and  the  tribute  of 
maidens  (Schultz,  Theol.  I.  104). 

*  Every  year  since  the  work  of  WRS.  brings  Israel  into  closer  relationship  with 
Arabia;  cf.  the  recent  opinions  of  Barton,  op.  cit.  287  ff. ;  S.  I.  Curtiss,  Primitive 
Semitic  Religion  To-day  ;  and  Che.'s  Jerahmeelite  hypothesis  in  ED.,  CB.,  and 
elsewhere. 


THE   PRE-PROPHETIC  SOCIETIES  lv 

(2)  The  presence  of  Baal-prophets  among  the  Tyrians,  together  with  the 
facts  that  most  of  the  growth  in  Israel's  ritual  (and  especially  that  of  mantic 
and  sorcery)  came  from  the  Canaanites,  and  that  the  idea  of  prophets  or 
nebhtim  first  appeared  at  this  time,  leads  us  to  suppose  that  the  pre-prophetic 
societies  also  were  originally  Canaanitish.*  The  occurrence  of  the  word  nabhi1 
in  Phoenician,  as  well  as  in  the  Assyrian  Nebo  (=  Hermes),  points  in  the 
same  Direction.  The  Israelites,  observing  the  prophesying  (that  is,  the  trans 
port  and  frenzy)  of  the  Canaanitish  worshippers,  adopted  it,  as  they  adopted 
many  other  rites  (cf.  the  view  that  Yahweh  himself  was  a  Canaanitish  god 
adopted  by  Israel ;  so  Land,  TAT.  II.  160  ff.;  Wkl.  Babel- Bibel  und  Bibel- 
Babel;  but  v.  Kue.  Rel.  I.  398  ff.;  K6.  Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschriff,  XIII.  828- 
883).  This,  of  course,  implies  merely  that  the  external  form,  as  in  the  case  of 
circumcision,  was  taken  by  the  Israelites,  for  within  a  short  time  it  was  spirit 
ualized.  The  connection  of  all  this  with  the  spirit  of  war  developed  by  the 
Philistine  oppression  has  already  been  noted.  Cf.  I  S.  io5,  in  which  Saul  is 
represented  as  entering  into  the  state  of  frenzy  at  the  very  place  in  which  the 
garrison  (so  AV.,  RV.),  or  pillar  (so  <t§,  Thenius,  Dr.,  Kit.;  K.  DB.  V.  653), 
or  administration  (so  H.  P.  Smith,  BDB.)  of  the  Philistines  was  placed. 

(3)  While  in  the  earliest  times,  priest,  seer,  and  nabhf  were  one,  they  now 
begin  to  differentiate.     But,  until  later,  the  relation  of  priest  and  prophet  was 
very  close,  as,  in  these  early  days,  was  that  of  priest  and  seer  (cf.  Samuel,  and 
the  Arabic  kdhin,  denoting  seer,  or  soothsayer,  probably,  in  early  times,  one  in 
charge  of  a  shrine).    In  later  days,  when  there  seems  to  have  been  antagonism 
between  priest  and  prophet,  this  difference  existed,  not  so  much  between  the 
two  orders,  as  between  the  priestly  order  and  individual  prophets  who  had 
risen  above  their  fellows,  and  represented  the  prophetic  order  in  general  as 
being  on  the  same  low  level  with  the  priests  (cf.  WRS.  Proph.  85,  105  ff.).    In 
Isaiah's  time  a  priest  (82)  was  selected  to  witness  concerning  a  prophecy,  while 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  other  prophets  of  later  times  were  themselves  priests. 
It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  in  the  early  times  the  nebhiim  were  closely 
associated  with  the  priests  (McCurdy,  HPM.  §  488,  note),  as  was  true  of  the 
priests  and  prophets  of  Baal,  and  in  Judah  ;    cf.  Je.  2Ol- 2  with  2Q26  Lam.  22> 
(v.i.}.   The  bearing  of  this  upon  the  attitude  of  Amos  and  Hosea  is  significant ; 
cf.  Am.  710-17  Ho.  4*-9  51  69. 

(4)  The  unity,  or  joint  action,  of  the  nebhVim  has  been  mentioned  (v.s.~). 
This  was  an  essential  element  in  their  strength.     Elijah  and  especially  Elisha 
seem  to  have  worked  harmoniously  with  the  various  societies,  although  they 
stood  far  above  them.     In  Elisha's  own  days,  however,  there  lived  a  man  who 
stood  above  and  against  his  te\\QW~ne6AFitn,  and  to  whom  the  word  prophet 
in  its  later  and  higher  usage  might  well  be  given.     This  was  Micaiah  ben 
Imlah,  whose  story  is  told  in  I  K.  228ff-  (EP).f     The  essential  point  for  us  in 

*  K.  DR.  V.  653;  Co.  Proph.  13  f. ;   Kue.  Rel.  I.  216  f.,  317  ;   Toy,  New  World, 
V.  139;  contra  Schultz,  Theol.  I.  240  f . ;    K6.  Offenbarungsbegriff  d.  A.   T.  I.  63  ff. 
f  This  is  not  from  the  narrative  which  furnishes  the  Elijah-stories,  but  from  th 


Ivi  INTRODUCTION 

this  story  is  neither  (a)  the  large  number  of  prophets  living  at  the  time,*  not 
(£)  the  fact  that  the  word  of  Yahweh  is  called  for  through  the  body  of 
prophets  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  regular  routine;  nor  (<:)  the  fact  that  their 
advice  is  asked  in  reference  to  a  matter  of  war,  and  that  they  return  a  unani 
mous  answer.  These  things  are  interesting,  but  they  do  not  constitute  the 
essential  element,  which  is  (</)  that  Micaiah  (who  not  infrequently  prophesied 
in  opposition  to  the  king's  wishes,  and  was  for  that  reason  obnoxious  to  him), 
when  sent  for,  delivers  a  message  which  is  remarkable  in  the  history  of  pre- 
prophetism.  The  position  taken  by  Micaiah  in  opposition  to  the  others 
deserves  notice,  since  he  is  the  first  to  break  the  unity  which  had  thus  far 
existed,  —  "a  cleavage  in  the  ranks  of  the  prophetic  body,  which  runs  through 
the  whole  subsequent  history  of  the  movement"  (Skinner,  in  /<?<:.).  The 
significance  of  this  cleavage  is  enhanced  by  certain  features  in  the  narrative, 
viz.  the  attitude  of  the  king  (already  mentioned)  (v.8);  the  earnest  effort 
made  by  the  messenger  to  bring  Micaiah  into  harmony  with  those  who  have 
already  spoken  (v.13);  the  symbolical  action  of  Zedekiah  to  corroborate  and 
support  the  prediction  of  the  four  hundred  (v.11)  ;  the  statement  of  Micaiah 
that  he  will  speak  what  Yahweh  has  sent  to  him  (v.14)  ;  and  his  first  utterance, 
which,  after  all,  is  identical  with  that  already  given,  and  promises  success  (v.15). 
This  was  probably  a  piece  of  irony,  and  was  so  recognized  by  Ahab.  When 
adjured  to  speak  the  whole  truth,  and  with  the  background  thus  indicated,  he 
announces  two  visions,  the  first,  a  prediction  of  Ahab's  death,  and  without 
special  interest ;  the  second,  a  vision  in  which  (a)  he  distinguishes  between 
Yahweh  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  a  spirit,  evidently  recognized  as  a 
superhuman  power,  which  produces  the  prophetic  ecstasy;  (/3)  he  clearly 
recognizes  the  independence  of  this  agent,  but  this  spirit,  we  are  told,  be 
comes  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouths  of  the  nebhi^im,  and  thus  deceives  them ; 
(7)  he  thus  makes  two  strange  representations,  viz.  that  he,  Micaiah,  rather 
than  the  spirit,  knows  the  will  of  Yahweh  ;  and  further,  that  the  falsehood 
which  the  four  hundred  have  just  spoken  is  to  be  charged,  not  "  to  the  imper 
fection  of  its  human  medium,"  but  to  the  superhuman  agent  acting  with 
Yahweh's  approval  (K.  DB.  V.  656;  Che.  EB.  3859).  In  all  this,  however, 
it  is  to  be  understood  that  (5)  he  takes  a  position  far  above  the  ordinary 
nebhVim,  that  knowledge  comes  to  him  which  they  do  not  share;  in  other 
words,  that  there  are  grades,  or  ranks,  in  the  order,  some  higher  and  others 
lower.  These  "  lower  "  or  "  narrow  "  or  "  false  "  prophets  are  thus  pointed  out 
even  at  this  early  time,  although  they  are  still  understood  to  be  made  use  of  by 
Yahweh  (Volz,  RB.  3874  f.).  They  have  been  called  "prophets  of  a  narrow 
range  of  vision"  (Volz),  "the  belated  representatives  of  an  earlier  stage  of 

Ephraimite  national  narrative ;  it  contains  no  reference  to  Elijah,  and,  in  view  of 
the  four  hundred  prophets  of  v.6,  contradicts  the  impression  (i822)  that  Elijah 
was  the  only  Yahweh-prophet  left  (cf.  also  i813  I914). 

*  Che.'s  assumption  that  four  hundred  here  and  in  the  case  of  the  Baal-prophets 
is  a  corruption  of  Arab-Jerahrneel  is  altogether  groundless. 


THE   PRE-PROPHETIC   SOCIETIES  Ivii 

prophetic  development,"  who  "  had  closed  their  minds  against  the  deepening 
of  the  idea  of  God  to  an  unconditionally  ethical  conception,  and  were  thus  no 
longer  able  to  penetrate  into  the  depths  of  his  counsel"  (Bu.  Rel.  131).  We 
are  immediately  concerned  with  the  bearing  of  this  on  the  actual  condition  of 
the  nebhfim  in  the  days  of  Elisha,  and  on  Elisha  himself  (for  if  he  occupies  a 
high  place,  one,  for  example,  side  by  side  with  Micaiah,  how  can  he,  neverthe 
less,  work  harmoniously  with  the  rest  ?),  and  on  the  nebhi1  im  of  Amos's  day. 
It  is  not  quite  fair  to  say  that  "  under  the  protection  of  Jehu's  dynasty  proph 
ecy  so-called  sank  to  depths  of  hypocrisy  and  formalism  "  (WRS.).  A  better 
statement  would  be  that  at  this  time  pre-prophetism  continued  to  occupy  the 
low  place  which  it  had  always  occupied,  save  when  some  great  personality 
like  Elijah,  or  Elisha,  or  Micaiah  was  raised  up  ;  or,  better  still,  let  us  dis 
tinguish  between  prophecy,  for  which  these  great  souls  stood,  and  manticism 
(i.e.  the  nebhi 'iswus),  which  is  all  that  the  others  yet  knew  or  cared  for 
(Davidson,  O.  7'.  Proph.  in  ff.;  Kue.  Rel.  I.  196-7).  Amos  plainly  shows 
his  estimate  of  this  crowd  of  nebhi 'im,  when  he  maintains  very  forcibly  that 
he  is  not  one  of  them,  and  his  words  perhaps  imply  that  it  is  no  great  honor 
to  be  regarded  as  one  of  their  number  (but  v.i.}. 

5.  It  remains  only  to  note  the  stages  of  this  development  and 
to  indicate  its  place  in  the  history  of  the  pre-Amos  time.  Starting 
on  the  Israelitish  side  with  seers  (who  are  closely  akin  to  priests), 
and  on  the  Canaanitish  side  with  nebhi'im  (or  dervishes],  we  see  the 
two  classes  gradually  growing  together.  From  among  them,  or  in 
close  association  with  them,  there  arise  from  time  to  time  certain 
great  characters  who  share  their  peculiarities  and  adopt  their 
methods,  but  at  the  same  time  reach  far  above  them  in  their 
knowledge  of  the  divine  will.  These  men,  not  yet  prophets  in  the 
technical  sense,  are  the  forerunners  of  the  prophets,  the  connecting 
link  between  the  old  and  the  new,  which  begins  with  the  writing 
prophets.  This  is  their  place  in  the  development.  What  did 
these  societies  of  nebhfim  do  for  the  people  among  whom  they 
lived?  What  influence  did  they  exercise  upon  them? 

It  is  certainly  unjust  to  characterize  them  as  "  hotbeds  of  sedition  "  and  to 
limit  their  activity  almost  entirely  to  the  sphere  of  politics  (HPS.  O.  T.  Hist. 
193),  or  to  consider  them  "a  species  of  begging  friars,"  with  but  little  influence 
among  the  people  (Co.  Proph.  13).  It  is  with  a  truer  appreciation  of  their 
services  that  Cheyne  (EB.  3857  f.)  declares  them  to  have  been  "a  recognized 
sacred  element  in  society,  the  tendency  of  which  was  to  bind  classes  together 
by  a  regard  for  the  highest  moral  and  religious  traditions."  Compare  also 
the  view  of  Kittel  {Hist.  II.  266),  that  their  chief  interest  was  the  "  fostering 


Iviii  INTRODUCTION 

of  religious  thought,"  and  that,  as  compared  with  the  priests,  they  were  "the 
soul,  the  latter  the  hand  and  arm,  of  religion";  the  opinion  of  Marti  (Rel. 
8 1  f.),  that  in  times  of  peace  they  had  little  influence,  but  in  national  crises 
were  invaluable  in  kindling  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  devotion  to  Yahweh ; 
the  estimate  of  Wellhausen  (Pro/.  461;  similarly,  WRS.  Proph.  85  ff.),  that 
they  were  not  of  "  first-rate  importance,"  historical  influence  having  been 
exercised  only  by  exceptional  individuals  among  them,  who  rose  above  their 
level  and  sometimes  opposed  them,  though  always  using  them  as  a  base  of 
operations. 

They  constituted  one  of  Israel's  greatest  institutions,  which,  like 
many  others,  came  by  adoption  from  the  outside.  But  in  its  com 
ing  it  was  purified  and  spiritualized,  and  itself  gave  rise  directly  to 
an  influence  perhaps  the  most  distinctive  and  the  most  elevating 
ever  exerted  on  Israelitish  life  and  thought. 

§  6.   THE  OLDER  AND  YOUNGER  DECALOGUES. 

Two  important  documents  known  as  decalogues  were  formu 
lated,  and  probably  promulgated,  in  the  pre-prophetic  period. 
These  decalogues  now  form  a  part  of  the  Judaean  and  Ephraim- 
itic  narratives,  and  might  be  considered  in  connection  with  those 
documents  ;  but  they  were  originally  independent  of  them,  and 
their  especial  importance  warrants  a  separate  treatment.  It  is 
essential  to  ask  :  What  was  their  origin?  What  was  their  message 
to  the  times  in  which  they  were  published?  What  prophetic 
element  do  they  contain?  What  is  their  relation  to  prophecy  in 
general?  We  may  not  suppose  that  these,  with  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant  (§7),  are  the  only  laws  of  this  early  period  that  have 
been  handed  down  ;  others  are  probably  to  be  found  in  Deuteron 
omy  and  in  the  Holiness  Code ;  but  these  will  be  sufficient  for  the 
purpose  we  have  in  mind. 

i.    The  older  decalogue*  found  in  Ex.  3412"26,  consists,  as  recon 
structed,t  of  ten  regulations.     These   deal  with  the  worship  of 

*  Cf.  We.  Hex.  331  ff. ;  Bu.  ZAW.  XI.  216  ff. ;  Bacon,  Triple  Tradition  of  the 
Exodus%iy)-it$\  Sta.  GVI,  1.510;  Holzinger,  Exodus,  119  f. ;  Stark,  Deutero- 
nomium,  30  f. ;  GFM.  EB.  1446  f.;  G.  B.  Gray,  EB.  2733  f.;  Bantsch,  Exad-Lev.- 
Num.  xlvi.  f. 

f  We.  (Hex,  331) ;  cf.  Holzinger,  Bantsch,  Briggs  (Hex.  189-210) ;  contra 
K.  DB.  V.  633,  who  characterizes  the  so-called  decalogue  as  "  only  an  appearance," 
bein^  "  ceremonial  prescriptions  [inserted  by  the  Redactor]  which  can  be  recognized 
at  the  first  glance  as  parallels  to  the  laws  of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant." 


THE   OLDER  AND  YOUNGER   DECALOGUES  Ifc 

other  gods,  the  making  of  molten  images,  the  observance  of  three 
feasts  and  the  sabbath,  the  offering  of  firstlings  and  first-fruits,  and 
the  avoidance  of  certain  rites  commonly  practised  in  non-Israelitish 
religions. 

This  code,  as  well  as  the  chapter  of  which  it  is  a  part,  belongs  to  the  Judaean 
narrative,  but  fits  in  badly  with  what  precedes  and  follows  it.  It  would  seem 
to  follow  logically  J's  introduction  to  the  Sinaitic  Covenant  (Ex.  1920-22.2.5^  for 
one  would  scarcely  expect  new  legislation  to  be  given  after  orders  had  been 
received  (cf.  Ex.  3234  331'3)  to  leave  Horeb,  In  Ex.  3428  it  is  called  the  ten 
words,  and  so  naturally  constitutes  J's  decalogue,  corresponding  to  that  of  E  in 
Ex.  20  and  Dt.  5.  (The  discovery  of  this  decalogue  was  made  by  Goethe  in 
Zwei  ivichtige  bisher  uncrorterte  Fragen,  1773  A.D.)  While  there  may  be  some 
doubt  whether  this  decalogue  was  a  part  of  J  from  the  beginning  or  found  its 
present  place  in  J  at  the  hand  of  the  editor  who  much  later  joined  J  and  E,  no  one 
disputes  its  very  primitive  character,  and,  consequently,  its  early  age.  Arising 
in  connection  with  some  Judaean  sanctuary  (GFM.  EB.  1446),  it  represents 
a  ritual  of  worship  which  is  not  only  of  an  early  age,  but  also  indicative  of  a 
national  religion.  The  very  fact  that  it  is  so  strongly  ritualistic  shows  the  pre- 
prophetic  age  ;  and  this  is  further  attested  by  the  pains  taken  to  forbid  cer 
tain  rites  (e.g.  seething  of  a  kid  in  its  mother's  milk)  which  were  common  in 
non-Israelitish  religions.  It  is,  as  Moore  (EB.  1446)  says,  "the  earliest 
attempt  with  which  we  are  acquainted  to  embody  in  a  series  of  brief  injunc 
tions,  formulated  as  divine  commands,  the  essential  observances  of  the  religion 
of  Yahweh."  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  had  its  origin  after  the  conquest  of 
Palestine,  because  the  background  is  agricultural  throughout. 

The  message  of  the  Judaean  decalogue  might  thus  be  expressed  : 
"Worship  Yahweh,  and  Yahweh  alone,  without  images  (such  as 
Northern  Israel  uses) ;  let  the  worship  be  simple  and  in  accord 
with  the  old  usage ;  forbear  to  introduce  the  practices  of  your 
Canaanitish  neighbors." 

This  message,  notwithstanding  its  extremely  ritualistic  content, 
shows  a  perfect  consistency  with  the  pre-prophetic  thought  of 
775-50  B-c-;  f°r  m  three  of  the  ten  injunctions  (viz.  "Thou 
shalt  worship  no  other  gods,"  "Thou  shalt  make  thee  no  molten 
gods,"  "Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid,"  etc.)  we  have  representations 
exactly  in  accord  with  the  prevailing  thought  of  the  pre-prophetic 
reformers,  while  the  other  injunctions  emphasize  the  simplicity 
of  Yahweh's  requirements  in  contrast  with  the  elaborate  and  sen 
suous  ritual  of  Baalism. 

The  earlier,  decalogue  thus  connects  itself  with  the  pre-prophetic 


Ix  INTRODUCTION 

movement  as  it  has  thus  far  found  expression,  and  prepares  the 
way  for  a  higher  expression  later  on.  At  the  same  time  it  was  not 
instituted  as  a  measure  of  reform,  but  rather  as  the  codification 
of  existing  practice.  The  publication,  however,  was  not  simply 
for  the  sake  of  providing  a  law-book ;  it  was  rather  an  expression 
of  the  general  prophetic  (sometimes  called  historical)  spirit  illus 
trated  by  J  (cf.  Gray,  EB.  2732). 

2.  The  younger  decalogue,  found  in  two  forms,  viz.,  Ex.  20  (E2) 
and  Dt.  5  (D),  presents  a  much  larger  field  for  conjecture  and 
consideration.*  This  code  consisted  originally  of  ten  injunctions, 
positive  and  negative,  covering  the  relation  of  man  to  God  and  to 
his  fellow-men. 

In  Ex.  1988.9-19  we  find,  in  a  passage  ascribed  to  E,  the  preparations  lead 
ing  up  to  the  giving  of  the  laws,  and  in  24s"8  occurs  the  ratification  of  the 
same.  The  intervening  chapters  contain  two  important  pieces  of  legislation, 
the  decalogue  (chap.  20)  and  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (chaps.  21-23). t  In 
spite  of  the  appropriateness  of  the  present  order  (i.e.  a  body  of  general  and 
fundamental  principles,  followed  by  a  series  of  detailed  laws  dealing  with  the 
life  of  Israel  in  all  its  aspects),  we  are  compelled  to  believe  that  the  two  codes 
have  no  direct  relationship  to  each  other,  because  (i)  no  such  relationship  is 
recognized  in  the  historical  part  of  the  material ;  (2)  chap.  2O18~26  contains  no 
reference  to  CC;  (3)  chap.  24  shows  no  evidence  for  connecting  the  two; 
(4)  chaps.  32-34  make  no  mention  of  CC;  (5)  Dt.,  while  it  adopts  the  deca 
logue  as  the  basis  of  its  code,  shows  no  acquaintance  with  any  other  law  given 
at  Horeb ;  (6)  Jos.  24  makes  no  reference  to  any  other  law.  In  view  of 
these  facts,  it  may  be  concluded  that  E's  original  Horeb  legislation  was  not 
CC,  but  the  (later)  decalogue. 

But  we  are  confronted  with  two  or  three  important  questions : 
(i)  Is  there  other  E  material  which  could  possibly  have  been 
connected  with  the  Horeb  legislation?  (2)  Is  the  decalogue  in 
its  present  form  (either  Ex.  20  or  Dt.  5)  the  original?  (3)  How 


*  That  this  decalogue  was  not  an  original  constituent  of  the  E  narrative  is  held 
by  Sta.,  Co.,  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  who  assign  it  to  a  Judaean  recension  of  E; 
by  Stark  (Deuteronomium)  t  who  finds  the  original  decalogue  of  E  scattered  through 
the  Book  of  the  Covenant;  by  Kue.,  We.  (SF.  I.  68),  Meissner  (Der  Dekalog), 
Bantsch,  Sm.  (Rel?  273),  Marti  (Rel.  174),  Addis  (EB.  1050),  and  Matthes  (ZA  W. 
XXIV.  17-41),  who  assign  it  to  the  seventh  century.  Holzinger  (Exod.,  in  loc.) 
places  it  in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighth  century. 

f  This  may  be  called  the  Covenant  Code,  and  represented  by  the  symbol  CC. 


THE  OLDER   AND   YOUNGER   DECALOGUES  Ixi 

early  in  the  history  of  E  did  the  original  decalogue  occupy  its 
present  position? 

(1)  It  is  probably  true  *  that  there  was  an  earlier  legislation  (E1)  of  which 
only  fragments  now  exist,  viz.  the  account  of  the  tent  of  meeting  (337~n), 
with,  perhaps,  an  account  of  the  construction  of  the  tent  (for  which  P's  elab 
orate  description  was  substituted),  and  of  the  ark  for  which  the  tent  was 
made,  together  with  the  ritual  found  in  2O24-26.     It  will  be  noted  that  this 
earlier  legislation  of  E,  according  to  this  hypothesis,  was  supplanted,  partly  by 
P's  material  concerning  the  ark  and  the  tent,  partly  by  the  decalogue  (and  the 
story  of  the  golden  calf,  Ex.   32,  which  may  be  called  E2),  leaving  certain 
fragments  only   (v.s.). 

(2)  The  present  form   of  the  decalogue  gives   evidence  of  considerable 
expansion  from  the  original  ten  words,  e.g.  the  very  striking  differences  in  the 
two  versions  as  given  in  Ex.  and  Dt.,  the  great  difference  in  the   length  of 
the  injunctions,  and  the  internal  character  of  the  material  itself.    The  original 
ten  words,  stripped  of  all  these  later  additions,  were  probably  as  follows  :  — 

1.  Thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods  beside  me. 

2.  Thou  shalt  not  make  for  thyself  any  graven  image. 

3.  Thou  shalt  not  utter  the  name  of  thy  God  for  an  evil  purpose. 

4.  Remember  the  sabbath  day  to  sanctify  it. 

5.  Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

6.  Thou  shalt  do  no  murder. 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery. 

8.  Thou  shalt  not  steal. 

9.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness  against  thy  neighbor. 
10.  Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbor's  house. 

(3)  How  early,  then,  is  the  younger  decalogue  ?     (a)    It  cannot  f  come 
from  the  times  of  Moses,  for  tradition  regards  Ex.  34  as  "the  ten  words"; 
it  is  unknown  to  CC  ;  it  is  in  a  measure  inconsistent  with  the  ritualistic  religion 
of  the  pre-prophetic  time.     (£)  Is  it  then  as  late  as  the  days  of  Manasseh  (cf. 
Mi.  66"8),  \  and  if  so,  is  it  the  product  of  the  ripest  prophetic  thought?     The 
answer  turns  upon  the  fulness  of  interpretation  given  to  the  several  command 
ments,  the  turning-point  in  the  whole  matter  being  the  specific  prohibition  of 
the  use  of  images  in  the  second  commandment,  and  the  alleged  highly  devel 
oped  ethical  system  underlying  the  whole.    The  former,  it  is  claimed,  cannot  be 
earlier  than  the  eighth  century,  for  until  this  time  there  seems  to  have  been  no 
knowledge  of  such  a  prohibition.     The  latter  must,  it  is  thought,  represent  the 

*  GFM.  EB.  1445;  Stark,  De liter onomium,  40  ff. ;  Meissner,  Dekalog,  33. 
t  So  We.  Hex.  331  ff. ;    Bantsch,  Bundesbuch,  92  ff. ;    Sm.  Rel.  273  f. ;    Marti, 
Rel.  68  ;  Addis,  EB.  1050. 

t  So  Kue.,  Meissner  (D.er  Dekalog),  Bantsch,  Addis  (EB.  1050). 


mi  INTRODUCTION 

result  of  the  prophetic  teaching  at  least  down  to  and  including  Isaiah.  The 
question,  therefore,  of  the  prophetic  character  of  the  decalogue  and  of  its 
relation  to  prophecy  depends  wholly  on  the  date,  and  this  on  the  degree  of 
ethical  development  which  it  is  found  to  contain. 

(V)  We  may  not  accept  Eerdmans's  suggestion  (TAT.  XXXVII.  18  ff., 
made  with  a  view  to  placing  the  original  as  early  as  Moses)  that  some  other 
commandment  originally  stood  in  the  place  of  what  is  now  the  second  (the 
present  second  belonging  to  the  seventh  century),  or  that  in  the  original  form 
there  were  seven  instead  often;  but  the  principle  underlying  this  suggestion, 
which  has  been  accepted  by  Kautzsch  (DB.  V.  633*),  is  sound  and  is  to  be 
allowed  a  controlling  place  in  our  decision ;  viz.  that  the  commands  and 
prohibitions  of  the  decalogue  "  have  not  an  absolute,  but  a  relative  scope  " 
(K.).  This  means  that  the  ethical  conceptions  which  are  connected  with  the 
decalogue  in  our  modern  times  have  been  read  into  it,  and  were  not  originally 
so  understood.  The  earlier  thought  was  one  not  of  morals  but  of  rights. 
Eerdmans  goes  still  further  and  limits  the  application  of  the  commandments, 
e.g.  the  killing  to  one's  countrymen,  and  the  coveting  to  the  appropriation  of 
property  that  was  ownerless.  Nor  is  Wildeboer's  criticism  (  ThSt.,  1903,  109- 
ii 8)  of  this  valid  when  he  says  that  thus  the  deeper  moral  sense  of  the 
decalogue  is  degraded. 

(d)  Concerning  the  second  commandment  in  particular,  it  may  be  said  in 
passing  :  Its  close  association  with  the  chapter  on  the  Northern  calves 
(Ex.  32)  has  some  significance.  The  fact  that  the  central  sanctuary  in  the 
times  of  Eli,  David,  and  Solomon  seems  to  have  had  no  image  indicates  the 
presence  of  a  strong  sentiment  opposed  to  image-worship,  if  not  an  actual 
prohibition.  The  non-observance  of  such  a  prohibition  in  Northern  Israel  is 
no  evidence  of  the  non-existence  of  the  law.  Account  must  also  be  taken  of 
the  sentiment  in  the  South  (as  represented  by  Isaiah  in  his  early  ministry), 
which  must  have  existed  some  time  before  Isaiah.  The  presence  of  a  similar 
law  in  the  older  decalogue  of  J  supports  the  early  origin  of  the  prohibition. 

Upon  the  whole  we  shall  be  justified  in  assigning  the  formulation 
of  the  younger  decalogue  in  its  original  form,  even  with  the  second 
commandment,  to  a  period  not  much  later  than  750  B.C.,  the 
arguments  for  a  still  later  date  *  not  being  convincing.! 

The  message  of  this  younger  decalogue  to  its  times  was  three 
fold :  (i)  Acknowledge  (cf.  in  the  older,  worship)  no  other 
god,  and  follow  not  other  religions  in  making  images,  or  in  using 

*  Addis,  art.  "Decalogue,"  EB.;  GFM.  EB.  1447;  Marti,  Rel.  174;  We.; 
Kue. ;  Sm.  Rel.  273  ;  et  al. 

f  So  Gray,  EB.  2733  f.;  Paterson,  art.  "Decalogue,"  DB.;  K.  DB.  V.  634; 
Wildeboer,  loc.  cit.;  Kit.,  Hist.  I.  248 l. ;  Montefiore,  Rel.  of  Anc.  Hebrews,  553-7; 
et  al. 


THE  OLDER  AND  YOUNGER  DECALOGUES  Ixiii 

the  divine  name  for  purposes  of  sorcery  ;  but  observe  the  sabbath 
(as  representing  Yahweh's  ordinances),  and  pay  respect  to  Yah- 
weh's  representatives.  These  are  Yahweh's  rights;  do  not  do 
violence  to  them.  (2)  Do  not  do  violence  to  the  rights  of  your 
neighbor,  as  they  relate  to  his  person,  his  wife,  his  property,  or 
his  reputation.  Still  further,  (3)  do  not  even  think  of  doing 
violence  to  any  of  your  neighbor's  rights. 

The  younger  decalogue  thus  harmonizes  completely  with  the 
growth  of  the  prophetic  thought  as  thus  far  (760  B.C.)  developed. 
With  the  higher  conception  of  God  (zu.)  a  more  rigid  adherence 
to  him  is  demanded,  and  a  more  concrete  separation  from  the 
ritual  customs  which  had  been  in  vogue.  Still  further,  sorcery 
must  be  banished.  While  as  a  corollary  it  follows  that  the  insti 
tutions  of  Yahweh  in  their  simplicity  must  be  observed ;  and  re 
spect  will  be  shown  Yahweh  by  honoring  those  who,  in  his  place, 
have  power  of  life  and  death.*  The  prophetic  element,  in  the 
first  table,  is  clearly  seen  in  the  first,  second,  and  third  command 
ments  ;  but  did  the  prophets  really  advocate  the  observance  of  insti 
tutions  ?  Yes  \  for  (i)  they  could  not  do  away  with  all  institutions, 
and  in  the  very  act  of  rooting  out  the  Baal  ritual,  they  must  fall 
back  on  something ;  and  besides  (2)  their  connection  with  ritual 
is  seen  in  J's  including  the  earlier  decalogue,  in  E's  including 
another  decalogue,  in  D's  including  an  enlarged  code  of  ritual. 
As  to  the  fifth  commandment,  while  we  are  unable  to  distinguish 
the  extent  to  which  the  spirit  of  ancestor-worship  still  influences 
opinion,  it  can  hardly  be  supposed  that  all  trace  of  it  has  yet 
disappeared. 

The  original  obligation  in  the  fourth  commandment  was  (not 
that  which  P  or  D  later  inserted)  to  treat  the  Sabbath  as  Yahweh's 
property,  and  therefore  not  put  it  to  the  profane  uses  which  had 
formerly  been  customary  in  connection  with  the  heathen  cult  f  (ct. 
Am.  85  Ho.  211). 


*  V.  references  on  ancestor-worship,  pp.  40 f.,  note. 

f  The  need  of  such  a  law  and  the  prophetic  character  of  it  at  once  become  ap 
parent,  if  the  supposition  be  correct  that  the  sabbath  was  taken  over  from  the 
Canaanites,  who  had  themselves  gotten  it  from  Babylonia  (so  Reu.  Gesch.d.Alt.  Test. 
§71,  Anm.;  Sin.  Rel?  160;  Now.  Arch.  I.  144;  Benz.  Arch.  202,  465;  Holzinger, 
Exodus,  73).  The  task  of  prophecy  was  to  purify  it  from  its  Canaanitish  associa- 


Ixiv  INTRODUCTION 

In  the  commandments  of  the  second  table  the  case  is  even 
clearer.  With  the  examples  of  David  and  Solomon  and  Ahab,  in 
connection  with  whom  the  prophets  have  actually  said  the  same 
things  that  are  found  in  the  sixth,  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth  com 
mandments,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  a  prophetic  redaction  after  Elijah 
must  contain  just  these  points  (v.s.  as  to  meaning  of  each).  The 
important  step  forward  which  the  tenth  commandment  contains, 
viz.  not  to  think  of  violating  one's  neighbor's  rights,  is  noticeable, 
but,  after  all,  in  harmony  with  the  active  intellectual  effort  of  the 
times  which  produced  the  philosophical  work  of  J  and  E  (zu.). 

(6)  With  this  understanding  of  the  message,  and  of  the  pro 
phetic  element  in  it,  we  can  discover  its  close  connection  with 
the  pre-prophetic  movement.  Its  formulation  can  be  ascribed 
to  the  intense  religious  feeling  which  is  just  beginning  to  recog 
nize  the  rights  of  Yahweh  and  of  men  ;  it  is  in  a  sense  the  product 
of  prophetic  thought,  but,  more  strictly,  that  of  pre-prophetic 
thought. 

§  7.   THE  BOOK  OF  THE  COVENANT. 

The  Book  of  the  Covenant  (=  CC),  to  which  reference  has 
already  been  made,  was  promulgated,  substantially  in  its  present 
form,  with  prophetic  sanction,  as  early  as  800  B.C.,  or  half  a  century 
before  Amos  and  Hosea.  We  may  ask,  as  before,  as  to  its  origin 
and  marks  of  date,  its  message,  the  prophetic  element  in  the 
message,  and  its  relation  to  the  pre-prophetic  movement. 

i.  This  book  (Ex.  21-23)  contains  two  kinds  of  material.  The 
first  part  (2i2-2217)  is  a  series  of  "  hypothetical  instructions,  based 
presumably  on  precedent"  (Gray,  EB.  2734)  ;  in  a  single  word, 
judgments  (cf.  Ex.  2I1,  243,  Nu.  3524),  or  judicial  decisions ;  regu 
lations,  seemingly  intended  for  the  use  of  judges,  and  dealing  with 
questions  of  civil  and  criminal  law.*  The  second  part  (2218-2319) 
is  a  series  (with  some  interruptions,  e.g.  2222"27  234f-96-13-156-17-190) 


tions  and  to  transform  it  into  an  institution  thoroughly  consonant  with  the  spirit  of 
Yahwism. 

*  The  following  subjects  are  treated  in  this  portion  :  (i)  Regulations  regarding 
slaves,  2i2-ii ;  (2)  personal  injuries,  21 12-27 ;  (3)  injuries  and  damages  in  connection 
with  cattle,  2i28-36;  (4)  theft,  22!-*;  (5)  damages  to  crops,  22^-6;  (6)  breaches  of 
trust,  227"1-5;  (7)  seduction,  2216£ 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  COVENANT  Ixv 

of  precepts  relating  to  life  and  worship,*  evidently  other  than 
legal  in  character ;  regulations  of  a  moral  and  religious  character, 
having  especially  to  do  with  the  deity  and  worship. f 

2.  An  examination  of  the  material  soon  discloses  that  (a)  the  original  form 
of  this  material  has  suffered  both  in  the  way  of  mutilation  and  in  actual  loss,  J 
for  all  of  which  full  allowance  must   be    made;    while   (£)   a   considerable 
amount  of  new  material,  joined  with  the  original  text,  must  be  set  aside  (v.s.) 
if  we  are  to  reconstruct  the  original  document  or  documents;   still  further, 
(<:)  the  laws  on  ritual  (2314~19)  are  practically  identical,  even  verbally,  with 
3418"26  (the  earlier  decalogue),  and  belonged  originally  in  chap.  34,  whence 
they  have  been  transferred  by  an  editor;  §  (</)  the  second  part  (2218-2319)  is 
more  diverse  in  character  than  the  first,  and  is  itself  plainly  a  compilation  of 
different  elements,  ||  some  of  which  betoken  a  Deuteronomic  origin;    (e)  the 
narrative  (2320-33),  which  in  its  present  form  is  late,  contains  old  material  that 
originally  stood  in  close  connection  with  CC,  viz.  vs.20-'22  25<  2y,  and  especially 
vs.28'31;  ^[  (/)  the  regulations  in  2O23'26  have  no  connection  with  the  preceding 
decalogue  (vs.1"17),  and  should  be  taken**  with  the  "words"  (cf.  2228~31). 

3.  CC,  with  such  modifications  as  are  involved  in  the  preceding  (cf.  2), 
now  suggests  two  series  of  questions  :   (i)  Did  the  author  of  the  jttdgnients 
also    collect  the   precepts  ?   or  is  CC,  as  we  have  it,  a  growth  ?     Various 
schemes  of  reconstruction  have  been  proposed,ff  of  which  G.  F.  Moore's  is, 

*  The  chief  subjects  of  this  portion  are :  (i)  three  precepts  on  sorcery,  bestiality, 
and  worship  of  foreign  gods,  2218-20 ;  (2)  humanitarian  laws,  2221;  (3)  reverence 
and  offerings,  2228-31;  (4)  testimony,  231-3;  (5)  impartial  administration  of  justice, 
236-9 ;  (6)  Sabbath  and  sabbatical  year,  2310-13 ;  (7)  feasts  and  offerings,  2314~19. 

f  Kent,  Student's  O.  T.,  in  loc.,  describes  2Q23-26  2229.  31  23io-i9  as  duties  to  Yahweh 
in  connection  with  the  ritual  which  constitute  E's  terms  of  the  covenant  with 
Yahweh. 

J  E.g.  222-  3«  seems  to  be  a  fragment  now  misplaced  ;  so  also  234  f  13. 

§  GFM.  EB.  1448;  cf.  Jiilicher,  JPTh.  VIII.  300  f. ;  Briggs,  Hex.  190  ff.,  229  f. 
According  to  Bu.  (ZA  W.  XI.  217  ff.),  the  presence  of  these  laws  in  Ex.  34  after  this 
transfer  is  due  to  another  still  later  editor;  cf.  also  GFM. 

||  GFM.  EB.  1448 ;  Gray,  EB.  2734. 

1  GFM.  EB.  1448. 

**  Contra  GFM.  EB.  1444;  cf.  Kent,  Student's  O.  T.  184. 

ft  Sta.  (GV/.  I.  636)  recognizes  two  divisions,  viz.  "words"  and  "judgments," 
questions  whether  they  originally  had  any  connection  with  each  other,  and  suggests 
that  the  words  originally  all  stood  together  under  their  own  superscription ;  and 
that  when  the  latter  was  dropped  the  present  confusion  arose.  Rothstein  (Bundes- 
buch,  1888)  regards  CC  as  an  expansion  of  the  decalogue  and  attempts  by  a  series 
of  violent  transpositions,  resulting  in  worse  confusion  than  that  which  now  exists,  to 
rearrange  its  contents  in  an  order  corresponding  to  that  of  the  subject-matter  in  the 
decalogue.  Stark  (Deuteronomium,  1894,  32  ff.)  finds  three  strata  of  laws  :  (i)  six 
laws,  somewhat  later  than,  the  J  decalogue,  viz.  2i12-  15-i9;  (2)  the  "judgments  "  of 


INTRODUCTION 

perhaps,  the  simplest,  viz.  there  existed  originally  (a)  a  book  of  judgments; 
to  this  was  added  (6}  the  "main  stock"  of  2218-2313,  i.e.  the  Horeb  legis 
lation  of  E;  then  (<:)  the  ritual  231*'19  (taken  from  J,  3414fft)  was  attached, 
probably  by  the  editor  who  (a1}  wrote  the  closing  story  (232a~33).  In  this 
case  the  substance  of  CC  is  as  early  as  E  (7A.y.). 

(2)  Some  suppose  that  CC  formed  a  part  of  the  original  E;  *  in  this  case 
CC  would  be  :  («)  the  law  given  at  Horeb  as  the  basis  of  the  Sinaitic  Cove 
nant  (but  we  have  both  what  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the  original  basis  (E1), 
as  well  as  the  decalogue  substituted  (z^.j.)  for  the  original);  or  (£)  a  con 
tinuation  of  the  decalogue  (Ex.  2O1-17)  and  so  a  part  of  the  Sinaitic  Covenant 
('u.s.');  or  (c}  the  document  which  led  up  to  the  renewal  of  the  covenant 
and  so  was  connected  with  Moses'  parting  words  in  the  plains  of  Moabf  ;  or 
(d}  the  "  statute  and  ordinance  "  of  Jos.  2425~27,  thus  representing  the  law 
given  as  the  basis  of  the  covenant  made  at  that  time,  whence  it  was  removed 
by  RD  to  its  present  position.  J  But  no  one  of  these  suggestions  is  free  from 
difficulties,  although  the  consideration  in  favor  of  the  proposition  is  impor 
tant,  viz.  the  general  similarity  of  CC  to  E. 

It  seems  upon  the  whole  easier  to  believe  that  CC  was  a  separate  book 
from  E,  §  inserted  in  E  by  the  editor  who  was  himself  the  compiler  of  CC. 

2i2-2216,  from  a  later  dale  than  the  preceding;  and  (3)  a  group  of  ethical  and  reli 
gious  laws,  a  sort  of  programme  of  the  prophetic  activity,  viz.  2o24ff-  221*"-  2°-  24  *'•  %  {- 
231-3.  6f.  10-12. 14.  Bertheau  (Sieben  Gruppen  Mosaischer  Gesetze,  1840)  first  arranged 
CC  in  decades,  viz.  (i)  2o3-i7;  (2)  2i2-n,  (3)  2112-27,  (4)  2128-2216,  (5)  22^-30 
(6)  231-8,  (7)  231*-19 ;  this  involved  the  treatment  of  2O22-26  as  four  introductory  com 
mands,  239-13  as  an  interpolation,  and  2326-33  as  a  closing  decalogue  of  promises. 
Briggs  (Hex.  211-232)  includes  in  the  original  CC  only  four  pentades  and  one 
decalogue  of  "  words,"  viz.  2O23-26  22>27-29  231-3  236-9  231°-1'J.  This  was  enlarged 
by  the  addition  of  two  pentades,  three  decalogues,  and  a  triplet  of  "judgments," 
viz.  2i2-n  2ii8-25  2i26-36  2i^~-22^  22*  f-  22&-16.  The  remaining  laws  are  later  inser 
tions  showing  traces  of  Deuteronomic  redaction.  Paton  (JBL.  XII.  79-93),  by 
supposing  Ex.  34  to  contain  another  recension  of  CC,  from  which  he  supplements 
defective  decalogues  in  CC,  by  considering  2i22-25  22!  f-  n  23^-  9-  M.  14.  ise  as  later 
additions,  and  by  restoring  two  pentades  from  Dt.  22,  obtains  an  original  CC 
consisting  of  ten  decalogues,  each  being  symmetrically  divided  into  two  pentades. 

*  So  Di.  Exod.  219  f. ;  Julicher,  JPTh.  VIII.  305  ;  Kue.  Hex.  152  f. ;  Co.  Einl. 
73  ff. ;  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  The  Hexateuch,  II.  113,  et  al.;  contra  Bantsch, 
Bundesbuch,  chap.  II. 

f  So  Kue.,  Co.,  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  et  al.;  in  this  case  either  (i)  RD  (the 
editor  who  joined  J  and  E  with  D)  put  D  in  the  place  formerly  occupied  by 
CC,  at  the  same  time  removing  CC  to  the  earlier  place  which  it  now  occupies;  or 
(2)  RJE  (the  editor  who  joined  J  and  E)  took  Ex.  34  (which  was  the  basis  of  the 
Sinaitic  covenant  according  to  J)  and  used  it  as  the  basis  of  the  renewal,  at  the 
same  time  pushing  back  CC  to  the  decalogue  and  making  the  two  (i.e.  the  deca 
logue  and  CC)  the  basis  of  the  covenant. 

J  Holzinger,  Einl.  179. 

$  So  Rothstein,  Das  Bundesbuch\  Bantsch,  Bundesbuck,  77  ff.;  We.  Pro/.  *ur 
Gesch.  /jr.8  420;  GFM.  EB  1449, 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE   COVENANT  Ixvii 

The  material  in  this  case  may  have  had  its  origin  as  follows  (z/.j.)*  :  (a)  Ex. 
2314  ff-  =  34  (J) ;  (£)  the  judgments  may  have  been  a  part  of  E  standing 
after  chap.  18,  which  itself  originally  stood  later  in  the  narrative;  (/)  the/r^- 
cepts,  now  somewhat  obscured  in  2218ff-  23,  were  probably  that  part  of  the 
Horeb  legislation  (E1)  for  which  the  decalogue  (v.s.*)  was  substituted. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  all  of  these  various  hypotheses  agree  in 
assigning  to  the  substance  of  CC  and  in  large  measure  to  the  form 
which  we  now  have,  an  age  contemporaneous  with  or  preceding 
that  of  E  (v.i.)»  CC  embodies  "the  consuetudinary  law  of  the 
early  monarchy."  | 

4.  The  presence  of  CC  in  E  (or  JE)  is  due  to  a  religious  purpose 
on  the  part  of  the  author  or  editor ;  this  purpose,  however,  par 
takes  of  the  historical  spirit  rather  than  of  the  legal  or  reformatory 
spirit.  In  other  words,  no  effort  was  being  made,  as  later  in  the 
case  of  the  Deuteronomic  code  or  the  Levitical  code,  to  gain  rec 
ognition  from  the  people  for  a  new  legislation.  J  This  appears, 
not  only  from  the  small  proportion  of  the  whole  of  E  which  CC 
constitutes,  but  also  from  the  fact  that  its  laws  are  based  on  long- 
established  usage,  or  codify  moral  precepts  which  had  already 
been  taught ;  the  presence  of  CC  indicates  also,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  E  (or  the  editor),  a  complete  harmony  of  thought 
between  the  content  of  CC  and  the  material  of  E  ;  the  message 
of  CC,  therefore,  becomes  a  part  of  the  larger  message  of  E,  and 
receives  interpretation  from  the  latter. 

The  regulations  ("judgments"  and  "precepts")  are  entirely 
consistent  (i)  in  treating  the  deity  as  the  direct  and  exclusive 
source  of  judgment  and  authority ;  (2)  in  recognizing  that  a  time 
has  now  come  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation  when  the  rights  of  the 
community  are  to  be  considered,  with  a  view  to  restricting  the 
action  of  individuals  in  so  far  as  they  are  injurious  to  the  com 
munity  (cf.  the  decalogue) ;  (3)  in  continuing  to  accept  certain 
principles  which  have  long  prevailed  in  Semitic  life,  e.g.  (a)  that 
of  retaliation,  which  included  the  lex  talionis,  (&)  that  of  blood 
revenge,  and  money  compensation  for  injuries  committed,  there 

*  As  suggested  by  GFM.  EB.  1449;  cf.  Bu.  ZA  W.  XI.  218  1. 
f  Co.  Einl.  75;  cf.  Dr.  DB.  III.  68;  WRS. 
I  Cf.  G.  B.  Gray,  EB.  2731  f. 


Ixviii  INTRODUCTION 

being  no  punishment  by  way  of  degradation ;  (4)  in  having  as  a 
basis  on  which  everything  rests  the  agricultural  form  of  life. 

The  regulations,  as  already  indicated,  (a)  when  studied  from 
the  point  of  view  of  worship,  represent  the  customs  of  the  past  *  in 
their  comparative  purity  and  simplicity,  but  at  the  same  time 
emphasize  the  restriction  of  such  worship  to  Yahweh  (monolatry)  ; 
nothing  new  is  here  presented ;  ($)  when  considered  from  the 
point  of  view  of  ethics,  emphasize  two  or  three  important  points, 
viz.  the  setting  apart  of  the  sabbath  as  a  day  of  rest,  the  giving  to 
the  poor  of  the  produce  of  the  land  during  one  year  in  seven,f 
the  distinction  between  murder  and  manslaughter,  the  securing 
of  justice  to  the  foreigner,  the  restoration  of  ox  or  ass  to  one's 
enemy,  the  urgency  against  oppression  and  maladministration  of 
office. 

In  general,  then,  the  message  was  one  of  an  elevating  character 
in  its  moral  attitude,  advocating,  as  it  does,  absolute  "  rectitude 
and  impartiality "  in  methods  of  administration ;  mildness,  pro 
tection  and  relief  from  severe  life  for  the  poor,  the  foreigner, 
and  the  slave ;  a  generous  attitude  even  toward  one's  enemy 

(^3n).  t 

5.  The  prophetic  element  is  manifest ;  so  manifest,  indeed,  that 
many  have  regarded  CC  as  the  result  of  the  later  prophetic  work. 
It  is  more  correct,  however,  after  making  proper  allowances  for 
the  Deuteronomic  additions,  to  regard  this  as  the  expression  of 
that  religious  and  ethical  development  which  had  its  source  and 
strength  in  the  movement  of  the  times  of  Elijah  and  Elisha,  and  of 
J  and  E,  and,  therefore,  as  preparatory  to  the  period  of  prophecy 
beginning  with  Amos  and  Hosea.  §  This  view  is  to  be  accepted 
because  of  ( i )  the  marked  linguistic  and  phraseological  affinity  of 
CC  to  E ;  (2)  the  large  proportion  of  the  code  given  to  the 
treatment  of  secular  matters  (cf.  the  similar  nature  of  the  Code 

*  Viz.  rude  and  simple  altars,  firstlings  and  first-fruits,  three  pilgrimages,  no 
leaven,  destruction  of  fat,  burnt-offerings  and  peace-offerings,  etc. 

f  V.  my  Constructive  Studies  in  the  Priestly  Element  in  the  O.  T.  (1902),  108-118. 

JK.  DB.M.  664*5,  665. 

§  So  K.  DB.  V.  664  f.;  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  The  Hexateuch,  I.  119;  Dr. 
DB.  III. 68 ;  Co.Einl.  75 ;  WRS.  OTJC*  340  ff. ;  Bacon,  Triple  Tradition,  no  ff. ; 
Gray,  EB.  2733 ;  We.  Hex.  89  f. ;  Addis,  Doc.  of  Hex.  1. 142  f. ;  contra  Sta.  G  VI.  I. 
634;  Steuernagel,  Deuteronomittm  u.Josua,  278;  Bantsch,  Bundcsbuch,  122;  et  a/. 


THE  JUDAEAN  NARRATIVE  Ixix 

of  Hammurabi),  a  sign  of  a  comparatively  early  date  ;  *  (3)  the 
primitive  character  of  many  of  the  regulations  and  ideas,  e.g.  "  the 
conception  of  God  as  the  immediate  source  of  judgment" 
(Driver)  ;  the  principle  of  retaliation  and  the  law  of  blood 
revenge,  ideas  still  dominant  among  the  Bedouin;  the  more 
primitive  tone  of  2221  as  compared  with  3420;  and  the  conception 
of  woman  which  appears  in  the  provision  for  the  estimate  of  a 
daughter's  dishonor,  as  so  much  damage  to  property,  to  be  made 
good  in  cash  (cf.  the  higher  ideal  of  Hosea). 

§  8.   THE  JUDAEAN  NARRATIVE  (J). 

This  narrative  of  world-  and  nation-history  had  its  origin  within 
the  century  850-750  B.C.,  and,  with  the  closely  related  Ephraimitic 
narrative,  is  at  once  an  expression  of  the  pre-prophetic  thought 
and  the  basis  for  a  still  higher  development  of  that  thought.  What 
may  be  gathered  from  this  most  wonderful  narrative,  throughout 
prophetic  in  its  character,  for  a  better  understanding  of  the  pre- 
Amos  period  ? 

i.  Four  propositions  relating  to  the  Hexateuch  are  now  all  but 
universally  acknowledged  and  may  be  stated  without  discussion  :  — 

(i)  The  Hexateuch  is  made  up  in  general  of  three  distinct 
elements,  viz.  the  prophetic  (JE),  the  prophetico-priestly,  found 
mostly  in  Deuteronomy  (D),  and  the  priestly  (P),  these  elements 
being  joined  together,  first  JE  with  D,  and  later  JED  with  P.f 

*  It  is  still  a  question  whether  the  relationship  of  CC  to  the  Code  of  Hammurabi 
is  (a)  one  of  direct  dependence  (as  close,  indeed,  as  the  relation  of  the  early  stories 
in  Genesis  to  the  Babylonian  legends),  since,  in  a  number  of  cases,  the  laws  are 
practically  identical  (so  Johnston,  Johns  Hopkins  University  Circular,  June,  1903)  ; 
or  (2)  one  of  racial  affinity,  i.e.  of  common  tradition,  without  any  direct  influence, 
much  less,  borrowing  (so  Cook,  D.  H.  Miiller,  Kohler)  ;  or,  perhaps,  (3)  one  of 
entire  independence,  with  CC,  however,  greatly  influenced  by  a  Babylonian  envi 
ronment  (so  Johns,  DB.  V.  6ioff.).  While  the  existence  of  such  a  code  as  that  of 
Hammurabi,  at  the  early  date  of  2250  B.C.,  strengthens  the  arguments  for  an  early 
date  of  CC,  it  does  not  furnish  any  proof  that  CC  could  have  existed  in  its  present 
form  earlier  than  the  stage  of  civilization  (viz.  the  agricultural)  in  which  it  is  plainly 
imbedded. 

t  The  details  do  not  concern  us  in  this  connection ;  for  the  most  recent  dis 
cussion  of  these  details,  v.  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  The  Hexateuch,  Vol.  I. ;  Hol- 
zinger,  Einleitung  in  den  Hexateuch;  Dr.  LOT.;  and  the  introductions  to  the 
various  commentaries  on  the  Hexateuch  by  Gunkel,  Steuernagel,  Bantsch,  G.  F. 
Moore,  Gray,  Bertholet,  Holzinger,  and  Driver. 


Ixx  INTRODUCTION 

(2)  The  prophetic  element,  with  which  alone  we  are  now  con 
cerned,  is  itself  the  result  of  a  union  of  two  distinct  documents  ; 
and  while  these  two  documents  may  not  be  clearly  distinguished 
from  each  other  in  certain  phases,  they  nevertheless  stand  apart, 
in  the  greater  portion  of  the  material,  to  an  extent  which  is  no 
longer  seriously  questioned.* 

(3)  J  is  a  Judaean  narrative,  having  its  origin  in  the  king 
dom  of  Judah,  while  E  (v.i.}  arose  in   Northern   Israel.     The 
evidence  of  J's  Southern  origin  is  not  so  clear  as  is  that  of  E's 
Northern  origin,  but  with  the  practical  certainty  of  the  latter,  the 
probability  of  the  former  follows.    This,  moreover,  is  strengthened 
when  we  observe  (a}  the  prominence  attached  to  certain  distinc 
tively  Southern  sanctuaries  in  the  patriarchal  narratives ;  (^)   the 
conspicuous  place  assigned  to  Judah  among  Jacob's  sons  (Gn. 
3726  438  4416  18  4910),  cf.  the   corresponding    place    assigned   to 
Reuben  and  Joseph  in  E,  and  the  absence  in  J  of  any  very  sure 
allusion  to  Joshua  ;    (c)  the  improbability  that  two  such  similar 
narratives  as  J   and   E  circulated  side  by  side  in  the  Northern 
kingdom,  and   (d}  the   presence   in  Gn.  38  of   traditions   con 
cerning  families  of  Judah,  which  would  have  little  interest  for  a 
non-Judahite.| 

(4)  J,  although  for  the  sake  of  convenience  spoken  of  as  a 
narrative,  or  indeed  as  a  narrator,  represents  a  school  of  writers 
covering  a  period  of  perhaps  a  century  or  more.     It  is  necessary, 
therefore,  in  the  use  of  J  to  distinguish  with  care  the  different 
strata.     For  practical  purposes,  however,  we  may  speak  of  J1  as 
the  original  J,  and  of   the  material  assigned  to  J2  or  J3  as  ad 
ditions.  I 

*  Cf.  the  practical  agreement  existing  among  recent  analysts,  e.g .  Carpenter 
and  Battersby,  Addis,  Bacon,  Driver,  Kautzsch. 

tCf.  Holzinger,  Einl.  160-5;  Kit.  Hist.  I.  83-5;  E.  Meyer,  ZA  W.  I.  138; 
Sta.  GVJ.  I.  547;  Co.  Einl.  51 ;  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  The  Hexateuch,  1. 104  ff. 

J  Cf.  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  op.  cit.  I.  108  f. ;  Holzinger,  EinL  138-60.  This 
material  is  of  more  than  a  single  kind,  including,  as  it  does,  (i)  additions  to  the 
Urgeschichte,  having  a  different  point  of  view  or  background,  e.g.  the  narrative  of 
the  Deluge,  which  is  unknown  to  J1 ;  (2)  parallels  in  the  patriarchal  narratives,  e.g. 
the  story  of  Abraham  and  Sarah  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh  is  a  later  form  of  the  tra 
dition  as  it  appears  in  connection  with  Isaac  and  Rebekah  at  the  Philistine  court; 
(3)  insertions  pervaded  by  a  loftier  ethical  and  spiritual  tone  than  the  context,  e.g. 
Gn.  i817ff-  '^b-'2&a  EX.  346-9  Ku.  i417;  (4)  editorial  additions  made  in  connection 


THE  JUDAEAN   NARRATIVE  Ixxi 

The  time  relations  of  J1  seem  to  be  those  of  850  to  750  B.C.,  or  possibly  a 
little  later.  Only  a  few  would  assign  a  later  date.*  This  unanimity  of 
opinion  rests  upon  (a)  the  fact  that  the  prophetic  character  of  J  is  less 
definite  than  that  of  Amos  and  Hosea,  seeming,  therefore,  to  belong  to  a  more 
primitive  stage  in  the  development  of  the  spirit  of  prophecy ;  (£)  the  proba 
bility  that  Am.  29  Ho.  910  i23f-12f-  are  based  upon  the  written  narrative  of 
J ;  (V)  the  literary  style  and  the  religious  development  found  in  Amos  and 
his  immediate  successors  imply  the  existence  of  religious  writings  with  which 
they  and  their  listeners  were  familiar  ;  (</)  the  fact  that  the  narrative  of  J 
continues  into  the  days  of  Joshua  implies  its  post-Mosaic  origin  ;  (<?)  the 
national  spirit  everywhere  characteristic  of  it  did  not  exist  until  the  age 
of  the  monarchy,  when  Israel  for  the  first  time  realized  its  unity ;  (/")  the 
probability  that  the  same  school  of  writers  has  contributed  to  the  Books 
of  Samuel  and  Kings;  (§•)  the  friendly  attitude  toward  the  Philistines 
appearing  in  the  narratives  concerning  the  dealings  of  Abraham  and  Isaac 
with  them  could  not  have  arisen  until  a  long  time  after  the  hostilities 
of  the  reign  of  David  ;  (//)  the  reign  of  Solomon  is  evidently  looked  back 
upon  as  a  sort  of  golden  age  (cf.  Gn.  I518  and  I  K.  421;  Gn.  925  and  1  K.  920) ; 
(«)  such  names  as  Zaphenath-paneah  and  Poti-phera  are  unknown  in  Egyptian 
writings  until  the  post-Solomonic  period  ;  (/)  Jos.  626  points  back  to  the 
reign  of  Ahab  ;  cf.  i  K.  i634. 

2.  The  scope  of  J  includes  the  history  of  the  world  from  the 
creation  of  Adam  down  to  Abraham,  the  history  of  Israel's 
patriarchal  ancestors  from  the  selection  of  Abraham  down  to 
the  residence  in  Egypt,  the  history  of  the  nation  under  the 
leadership  of  Moses  and  Joshua  (?)  down  to  the  conquest  of 
Canaan.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  the  same  school  (v.s.) 
of  writers  continued  the  work  down  through  the  times  of  the 
monarchy,  giving  us  the  earlier  portions  of  Samuel  and  Kings.f 

The  general  framework  of  the  narrative  from  the  story  of  Eden 


with  the  union  of  J  and  E,  e.g.  Gn.  2215~18  Ex.  329-H;  (5)  Deuteronomic  additions 
to  the  legislation  of  J,  e.g.  Ex.  1936-6. 

*  Schra.  (in  De  Wette's  Einl*}  places  J  between  825  and  800  ;  Kit.  (Hist.  I.  86), 
between  830  and  800  ;  Kue.  puts  J1  in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  or  the  first  years 
of  the  eighth  century,  and  J2  in  the  latter  half  of  the  seventh  century ;  Bu.  (  Urgesch.} 
assigns  J1  to  the  ninth  century  or  the  latter  years  of  the  tenth,  and  J2  to  the  reign  of 
Ahaz  ;  Di.  dates  J  somewhat  after  750  B.C.,  but  prior  to  Hezekiah's  reform  ;  Car 
penter  and  Battersby  say,  "  J  may,  perhaps,  be  the  issue  of  two  centuries  of  literary 
growth,  850-650  B.C." ;  Steuernagel,  D enter onomium  u.  Josua,  280,  names  900-700 
B.C.  as  the  period  within  which  J  arose  (so  Holzinger,  Genesis). 

t  So  Schra.  in  De  Wette's  Einl*  327-32  ;  Bu.  Richter  u.  Samuel ;  GFM. 
Judges;  Now.  Richter-Ruth ;  Sta.  ZA  W.  I.  339  ;  Co.  ZA  W.  X.  96 ff. ;  et  a/. 


Ixxii  INTRODUCTION 

to  the  settlement  in  Canaan  discloses  a  definite  purpose  in  the 
mind  of  the  author  of  this  literary  creation.*  The  purpose  is 
twofold,  relating  on  the  one  hand  to  the  origin  of  Israel  as  a 
nation  and  Israel's  relation  to  the  neighboring  nations,  and,  on 
the  other,  to  the  close  connection  of  Yahweh  with  this  origin  and 
development.  Nearly  every  story  in  the  long  series  finds  its  true 
interpretation  from  this  point  of  view.f  This  is  in  perfect  har 
mony  with  the  national  motive  which  underlies  the  work  of  Elijah, 
Elisha,  and  other  nebhi'im  (§§  3-5),  with  the  higher  place  which 
Israel  is  just  at  this  period  taking  among  the  nations,  and,  like 
wise,  with  the  new  ideas  of  Yahweh  which  were  appealing  with 
such  force  to  those  who  breathed  the  prophetic  inspiration 
(p.  xlix).  This  religio-political  motive  includes  also  the  desire 
to  give  expression  to  new  and  larger  conceptions  of  God  and  man 
and  life  (t.i.).  This  historical  interest  does  not  concern  itself 
with  matters  of  an  institutional  character  (this  was  P's  great 
responsibility).  It  is  the  heroes  of  ancient  history  and  the  scenes 
of  the  olden  times  that  the  Judaean  narrative  delights  in.  For  this 
reason  practically  no  care  is  given  to  providing  chronological 
indications,  and  hardly  more  to  the  chronological  arrangement 
of  the  material.  J  It  is  the  spirit  that  controls  throughout,  nowhere 
the  letter.  It  is  not  difficult  to  connect  this  expression  of  a  true 
religious  spirit  with  the  reformation  in  Judah,  almost  contempo 
raneous  (six  years  later)  with  that  of  Elisha  and  Jehu  in  Israel, 
which  was,  after  all,  only  the  conclusion  of  the  former,  resulting, 
as  it  did,  in  the  overthrow  of  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab  and 
Jezebel. 

3.  One  of  the  principal  problems  of  the  Judaean  narrative 
requires  at  least  a  passing  glance,  viz.  that  of  the  world-stories 
with  which  the  narrative  of  J  opens.  §  What  was  their  origin  ? 
What  was  their  place  in  the  narrative  as  a  whole?  We  cannot 


*  Reuss  (  Gesch.  d.  heil.  Schrift  d.  A.  T.  $  214)  not  inappropriately  characterizes 
J  as  a  "  national  epic."  Dr.  (  The  Book  of  Genesis,  p.  xiv  )  declares  J  to  be  "  the 
most  gifted  and  the  most  brilliant"  of  all  the  Hebrew  historians. 

f  This  is  true  (contra  Dr.)  even  of  stories  like  that  of  the  mission  of  Abraham's 
steward  (Gn.  24). 

J  V.  the  author's  articles  in  Hebr.  V.-VI. 

§  Viz.  the  stories  of  the  Garden  of  Eden,  Cain  and  Abel,  the  Deluge,  and  the 
Tower  of  Babel. 


THE  JUDAEAN  NARRATIVE  ixxiii 

longer  deny  the  close  formal  connection  of  these  traditions  with 
the  similar  traditions  of  other  peoples.*  Nor  can  we  suppose 
that  the  various  forms  which  these  same  stories  take  on  among 
other  nations  are  derived  from  an  original  Israelitish  form.  Israel 
received  this  material  from  the  same  sources  as  those  from  which 
other  nations  received  their  stories.  It  is  a  heritage  common  to 
many  nations.  At  the  same  time  it  is  quite  certain  that  Israel 
came  into  peculiar  relations  with  the  older  Babylonian  tradition, 
not  so  much  in  a  direct  way  through  the  earliest  ancestor  Abraham,! 
as  in  a  more  indirect  manner,  viz.  through  the  Canaanitish  ele 
ment,  which  itself  contained  much  that  was  Babylonian.  J  The 
transformation  which  these  stories  have  undergone  is  strictly  in 
accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  narrative  as  a  whole,  and  might 
well  be  taken  to  represent  the  whole,  since  it  shows  the  prophetic 
motive,  not  only  in  general,  but  in  detail,  and  illustrates  practi 
cally  every  phase  of  that  spirit.  Moreover,  these  stories  (found  in 
Gn.  2-1 1 )  furnish  not  only  the  starting-point,  but  the  basis,  for  the 
Judaean  narrative,  establishing  at  the  very  beginning  the  essential 
view-point  of  the  narrative.  This  is  seen  especially  (i)  in  the 
place  assigned  Yahweh  in  reference  to  the  outside  nations ;  (2)  in 
the  importance  attached  to  the  conception  of  sin,  and  likewise 
that  of  deliverance  ;  (3)  in  the  attitude  shown  toward  the  progress 
of  civilization ;  (4)  in  the  preparation  already  made  for  giving 
Israel  her  place  among  the  nations;  and  (5)  in  the  details  of 
prophetic  method  and  procedure. 

4.  This  prophetic  factor  appears  in  several  of  the  most  important 
characteristics  of  the  narrative.  §  Only  a  few  of  these  may  be 
mentioned  :  — 

(i)  The  purpose  and  spirit  (v.i.)  are  distinctly  prophetic,  since 
the  writer  assumes  to  be  acquainted  with  the  plans  of  the  deity, 
and  in  fact  to  speak  for  that  deity  under  all  circumstances ;  e.g.  he 
declares  the  divine  purpose  in  the  creation  of  woman  (Gn.  218~24); 

*  V.  Lenormant,  Beginnings  of  History  ;  Davis,  Genesis  and  Semitic  Tradition  ; 
Gunkel,  The  Legends  of  Genesis  ;  and  the  enormous  Babel  u.  Bibel  literature  result 
ant  upon  Friedrich  Delitzsch's  famous  lectures. 

t  Jastrow,  JQR.,  1901,  p.  653. 

J  So  Gunkel,  Genesis,  p.  xli ;    Dr.  Genesis,  31 ;  Sayce,  Wkl.,  Zimmern,  et  al. 

$  Dr.  Genesis,  pp.  xxi  ff. ;  Holzinger,  Einl.  129  ff. ;  Carpenter  and  Battersby, 
Hex.  I.  99. 


Ixxiv  INTRODUCTION 

he  assigns  the  cause  and  motive  of  Yahweh's  act  in  sending  the 
Deluge  (Gn.  61'7)  ;  he  knows  the  exact  effect  of  Noah's  sacrifice 
upon  the  divine  mind  (Gn.  821f<)  ;  he  sees  the  divine  purpose 
in  the  confusion  of  tongues  (Gn.  n6f-)  and  in  the  selection  of 
Abram  (Gn.  I21"3)  ;  he  also  describes  the  scene  between  Moses 
and  Yah  web  on  the  top  of  Pisgah  (Dt.  34ld'4). 

(2)  The  national  element,  so  prophetic  in  its  character,  dis 
plays  itself  (a)  in  the  great  prominence  given  to  stories  in  which 
the  principal  heroes  are  reputed  national  ancestors,  such  as  those 
concerning  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob,  Judah,  Joseph,  Moses ;    (£)  in 
the  recital  of  events  which  had  to  do  with  the  national  progress, 
such  as  the  journey  into  Egypt,  the  Exodus,  the  covenant  at  Sinai, 
the  conquest,  the  settlement,  —  these  being  the  very  foundations 
of  the  national  history ;    (<:)   in  the  evident  desire  to  represent 
Israel  as  unique  among  the  nations,  since  she,  a  direct  descendant 
(through  Noah,  Abraham,  and  others)  of  the  first  man  Adam,  had 
been  definitely  chosen  by  Yahweh  as  his  own  peculiar  people  ;  and 
to  represent  the  affairs  of  the  world  as  arranged  in  such  a  way  as  to 
secure  the  best  interest  of  a  single  people,  Israel ;  *  (</)  in  the  naive 
and  primitive  method  adopted  to  show  Israel's  superiority  to  their 
mort  closely  related  neighbors,  viz.  by  connecting  some  form  of 
reproach  with  the  origin  of  the  nation  concerned,  e.g.  Canaan  in 
the  srory  of  Noah  (Gn.  g25^)  as  a  slave  to  other  peoples;  Moab 
and   Ammon    (Gn.  iQ30"38)   as  the  offspring  of  Lot  by  incest ;  f 
Ishmae  (Gn.  i6llff)  as  the  son  of  a  handmaid;  Edom  as  inferior 
in  ability  and  character  from  the  beginning ;  various  Arabian  tribes 
as  being  descended  from  Keturah,  Abraham's  second  wife,  and  as 
not  receiving  a  share  in  Abraham's  property  (Gn.  251"5). 

(3)  The  predictive  element  is,  of  course,  prophetic  ;  "  the  patri 
archal  history  is,  in  his  (J's)  hands,  instinct  with  the  consciousness 
of  a  great  future"  (Driver),     (a)  The  history  of  sin  is  pictured 
(Gn.  3")  with  unerring  accuracy,  as  a  long  and  painful  struggle 


*  This  conception  is  clearly  found  in  J  (cf.  13?  2218  264) ,  although  the  word 
"  choose  "  is  used  first  of  Israel  in  Dt.  437. 

f  Cf.,  however,  Gunkel's  conjecture  that  this  story  is  of  Moab-Ammonite  origin, 
and  in  early  times  bore  no  tinge  of  reproach  ;  but  on  the  contrary  was  a  eulogy  of 
the  daughters  of  Lot,  who  took  such  heroic  measures  to  secure  children,  and  also 
preserved  thereby  the  purity  of  ihe  tribal  Dlood. 


THE  JUDAEAN  NARRATIVE  IxxV 

between  humanity  and  the  influences  which  tempt  man  to  evil, 
a  struggle  which  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case  must  mean  victory 
for  humanity ;  *  (b)  Israel's  relations  to  other  peoples  are  pro 
phetically  interpreted  in  Gn.  Q25"29 ;  f  (c)  glimpses  of  Israel's 
future  numbers  and  power  are  given  to  the  patriarchs,  Isaac 
(Gn.  2727ff-),  Jacob  (Gn.  4815-19  491'27)  ;  while  (</)  a  forecast  of 
Israel's  future  relations  to  the  world  at  large  is  placed  in  the 
mouth  of  a  foreign  prophet  (Nu.  2417"19). 

These  predictions  represent  the  very  thought  of  the  prophet 
concerning  the  Israel  of  his  own  day,  the  position  already  gained, 
or  that  which,  with  the  encouragement  thus  given  (i.e.  by  the  rhe 
torical  and  homiletical  use  of  prediction),  may  be  expected.  They 
are,  in  other  words,  "  prophetical  interpretations  of  history " 
(Driver). 

(4)  The  prophetic  element  is  seen  also  in  the  idealism  which 
permeates  the  narrative  throughout.  The  writer  makes  word- 
pictures  of  events  and  characters  in  life,  in  order  that  his  contem 
poraries,  observing  the  ideal  life  thus  represented  (whether  it  is  an 
ideal  of  good  or  an  ideal  of  bad),  may  lift  their  life  from  the  lower 
plane  to  a  higher. 

The  story  of  Abraham  is  a  pen-portrait  presenting  the  ideal  of  intimate 
acquaintance  and  communion  with  Yahweh,  and  consequent  faithfulness  and 
obedience  (cf.  Che.  EB.  24).  In  the  story  of  Joseph,  he  pictures  the  final 
victory  of  purity  and  integrity  in  spite  of  evil  machinations  on  the  part  of 
those  who  are  rich  and  powerful  (cf.  Dr.  DB.  II.  770).  In  the  picture  given 
us  of  Israel's  oppression  in  Egypt,  and  deliverance  from  the  same  by  the  out 
stretched  hand  of  Yahweh,  we  see  Israel  as  a  nation  brought  face  to  face  with  the 
mightiest  power  on  earth,  and  triumphing  over  that  power  with  all  its  gods.  \ 

*  This  passage  implies,  if  it  does  not  promise,  victory ;  cf.  Dr.  Genesis,  48,57, 
and  contra  Holzinger,  in  loc.,w\\o  denies  to  it  ethical  content  and  limits  its  meaning 
to  an  explanation  of  the  well-known  antipathy  of  man  to  the  serpent  family ;  also 
Gunkel,  who  interprets  it  as  explaining  the  perpetual  hostility  of  man  and  the 
serpent  family,  as  a  punishment  for  their  league  against  Yahweh. 

f  Whether  we  understand  (i)  as  formerly  (also  recently  by  Dr.  op.  cit.  p.  in) 
the  three  great  powers  of  civilization,  the  Semitic,  the  Japhetic,  and  the  Hamitic, 
or  (2)  with  We.,  Sta.,  Bu.,  Meyer,  Holzinger,  merely  Israel,  Canaan,  and  Philistia 
or  Phoenicia;  or  (3)  with  Gunkel  (Shem  =)  the  Aramaean-Hebrew  peoples, 
and  (Japhet=)  the  northern  peoples  (i.e.  the  Hittites). 

J  On  the  Musri  hypothesis  of  the  Exodus  this  exalted  conception  of  Yahweh's 
power  disappears  from  the  story  in  its  original  form,  but,  even  if  the  hypothesis  be 
accepted,  the  transformation  into  an  Egyptian  Exodus  must  have  taken  place  prior 
to  the  times  of  J. 


Ixxvi  INTRODUCTION 

Stories  of  this  kind,  and  there  were  many  such,  were  intended  to  lead  men 
into  a  higher  life,  and  to  give  the  nation  a  confidence  in  its  destiny.* 

(5)  A  true  prophetic  conception  expresses  itself  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Judaean  narrative  toward  the  progress  of  civilization.    Here 
J  follows  in  the  footsteps  of  those  who  preceded  him,  and  joins 
hands  with  the  Nazirite  and  the  Rechabite  (v.s.). 

This  antagonism,  a  corollary  of  the  views  entertained  concerning  sin  (».«.), 
shows  itself  in  connection  with  (a}  the  story  of  the  murder  which  accompanied 
the  building  of  the  first  city  (Gn.  43-16) ;  (£)  the  beginnings  of  the  arts,  all  of 
which  led  to  the  further  spread  of  sin  (Gn.  420-24  n1"9);  (c)  the  evident 
reproach  joined  to  the  beginning  of  the  culture  of  the  vine  (Gn.  920 ff-);  and 
(</)  the  beautiful  representation  everywhere  made  of  the  charm  and  simplicity 
of  the  pastoral  life. 

(6)  The  Judaean  narrative  clearly  presents  the  prophetic  idea 
of  the  covenant  relation  entered  into  between  Yahweh  and  the 
people  of  Israel,  with  the  circumstances  leading  up  to  the  making 
of  the  covenant,  the  basis  on  which  it  was  to  rest,  and  its  formal 
ratification  (Ex.  i^25  241"9  341"28).     We  do  not  see  the  proof  of 
the  non-existence  of  this  idea  at  this  time  in  the  assertion  that 
the  narratives   (including  that  of  E,  cf.  Ex.  20  and  Dt.  5,  and 
Ex.  2420"24)   are  legendary  and  self-contradictory,  that  the   early 
writing  prophets  make  no  use  of  the  conception,  and  that,  conse 
quently,  we  are  to  understand  the  entire  covenant  idea  to  be  the 
result  of  prophetic  teaching,!  rather  than  one  of  its  fundamental 
positions  from  the  very  beginning. 

This  question  will  come  up  again,  but  it  is  well  at  this  point  to  observe 
with  Giesebrecht  (Die  Geschichtlichkeit  d.  Sinaibundes}  :  (a)  that  while 
references  to  the  fact  of  a  Sinaitic  covenant  outside  of  JE  are  few  and 
doubtful  (e.g.  i  K.  I910- 14,  in  which  nna  is  probably  a  later  insertion,  cf.  &; 
on  Ho.  67  and  81  v.  commentary  in  loc.'}  until  Jeremiah's  time,  this  is  not  con 
clusive  that  such  a  covenant  was  unknown  ;  since  (a)  Hosea  in  chap.  1-3 

*  This  work  of  transforming  appears  all  the  more  clearly,  if  we  understand  with 
Paton  (AJT.  VIII.,  Oct.  1904)  that  the  real  basis  of  these  patriarchal  stories  is 
found  in  traditions  concerning  the  relation  and  movements  of  the  early  tribes. 

f  We.  fsr.  u.  jud.  Gesch.  12  f. ;  Sm.  Rel?  117;  Schwally,  Semitische  Kriegsal- 
tertiimer,  I.  2;  Schmidt,  art.  "Covenant,"  EB. ;  contra  Giesebrecht,  Geschichtlichr 
keit  d.  Shiaibutides  (1900)  ;  and  K.  DB.  V.  630  ff. 


THE  JUDAEAN  NARRATIVE  Ixxvii 

plainly  presents  the  fact  of  a  covenant,  although  no  name  is  used;  (/3)  the  pri 
mary  meaning  of  .^-n  (cf.  Val.  ZA  W.  XII.  i  ff.,  224  ft.,  XIII.  245  ff.;  Kratz- 
schmar,  Die  Bundes-vorstellung  im  A.  7\;  K.  DB.  V.  630;  contra  Schmidt, 
EB.  928  ff.)  is  covenant,  agreement,  the  only  way  of  putting  a  law  into  force 
being  that  of  mutual  agreement ;  (7)  the  lack  of  more  frequent  reference  to 
the  existence  of  the  covenant  is  explained  in  part  on  the  ground  that  no  writ 
ings  from  the  older  prophets  have  come  down  to  us  ;  in  part,  because  few 
particular  occasions  called  for  such  mention,  and,  besides,  after  the  expiration 
of  so  long  a  period  it  was  unnecessary  to  make  allusion  to  the  initial  act, 
especially  when,  as  history  shows,  every  great  change  in  the  national  situation 
was  accompanied  by  a  new  pledge  of  Yahweh's  loyalty  and  love.  Further 
more,  (b)  the  leaders,  in  their  continuous  effort  to  use  the  cultus  as  an  example 
of  the  demands  growing  out  of  the  covenant-relation,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
adapt  the  instruction  to  the  changing  needs  of  the  people,  emphasized  the 
new  relations,  rather  than  the  old  covenant  made  by  Moses.  And  if  it  is 
asked  why  should  such  emphasis  have  been  placed  on  it  in  the  days  of  Jere 
miah,  the  answer  is  close  at  hand  :  Israel's  religion  is  preeminently  an 
historical  religion  ;  the  time  had  come  when  the  covenant  was  to  be  broken; 
this  fact  necessarily  brings  the  old  covenant  into  great  prominence.  Concern 
ing  the  relation  of  Amos  and  Hosea  to  this  covenant-idea  v.i. 

(7)  The  prophetic  element  is  seen  still  more  strongly  in  the 
controlling  place  occupied  in  the  narrative  by  the  characteristic 
prophetic  conception  of  sin  and  deliverance.*  This  factor  seems 
to  underlie  everything  else,  beginning,  as  it  does,  with  the  story 
of  the  origin  of  sin  in  Eden  and  the  forecast  of  its  struggle  with 
humanity  (p.  Ixxv),  and  continuing  with  each  forward  step  in  the 
progress  of  civilization,  until  because  of  its  terrible  growth  the  race 
itself  (except  a  single  family)  must  perish.  Starting  again  in  the 
new  world,  it  reappears  in  the  account  of  Noah's  vine-culture  and 
in  the  scattering  of  the  nations  :  while  the  stories  of  the  patriarchs, 
one  after  another,  illustrate,  for  the  most  part,  their  deliverance 
by  God's  grace  from  evil  situations  consequent  upon  sin ;  and  the 
national  stories  seem  to  be  chronicles  only  of  sin  and  deliverance 
from  sin,  —  in  other  words,  of  disgraceful  acts  of  rebellion  and 
backsliding,  and  rescue  from  enemies  who,  because  of  such  sin 
on  Israel's  part,  had  temporarily  become  Israel's  masters. 

5.  The  message  of  the  Judaean  narrative  was  a  rich  and  varied 
one,  lifting  the  minds  of  the  Israelites  (of  pre-Amos  times)  to  the 
contemplation  of :  — 

*  Contra,  Ten  nan  t  in  The  Fall  and  Original  Sin  (1903). 


Ixxviii  INTRODUCTION 

(1)  Yahweh,  as  a  God  who  had  controlled  the  affairs  of  human 
ity,  since  he  first  brought  humanity  into  existence;  a  God  also 
who  is  celebrated  for  mercifulness  and  long-suffering,  and   for 
faithfulness  (cf.  Gn.  68  821f-  iS23*  3212  etc.);    a   God,  not   only 
all-powerful,  but  ever-present  with  his  people  (Gn.  263a  2815  392 
Nu.  i496). 

(2)  The  origin  of  sin,  and  with  it  of  human  suffering  ;  the  power 
of  temptation  and  the  terrible  results  which  follow  its  victory  over 
man ;  the  awful  picture  of  the  growth  of  evil  in  civilization  ;  and, 
likewise,  the  possibility  of  deliverance  from  evil  and  distress  through 
the  kindness  and  love  of  Yahweh. 

(3)  Great  characters,  who,  while  not  without  fault,  "on  the 
whole  maintained  a  lofty  standard  of  faith,  constancy,  and  upright 
ness  of  life,  both  among  the  heathen  in  whose  land  they  dwelt, 
and  also  amid  examples  of  worldly  self-indulgence,  duplicity,  and 
jealousy,  afforded  sometimes  by  members  of  their  own  family  " 
(Driver,  op.  «>.).    This  life  is  intended  to  bring  about  the  establish 
ment  of  a  holy  people  in  the  world  (Gn.  i818f). 

(4)  A  future  mission  in  the  world  (perhaps  not  yet  to  the  world), 
where  Israel  is  to  be  conspicuous  by  reason  of  the  special  privileges 
accorded.     These  blessings  will  take  the  form  of  material  pros 
perity  (cf.  the  spiritual  gifts  so  great  as  to  attract  the  envy  of  all 
nations,  suggested  later  in  Gn.  2218  264  [R.]). 

6.   The  place  of  the  Judaean  narrative  in  prophecy  and  its  rela 
tion  to  the  later  prophets  may  receive  only  a  brief  statement. 

(1)  The  ideas  of  Yahweh  as  just  and  hating  sin,   as  merciful, 
and  as  faithful,  are  the  very  ideas  afterward  emphasized,  respec 
tively  by  Amos,  Hosea,  and  Isaiah  ;  the  representation  of  him  as 
all-powerful,  and  ever-present  with  his  people,  precedes  Amos's 
representation  in  chaps,   i,   2,  and   that  of  Isaiah's  Immanuel. 

(2)  The  conception  of  sin,  and  the  statement  of  its  evil  effects, 
contain  the  very  substance  of  all  subsequent  prophetic  utterance. 

(3)  The  germ  of  the  Messianic  hope,  here  appearing,  in  later  years 
is  to  occupy  a  large  place  in  religious  thought.     (4)  The  concep 
tion  of  Israel's  mission  in  the  world  ultimately  develops  into  the 
doctrine  of  the  servant  of  Yahweh. 

Besides  this,  the  more  specific  allusions  to  J  which  are  found 
in  Amos  and  Hosea  may  be  noted,  e.g. :  Am.  32,  cf.  Gn.   i819; 


THE   EPHRAIMITE  NARRATIVE  Ixxix 

Ho.  46-10  91,  cf.  Nu.  n20;  Am.  4n  Ho.  n8,  cf.  Gn.  iS20-^27 ;  and 
the  relation  of  the  two  conflicting  estimates  of  Jacob  in  Ho. 
chap.  12  to  J's  attitude  toward  the  patriarch. 

n'   •    M         '     :il;    j  >  id  •   il    r.frjtif  on) 
'.'     V-.Ji!.      ::,'.-     ,:..-)   !    '-  -IS     b/ifi 

§  9.   THE  EPHRAIMITE  NARRATIVE  (E). 

This  narrative  of  Israel's  early  history  took  form  as  early  as 
800  B.C.,  and,  with  the  Judaean  narrative  already  discussed,; fur 
nishes  us  a  remarkable  picture  of  the  life  and  thought  of  the 

period. 

•;/,.(  -  .  ;   ;:  ,  -jriT     ,:>.u  ;,;." 

i.  Certain  preliminary  points  concerning  E  require  brief  consideration  : 
(i)  The  evidence  of  E's  Northern  origin  is  found*  in  its  interest  in  the 
sanctuaries  of  Northern  Israel  ;  its  assignment  of  the  leadership  in  the  Joseph 
story  to  Reuben  (cf.  J's  assignment  of  it  to  Judah);  its  giving  of  a  conspicu 
ous  place  to  Joseph  in  Dt.  33,  the  account  of  his  covenant  with  the  tribes 
at  Shechem,  and  the  interment  of  his  bones  at  Shechem ;  the  mention  of  the 
tombs  of  many  prominent  persons,  especially  those  located  in  the  North  ; 
some  points  of  contact  with  Aramaic  in  its  language  ;  the  prophetic  'spirit 
which  breathes  through  it  and  is  characteristic  of  the  North,  the  home  of 
prophecy,  f 

(2)  The  date  of  E  is  800  B.C.  to  750  B.C.J  The  general  historical  situ 
ation  of  the  writers  seems  to  be  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  J,  namely,  the 
period  of  the  monarchy.  But  the  general  theological  standpoint  of  E  is 
unanimously  conceded  to  be  more  advanced  than  that  of  J ;  e.g.  the  concep 
tion  of  the  deity  is  less  anthropomorphic  (cf.  especially,  Ex.  314);  the  idea 
of  progress  in  revelation  appears  ;  the  whole  representation  of  the  method 

*  F.  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  Hex.  I.  n6f.;  Dr.  LOT.  122;  Ho\zinger,£inl. 

212  ff. 

t  The  oldest  form  of  J  has  been  assigned  to  the  North  by  some  scholars,  e.g. 
Schra.  in  De  Wette's  Einl?  321;  Reuss,  Gesch.  d.  heil.  Schriften  d.  A.T.t  §  213; 
Kue.  Hex.  248  ff. ;  but  this  view  does  not  comme.nd  itself. 

J  That  E  was  prior  to  J  was  the  prevailing  opinion  until  the  appearance  of  We.'s 
Gesch.  Isr.  (I.  370  ff.)  in  which  the  opposite  view  was  adopted,  which  is  now  gen 
erally  accepted.  For  the  old  view,  v.  Di.  Num.-Dt.-Jos.  620  ff.,  630  ff.;  Kit.  His  f. 
I.76ff.  Kue.  (Hex.  248-52)  dates  El  about  750  and  E2  about  650, B.C.;  so  Co. 
Einl.  51.  Sta.  (G  VI.  I.  58  f.)  places  E  about  750  B.C., and  maintains  the  possibility 
of  additions  to  it  after  722  B.C.  (p.  582,  note  i).  Holzinger  (EM.  225  f.)  puts  E1  in 
the  latter  half  of  the  eighth  century  and  E2  early  in  the  seventh  century,  drpenter 
and  Battersby  assign  E1  to  the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century,  and  "  affirm  that  E, 
like  J,  contains  elements  of  various  date,  some  of  which  may  have  been  contributed 
to  it  after  it  had  been  adopted  into  the  record  of  history  and  law  preserved  in 
Judah";  similarly  Steuernagel,  Deuteronomium,  etc.,  282  f.  Wildeboer  puts  E1 
about  750  B.C.  and  E2  somewhere  before  621. 


Ixxx  INTRODUCTION 

of  the  divine  activity  in  the  world  is  in  the  realm  of  the  supernatural  and 
superratioual ;  the  transcendent  God  makes  known  his  will  to  men  in 
dreams  and  visions  and  through  angels,  not  by  direct,  personal  speech  as  in 
J.  Furthermore,  in  the  case  of  stories  common  to  J  and  E,  not  infrequently, 
the  earlier  form  of  the  tradition  is  evidently  that  in  J  ;  eg.  in  Gn.  2626'33  (J) 
and  2i—-31  (E),  according  to  E  the  covenant  is  binding  upon  posterity,  the 
oath  becomes  one  of  exculpation,  and  seven  lambs  are  introduced  in  an 
attempt  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  name  Beer-sheba  (cf.  also  Gn.  ^o14"16  [J] 
with  3<D17f-  [E],  and  3<D24  [J]  with  jo-3  [E]).  For  a  tennimis  ad  quern  722  B.C. 
is  the  lowest  possible  date,  since  nowhere  in  E  is  there  any  allusion  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  state,  which  a  Northern  writer  must  have  mentioned  had  he 
been  through  that  experience.  The  same  may  safely  be  said  of  the  events  of 
734  B.C.  The  whole  character  of  E's  narrative  reflects  a  period  of  prosperity 
such  as  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.;  the  tone  is  one  of  confidence  and  hope, 
with  no  consciousness  of  recent  disasters  nor  premonitions  of  approaching 
misfortunes.  The  points  of  contact  between  Hosea  and  E  (z>.z.)  also  seem  to 
point  to  the  priority  of  the  latter,  and  so  confirm  the  assignment  of  E  to  the 
date  800-750  B.C. 

(3)  In  comparing  the  scope  of  E  with  that  of  J,  we  observe 
(a)  that  in  E  the  relation  of  Israel's  tradition  to  the  outside  world 
is  altogether  ignored,  the  barest  allusion  (e.g.  Gn.  2O13  Jos.  24-) 
being  made  to  the  Mesopotamian  antecedents  of  Abraham's 
family ;  but  (/;)  the  history  of  the  family,  and  later  of  the  nation, 
proceeds  on  lines  quite  parallel  to  those  of  J.  The  more  inter 
esting  variations  are  (c)  the  story  of  the  intended  sacrifice  of  Isaac 
(Gn.  22),  the  fuller  statement  of  Jacob's  intercourse  with  Laban, 
the  special  attention  given  to  the  Joseph-episode,  the  very  inde 
pendent  account  of  Moses  and  his  times,  as  well  as  of  the  cere 
mony  at  Horeb  where  the  "  ten  words  "  are  proclaimed  and  the 
covenant  instituted,  after  which  (Ex.  24''i~8)  follow  the  reception 
of  the  tables  of  stone  in  the  mountain  and  the  apostasy  of  the 
golden  calf.  Out  of  this  came  the  establishment  of  the  tent  of 
meeting  (Ex.  337"11),*  in  connection  with  which  certain  events  of 
important  prophetic  significance  occur  (the  prophetic  inspiration 
of  the  seventy  elders,  Nu.  nm~30,  the  vindication  of  Moses'  pe 
culiar  prophetic  office,  I21"13).  Thence  the  narrative  passes  on  to 
the  conquest  and  the  distribution  of  the  land  and  Joshua's  final 

*  E's  description  of  the  tent  of  meeting  has  been  omitted  to  make  place  for  the 
more  elaborate  account  of  P, 


THE   EPHRAIMITE   NARRATIVE  ixxxi 

leave-taking  at  Shechem  (Jos.  24).  The  narrative  unquestionably 
continues  through  Judges  and  Samuel,*  thus  reaching  down  at  least 
into  the  early  history  of  the  monarchy,  perhaps  even  to  the  Elisha 
stories  in  2  Kings. | 

(4)  The  purpose  of  this  narrative  is  evidently  to  magnify  the 
office  of  the  leaders,  and  these  leaders  are  prophets,  e.g.  Abraham 
(Gn.  207),  Isaac  (Gn.  27™* ),  Jacob  ^S20'-),  Joseph  (so25),  and 
Moses  (Nu.  I21"15),  to  all  of  whom  visions  are  granted  of  the  future 
prosperity  of  the  nation.  Israel's  government  is  a  theocracy,  in 
which  the  prophets  speak  for  God.  When  Israel  has  obeyed  the 
theocratic  representatives,  she  has  always  been  the  recipient  of 
divine  favor,  which  signified  peace  and  plenty.  When  Israel  dis 
obeyed,  the  divine  anger  was  visited  upon  her  in  the  form  of 
disaster.  It  is  not  the  secular  rulers  upon  whom  her  success 
depends,  but  the  theocratic  guides.  This  teaching,  which  the  nar 
rative  throughout  was  intended  to  convey,  is  admirably  summed 
up  in  Joshua's  farewell  address  (chap.  24). 

2.  The  prophetic  element  in  E,  as  has  been  said,  is  most 
conspicuous ;  \  and  the  narrative,  for  this  reason,  is  of  especial 
interest  to  us.  We  may  recall  the  representation  of  Abraham  as  a 
prophet  (Gn.  2O7),  the  ascription  to  Joseph  of  the  spirit  of  Elohim 
(Gn.  4 138),  the  unique  place  in  pre-prophetism  assigned  to  Moses 
(Nu.  I21"14 ;  cf.  Dt.  3410"12),  the  treatment  of  Miriam  as  a  prophetess 
(Ex.  is20),  the  recognition  of  the  non-Israelitish  Balaam  as  a 
prophet  (Nu.  2$5~24),  the  prophetic  inspiration  and  authority 
accorded  to  the  seventy  elders  (Nu.  n^f.  246-30^  tne  characteriza 
tion  of  Joshua  as  the  minister  of  Moses  and  the  servant  of  Yahweh, 
the  forecasts  of  Israel's  greatness  made  in  the  visions  ascribed 


*  GFM.  futures,  XXV.  ff. ;  Bu.  Richter  (Kurzer  Hand-Comm.  z.  A.  71.),  XII.-XV, 
and  Samuel  (SBOT.}. 

t  It  is  important  to  separate  E2,  so  far  as  possible,  from  E1,  for  it  is  only  the 
latter  that  preceded  Hosea.  Concerning  the  limits  of  E'2,  however,  there  is  as  yet 
little  agreement,  the  exceedingly  fragmentary  character  of  E  as  a  whole  rendering 
it  peculiarly  difficult  to  determine  definitely  the  different  strata  within  the  docu 
ment.  The  more  important  passages  assigned  to  E2  are :  Gn.  34  351-4  Ex.  32!~336 
Nu.  ill*.  16  f.  246-ao  I22-8  2I32-33  and,  by  some,  the  Decalogue  of  Ex.  20  (but  vj.). 
Cf.  Kue.  Hex.  251  f . ;  Co.  Einl.  48  ff . ;  Wildeboer,  Litter atur  d.  A.  T.  140;  Car 
penter  and  Battersby,  Hex.  I.  119  f. 

X  V.  Holzinger,  Einl.  209-11;  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  Hex.  I.  113. 


Ixxxii  INTRODUCTION 

to  dying  patriarchs  (Gn.  2739f  463  4820),  the  hero-stories  which 
were  pictures  intended  to  serve  as  the  ideals  of  the  times  in 
which  the  narratives  were  written,  and,  in  fact,  as  anticipations  or 
predictions  of  Israel's  future  glory,  and  the  general  representation 
of  theocratic  guidance  and  control  which  is  always  present.  In 
all  this  the  prophetic  element  is  pronounced.  Furthermore,  the 
emphasis  of  E  upon  ethical  matters  and  everything  pertaining 
to  the  impartial  administration,  of  justice  is  in  keeping  with  its 
prophetic  character ;  cf.  the  large  amount  of  legislation  concern 
ing  the  rights  of  individuals  and  their  mutual  responsibilities  incor 
porated  in  E,  and  especially  the  ethical  character  of  E's  decalogue 
(p.  Ixi  ff.)  as  compared  with  that  of  J,  and  the  evident  effort  to 
remove  from  the  old  traditions  everything  detrimental  to  the  repu 
tation  of  the  prophetic  heroes.  This  ethical  interest  is  in  the 
direct  line  of  the  development  of  thought  which  culminates  in 
Amos  and  the  writing  prophets.  E  possesses  also  a  larger  interest 
in  priestly  matters  than  J,  but  this  is  wholly  subordinate  in  com 
parison  with  his  prophetic  tendency. 

3.  The  message  of  E  *  is  after  all  quite  distinct  from  that  of  J, 
although  it  contains  very  much,  indeed,  that  is  the  same  :  — 

(i)  The  teaching  concerning  God  is  characterized  by  (a)  a 
recognition  of  three  different  stages  of  growth  through  which  the 
conception  has  passed,  viz.  that  of  Israel's  early  ancestors,  poly 
theism  (Jos.  242),  that  of  Abraham  and  Jacob,  cf.  the  reformation 
instituted  by  the  latter  after  seeing  Elohim's  angels  at  Bethel 
(Gn.  352"4),  and  that  connected  with  the  revelation  of  Yahweh 
(Ex.  315)  ;  (<£)  the  important  place  assigned  to  representatives 
(viz.  prophetic  spokesmen  or  angelic  messengers  Ex.  i419),  as 
agents  of  the  deity  in  his  intercourse  with  the  people,  and  to 
dreams  as  a  method  of  communication,  and  the  consequent  absence 
of  the  crude,  though  picturesque,  anthropomorphisms  found  in 
J  ;  (c)  the  treatment  of  important  events  as  the  result,  not  of 
human  effort  in  a  natural  way,  but  of  the  direct  action  of  the  deity 
(Ex.  ly8-11  Jos.  620),  and  in  this  same  connection,  the  employment 
by  the  deity  of  men  to  accomplish  his  plans  in  spite  of  their  igno 
rance  or  hostility  (Gn.  so29  4S58)  ;  (d)  the  use  in  connection  with 


*  V.  especially  Holzinger,  Einl.  201-12. 


THE  EPHRAIMITE  NARRATIVE  Ixxxiii 

the  deity  of  certain  peculiar  forms  and  phrases,  e.g.  the  plural  of 
the  verbal  form  (Gn.  2O13  3i53  35*"  Ex.  22°  Jos.  2419),  the  phrase 
"fear  of  Isaac"  (Gn.  3i42>53),  the  reference  to  the  sacred  stone 
(Gn.  28"),  the  pillar  at  the  door  of  the  tent  speaking  (Ex.  33°), 
the  stone  of  witness  (Jos.  24-"),  the  "trying"  of  the  people  by 
the  deity  (Gn.  221). 

The  whole  idea  of  God  is  more  theological  and  abstract  (cf.  the 
new  interpretation  given  the  word  mrp,  viz.  JTHK  "WK  ,THK)  than  is 
the  case  in  J.  E's  God  is  an  exalted  personality  far  removed  from 
his  people,  and  working  almost  entirely  in  the  realm  of  the  super 
natural.  He  is  a  God  of  transcendent  power  and  majesty  and  of 
unchanging  purpose. 

(2)  Other  characteristic  elements  in  E's  message,  already  mentioned,  may 
be  briefly  summarized  as  follows :    (a)  A  keener  ethical  sense  than  J's,  as 
seen  particularly  in  the  evident  desire  to  shield  the  reputation  of  the  patriarchs 
by  relieving  them  of  the  responsibility  for  certain  transactions  {e.g.  Abraham 
expels  Hagar  only  when  commanded  so  to  do  (Gn.  21 12),  Jacob  in  his  shrewd 
dealing  with  Laban  is  acting  under  the  direct  guidance  of  God  (Gn.  3i24-  ^  42). 
(b)  A  very  definite  recognition  of  the  patriarchal  cultus,  with  its  tent  of  meet 
ing  (Ex.  337~u)5  placed  under  the  charge  of  Joshua,  rather  than  of  Aaron  and 
his  sons  (Nu.  ii16-30),  together  with  altars  and  pillars  (Gn.  2818-22  Ex.  244), 
but  no  priests.     (<:)  An  utter  lack  of  interest  in  the  outside  world,  or  in  the 
connection  of  Israel's  history  with  the  outside  world. 

(3)  E's  message,  briefly  stated,  was  this  :  Israel's  God  is  a  being 
of  wonderful  majesty  and  exalted  personality,  with  unlimited  power. 
His  purpose  concerning  the  nation  is  unchanging.    He  is  not  close 
at  hand  to  communicate  with  you  in  person,  but  makes  known 
to  you  his  will  through  definite  agents,  prophets,  and  messen 
gers  ;    there  is  no  occasion  to  be  ignorant  of  his  wishes,  which 
have  been  declared  so  clearly  by  these  agents  raised  up  to  repre 
sent  him.     History  has  shown  conclusively  that  when  the  voice  of 
these  agents  has  been  heeded,  the  nation  has  had  peace  and  pros 
perity  ;   but  when  there  has  been  rebellion  against  their  injunc 
tions,  there  have  come  ruin  and  disaster.      In  every  important 
crisis  of  national  history,  Israel's  God  has  shown  his  interest  by 
direct  action  on  Israel's  behalf;  but  he  has  never  hesitated  to  send 
punishment  when  Israel  deserved  the  same.     Israel  may  learn  how 
Yahweh  would  have  the  nation  act,  if  attention  is  given  to  the  lives 


Ixxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

of  the  old  patriarchal  ancestors  and  to  the  great  events  of  early 
national  history.  These  experiences  of  honor  and  glory  will  again 
be  enjoyed,  if  only  Israel  will  give  heed  to  the  lessons  of  the  past, 
improve  the  standards  of  conduct,  and  worship  Yahweh  as  did 
their  ancestors. 

4.  The  relation  of  E  to  other  prophets  is  quite  clear.  It  is 
more  advanced  and  higher  than  J.  In  many  points  it  is  on  a  level 
with  Amos  and  Hosea.  It  is  like  Hosea,  rather  than  J  and  Amos, 
in  showing  little  or  no  interest  in  the  larger  world-view.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  broader  conception  is  confined  to  the 
two  documents  of  Judaean  origin.  E  sees  no  such  danger  in  the 
cult  as  is  evidenced  by  Amos  and  Hosea.  E's  thought  of  sin  is 
that  of  J.  While  E's  ethical  standards  (cf.  p.  Ixxxiii)  are  higher 
than  those  of  J,  they  do  not  reach  the  level  on  which  those  of 
Amos  and  Hosea  rest. 

In  E  we  have  the  close  of  the  pre-prophetic  movement,  for  with 
Amos,  as  all  agree,  real  prophecy  has  begun.  We  may  now  ask, 
what  was  the  basis  and  character  of  this  movement,  taken  as  a 
whole  ? 


B.    THE   BASIS  AND   CHARACTER  OF  THE  PRE-PROPHETIC 
MOVEMENT. 

§  10.   THE  RELATION  OF  PRE-PROPHETISM  TO  MOSAISM. 

The  question  of  the  connection  of  pre-prophetism  with  Mosaism  is 
as  interesting  as  it  is  difficult.  Such  connection  is  taken  for  granted 
in  J  and  E  (likewise  in  D).*  But  does  this  assumption  stand  the 
historical  test  ?  f  The  answer  to  this  question  bears  most  directly 

*  Both  J  and  E  narrate  the  circumstances  of  Moses'  work  with  great  minuteness, 
and  on  all  the  main  points  there  is  a  fair  agreement.  They  unite  in  ascribing  to 
him  (i)  leadership  in  the  deliverance  from  Egypt  and  in  the  journey  to  Canaan; 
(2)  the  position  as  the  representative  of  Yahweh  to  Israel ;  (3)  the  place  as  mediator 
in  the  making  of  a  covenant  between  Yahweh  and  Israel ;  (4)  the  honor  of  founding 
Israel's  legislation. 

f  Che.  (EB.  art.  "  Moses  ")  makes  the  name  Moses  that  of  a  clan ;  Wkl.  ( GI.  II . 
86-95)  makes  the  entire  Moses  story  a  transformation  of  an  original  Tammuz  myth  ; 
but  the  historicity  of  the  narratives,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  is  maintained  by  Sta. 
GVI.  I.  130;  We.  Prol.  429-40;  Sm.  Rel*  15  ff. ;  Kit.  Hist.  I.  227-39;  WRS. 
0776.2303  ff .  ;  Giesebrecht,  Geschichtl.  d.  Sinaibtindes ;  Bennett,  art.  "Moses," 
£>/A  ;  H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T.  Hist.  56  ff. ;  and  many  others. 


THE   RELATION   OE   .t'KE-PKOPHETISM   TO   MOSAISM     Ixxxv 

upon  the  estimate  which  we  shall  finally  place  upon  the  work  of 
Amos  ;  for,  in  the  fewest  wor  Is,  the  case  may  thus  be  stated  :  Did 
the  ethical  idea  which  formed  the  essence  of  prophetic  teaching 
have  its  origin  in  Amos?  or  is  there  clear  trace  of  its  existence 
before  the  days  of  Amos?  Is  it  seen  in  the  transforming  work  of 
J  and  E  in  their  stories  dealing  with  world-history  and  nation- 
history  (z/.j.)?  Is  evidence  of  its  presence  to  be  seen  farther  back, 
in  the  legal  formulations  found  incorporated  in  J  and  E  (z/.j.)?  Is 
it  seen  still  earlier,  in  the  motives  and  methods  of  Elijah,  Elisha, 
and  the  neblrfim,  whose  work  began  in  the  days  of  the  seer 
Samuel?  And  is  the  germ  of  it  all  to  be  discovered  in  Mosaism? 
If  we  are  to  reach  a  safe  conclusion  concerning  Moses  and  his 
relation  to  the  subsequent  history  of  Israel  and  Israel's  religion, 
more,  perhaps,  is  to  be  stated  in  the  form  of  negation  than  in  the 
form  of  affirmation.  This  is  true,  partly  because  so  much  that  is 
unfounded  has  been  affirmed,  partly  also  because  it  is  practically 
impossible  to  draw  a  sharp  line  between  Mosaism  and  the  pre- 
prophetic  religion,  or  to  trace  with  perfect  satisfaction  the  relations 
between  the  two. 

1.  It  may  safely  be  said  that  the  pre-prophetic  religion,  even  if 
this  includes  Mosaism  as  its  basis,  has  little  to  do  with  Egypt  or 
Egyptism  ;  *  while,  on  the  other  hand,  its  relation  to  the  desert  of 
Sinai  (or  Horeb),  and  to  the  tribe  of  which  Jethro  was  priest  is 
very  close.    This  locality,  according  to  all  tradition,  was  the  scene 
and  source  not  only  of  Moses'  education,  but  also  of  the  call  from 
the  deity,  as  well  as  of  the  work  of  Jethro,  who  became  the  guide 
(religious  and  seculnr)  of  M.'^es  ''and  likewise  his  father-in-law)  ;| 
and  this,  also,  was  the  place,  .u-corling  to  all  tradition,  in  which 
Israel  later  entered  into  covenant  with  Yahweh  (?>.s.). 

2.  We  must  relinquish  ihe  conception  (old  and  widely  accepted 
as   it   nviy  be;   that   Mosaism   and  the  developments  from  it  are 
identical,  \  an  idea  which  has  been  the  occasion  of  much  error 

*  This  is  granted  by  those  who  bold  to  the  Egyptian  bondage,  e.g.  Sm.  Rel.^yj  ; 
Marti,  AW.  ^5!'.;  Sdiulr/,,  Theol.  I.  127  ff.  ;  Kne.  />  7.  I.  275  ff.  ;  and  foliows  as  a 
matter  of  course  upon  the  adoption  ot  the  Musii  hypothesis. 

t  For  explanations  of  the  two  names  Jethro  and  Hobab,  sec  the  commentaries 
in  loc.,  and  the  articles  "  Liobab"  and  "  Jethro"  in  DB.,  /!/>'.,  find  />RE* 

I  iVnneu  (/>/>.  III.  146)  rightly  recognizes  ihe  necessity  and  the  difficulty  of 
making  tins  distinction. 


Lxxxvi  INTRODUCTION 

and  confusion ;  but  we  may  regard  it  as  established  that  Moses 
represents  historically  (a)  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  Egypt,* 
(£)  the  union  of  several  clans  into  one  community  (perhaps  not 
yet  a  nation), f  and  (<r)  a  new  conception  of  deity  expressed  in, 
or  in  connection  with,  the  word  "Yahweh."  J 

3.  We  are  no  longer  to  argue,  a  priori,  that  the  Moses  of  tradi 
tion  must  have  been  just  what  the  tradition  represented  him  as 
being,  for,  on  this  basis,  we  cannot  explain  "the  ethical  impulse 
and  tendency,  which,  at  any  rate  from  the  time  of  the  prophet 
Amos  (and  Amos,  be  it  remembered,  presupposes  that  this  impulse 
is  no  novelty),  is  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  the  Israelitish  reli 
gion"  (Cheyne);   but  we  are  entirely  justified  in  believing  that 
Moses  was  the  founder  of  a  religion,  and  "  brought  to  his  people  a 
new  creative  idea  (viz.  the  worship  of  Yahweh  as  a  national  God), 
which  moulded  their  national  life"  (Stade,  GVL  I.  130;  cLAkad. 
Reden.)  105  ff.).§ 

4.  We  may  safely  deny  the  ascription  to  Moses  of  literary  work 
of  any  kind,  even  the  songs  with  which  his  name  is  connected 
(e.g.  Ex.  is1"18  Dt.  321-43  332"20),  or  the  "judgments  and  precepts" 
of  CC  (§  7),  and  the  decalogues  of  E  (Ex.  20),  and  of  J  (Ex.  34)  ;  || 
but,  without  much  question,  we  may  hold  him  responsible  for  the 
institution  of  the  tent  of  meeting  as  the  dwelling-place  of  the  deity, 
together  with  the  ark,  and  the  beginning  of  a  priesthood,  and  this 

;  *  Ew.  Hist.  II.  75 ;  We.  Prol.  429  ff. ;  Sm.  Rel?  15  ff. ;  Kit.  Hist.  I.  227  f. 
f  See  especially  Eerdmans,  TAT.  XXXVII.  19  ff. ;  Bu.  Rel.  35 ff. 

'  J  Bu.,  Rel.  35  f. ;  K.  DB.  V.  624  ff. 

'  §  (if.  We.  (Prol.),  "  Moses  was  not  the  first  discoverer  of  this  faith  (viz.  that 
Yahweh  is  the  God  of  Israel,  and  Israel  the  people  of  Yahweh),  but  it  was  through 
him  that  it  came  to  be  the  fundamental  basis  of  the  national  existence  and  history  " ; 
WRS.  (OTJC2  305),  "  He  founded  in  Israel  the  great  principles  of  the  moral  reli 
gion  of  the  righteous  Yahweh."  Co.  (Hist,  of  the  People  of  Isr.)  says  of  Moses* 
work  at  Sinai,  "  It  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  moments  in  the  history  of  man 
kind,  the  birth  hour  of  the  religion  of  the  spirit.  In  the  thunderstorms  of  Sinai  the 
God  of  revelation  himself  comes  down  upon  the  earth ;  here  we  have  the  dawn 
of  the  day  which  was  to  break  upon  the  whole  human  race,  and  among  the 
greatest  mortals  who  ever  walked  this  earth  Moses  will  always  remain  one  of  the 
greatest." 

,-  :((  Moses  was  preeminently  a  man  of  affairs  ;  the  strenuous  nature  of  his  activities 
as  leader  and  organizer  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  left  no  opportunity  for  literary  pur 
suits.  His  work  was  "  rather  practical  than  didactic,  the  influence  of  an  inspired 
life  rather  than  the  inculcation  of  abstract  dogmas"  (Bennett,  DB.  III.  446). 


THE   RELATION   OF  PRE-PROPHETISM  TO  MOSAISM    Ixxxvii 

is  the  germ  of  much  of  the  institutional  element  that  follows 
in  later  years. 

5.  We  may  find  greater  or  less  difficulty  in  discovering  the  basis 
of  an  ethical  development  in  Mosaism,  either  (a)  in  the  essentially 
ethical  character  of  the  claim  upon  Israel,  which  grew  out  of  the 
great  act  of  mercy  performed  by  Yahweh  at  the  crossing  of  the 
Red  Sea,  Israel's  religion  taking  on  gradually  thereafter  a  moral 
character,  because  she  is  constantly  impelled  to  pay  due  regard  to 
the  claim ;  *  or  (&)  in  the  new  conception  of  God,  viz.  that  he 
controls  nature  and  history,  involving  the  truth  that  Yahweh  was 
not  the  God  of  a  country  but  of  a  people,  the  relation  of  a  deity 
to  a  people  being  more  spiritual  than  that  of  a  deity  to  a  country  ;  t 
or  (<:)  in  the  mutual  loyalty  of  the  tribes  to  one  another  and  their 
common  loyalty  to  one  God,  in  contrast  with  the  individual  heno- 
theism  of  Moab,  Ammon,  etc. 

It  is  probable,  on  the  other  hand,  that  a  more  reasonable  hy 
pothesis  will  be  found  in  the  view  j  that  this  development  has  its 
roots  in  the  fact  that  Israel's  relation  to  Yahweh  was  not  that  of 
blood-kindred,  as  in  the  case  of  nature  religions,  nor  that  simply 
of  long  observance  which  had  become  something  inevitable  ;  but, 
rather,  a  relation  entered  into  by  choice,  one  which,  unlike  that 
of  a  nature  religion,  could  be  broken,  but  also  one  which  Israel 
was  led  to  preserve,  because  Yahweh  had  wrought  great  works  in 
her  behalf.  Budde's  summary  (p.  38)  expresses  this  thought 
most  exactly :  "  Israel's  religion  became  ethical  because  it  was 
a  religion  of  choice  and  not  of  nature,  because  it  rested  on  a 
voluntary  decision,  which  established  an  ethical  relation  between 
the  people  and  its  God  for  all  time." 

6.  We   may  acknowledge   quite    freely   the   insufficiency  and 
uncertainty  of  the  materials  at  our  command,  and,  as  well,  the 
difficulty  of  giving  proper  credit  to  the  various  agents  and  move 
ments  concerned  with  the  development  of  the  great  ethical  ideas 
concerning  righteousness,  which  had  before  been  unknown ;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  we  cannot  fail  to  recognize  that  certain  facts 

*  Che.  EB.  3214.  t  Bennett,  DB.  III.  446. 

J  So  Tiele,  Manuel  de  Vhistoire  des  religions  (1880),  84,  and  Histoirc  compares 
des  anciennes  religions  (1882),  chap.  IX.;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  130  ff . ;  Bu.  Rel.  1-38; 
Barton,  Sketch  of  Semitic  Origins,  275  ff. 


Ixxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

have  been  established  which  fit  into  hypotheses  more  or  less  satis 
factory,  the  fundamental  factor  in  which  is  the  close  logical  and 
historical  connection  between  pre-prophetism  and  Mosaism.  In 
deed,  it  may  be  asserted  that  Mosaism  is  as  fundamental  to  pre- 
prophetism  as  is  pre-prophetism  to  prophetism  itself. 

§  ii.   THE  ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF  PRE-PROPHETISM. 

Is  it  possible  now  to  think  of  this  movement  in  its  unity,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  many  difficulties  which  exist,  to  separate  and  dis 
tinguish  its  thought  from  that  which  precedes  and  follows  it?  In 
making  the  effort  to  draw  historical  lines,  we  may  observe  :  (i)  That 
the  case  before  us  is,  in  some  sense,  a  definite  one,  since  we  are 
concerned  with  Israel's  religious  thought  during  the  period  in 
which  Yahwism  is  in  contact  with  Baalism  as  a  rival  religion. 
This  contact  began  when  Israel  entered  Canaan  ;  it  ended  in  the 
century  in  which  Jehu,  under  the  influence  of  the  nebhfim,  up 
rooted  it.*  We  might  go  farther  and  say  that  we  are  dealing 
with  Yahwism  itself;  for,  pure  Yahwism,  at  the  end  of  this  period, 
passes  into  prophetism,  which,  still  later,  becomes  Judaism. 
(2)  Consequently,  our  question  is  a  threefold  one  :  What  was 
Yahwism  at  the  time  of  the  entrance  into  Canaan?  With  what 
did  Yahwism  have  to  contend  in  the  centuries  from  noo  to 
800  B.C.  ?  What  had  Yahwism  become  at  the  close  of  the  con 
test?  Two  or  three  subsidiary  questions  will  arise,  viz.:  How 
was  it  that,  in  the  end,  Yahwism  became  supreme?  Is  the  differ 
ence  between  the  Yahwism  of  1 100  B.C.  and  that  of  800  B.C.  the  sum 
contributed  by  the  nebhi'im  ?  or  did  Yahwism  draw  from  Baalism 
itself  much  that  was  of  vital  significance?  And  further,  were  the 
institutions  of  Baalism  made  use  of  by  Yahwism  in  securing  this 
position  of  superiority? 

i.    It  is  natural  to  consider  first  the  idea  of  God. 

(i)  When  Yahwism,  whatever  may  have  been  its  origin,f  came 

*  The  effects  of  Baalism  continue  down  to  Hosea  and  later;  some  of  them  are, 
indeed,  incorporated  in  Yahwism  (v.i.). 

f  Whether,  e.g.  (i)  in  an  original  direct  revelation  (so  most  old  interpreters)  ; 
(2)  in  the  old  Arabian  tribal  religion  (Schultz,  et  al.}  ;  (3)  in  the  religion  of  the 
Kenites  (Stade.  Budde,  et  al.) ;  or  (4)  in  the  esoteric  monotheism  of  the  Egyptian 
priesthood. 


THE   ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF   PRE-PROPHETISM     Ixxxix 

into  Canaan,  it  was,  so  far  as  the  conception  of  God  was  concerned, 
simple  and  primitive,  very  crude  and  naive,  monotonous  and  severe. 

This  appears  in  (a)  the  conception  of  Yahweh  as  the  god  of  the  mountain 
(Sinai),  a  conception  which  continued  in  one  form  or  another  until  late  in 
Israel's  history  (Dt.  332f  I  K.  I98  Ps.  688  Hb.  33).  (£)  The  more  widely 
prevailing  conception  of  Yahweh  as  the  god  of  war,  an  idea  which  found 
strong  justification  in  the  issue  of  the  contest  with  Egypt  (cf.  also,  the  war- 
song  with  which  camp  was  broken,  Nu.  io36),  as  well  as  that  with  the 
Canaanites  (cf.  the  fear  of  the  Philistines,  I  S.  47f-,  on  account  of  Yahweh's 
presence  in  the  ark).  This  is  seen  also  in  the  allusion  to  Israel's  armies  as 
Yahweh's  armies  (i  S.  ly26  2528),  and  in  the  very  name,  Yahweh  Sabaoth 
(cf.  2  S.  510).*  (0  The  conception  of  him  also  as  the  God  of  the  desert 
(i.e.  of  the  nomad),  and  especially  in  connection  with  storms,  eg.  at  the  giving 
of  the  law  (Ex.  19),  in  the  battle  of  Deborah  (Ju.  546),  in  the  storm  exhibited 
to  Elijah  at  Horeb  (i  K.  I9llff')>  and  m  later  times,  v.s.  It  is  here  that  the 
nomadic  temperament  of  pre-prophetism  (».j.)  finds  its  basis.f  (d}  The 
conception  of  the  ark,  a  materialistic  symbol  of  Yahweh's  presence,  which 
plays  a  great  role  in  this  early  period,  %  actually  representing  Yahweh,  and 
not  merely  containing  some  image  or  symbolic  stone.  The  history  of  its 
presence  or  absence  in  Israel's  armies,  its  transportation  hither  and  thither 
until  at  last  it  is  deposited  in  the  Temple  (i  K.  84-6ff-),  is  full  of  significance 
in  showing  the  crude  and  crass  conceptions  of  deity  entertained,  not  only  by 
the  people,  but  also  by  the  leaders. 

(<?)  The  use  of  images,  involving  family  and  clan  conceptions  of  deity, 
distinct  from  that  of  Yahweh.  §  Some  of  these  images,  unquestionably,  were 
employed  to  represent  Yahweh,  e.g.  the  Sen,  originally  of  wood  or  stone,  and 
probably  of  human  form  (Ju.  I73f),  ||  likewise,  the  "PON (p.  221),  perhaps  origi 
nally  the  garment  used  to  clothe  the  image,  and  later,  the  image  itself,  and  used 
in  obtaining  oracles.  But  \hzteraphim  (p.  222),  used  very  frequently  of  Yahweh, 
are  also  images  of  ancestors,  of  the  tribal  or  family  gods,  as  in  the  case  of 
Rachel  (Gn.  31^  34f  cf.  30.32^  and  Of  the  king  of  Babylon  (Ez.  2I26).^[  It  is 
understood  that  all  of  these  usages  existed  in  the  earliest  times  of  the  pre- 
prophetic  period. 

*  Cf.  especially  Schwally,  Sem.  Kriegsaltertumer,  I.  4  ff. 

f  Cf.  Bu.  Rel.  27,  who  adds,  also,  the  representation  of  the  burning  bush,  the  pillar 
of  fire  and  smoke,  the  lightning  as  Yahweh's  "  fire  "  or  "  arrow,"  the  thunder  as  his 
"  voice,"  the  rainbow  as  his  "  bow." 

\  K.  DB.  V.  628 ;  cf.  his  foot-note  for  a  careful  survey  of  recent  literature. 

§  K.  DB.  V.  641  f. 

||  Not  referred  to  in  Ex.  3417,  and  probably  not  in  Ex.  2O4-6. 

H  So  Schwally,  Das  Leben  nach  d.  Tode ;  Matthes,  TAT.,  1900,  pp.  97  ff.,  193  ff. ; 
1901,  pp.  320  ff. ;  but  cf.  K.  DB.  V.  614  f.,  642,  who  wrongly  denies  the  existence  ot 
even  survivals  of  ancestor-worship  in  Israel. 


XC  INTRODUCTION 

(2)  What,  now,  did  Israel  find  in  Canaan  that  required  to  be 
either  assimilated  or  destroyed  ?    To  what  extent,  and  through  what 
means,  in  the  course  of  the  struggle  was  Yahwism  itself  modified? 

(a)  The  distribution  of  the  clans  among  the  Canaanites  in 
volved  a  serious  risk,  for  they  now  acted  more  or  less  independently 
of  each  other,  and  much  that  had  been  gained  by  their  union  was 
lost.  With  Canaanites  on  every  side  of  them,  they  were  com 
pelled  to  give  a  certain  recognition  to  the  gods  of  the  people,  who 
were,  likewise,  the  gods  of  the  land;  and  especially  was  this  true  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  they  were  unable  to  drive  out  the  Canaanites, 
but  lived  with  them  side  by  side  (Ju.  i5  i8lff-).  How  could  they 
do  other  than  express  gratitude  to  the  Baalim,  i.e.  the  gods  of  the 
land,  for  the  fruits  which  they  gave  ? 

(£)  The  new  life,  moreover,  was  an  agricultural  rather  than  a 
nomadic  life,  and  demanded  many  modifications.  The  Israelites 
were  the  pupils  of  the  Canaanites  in  all  "the  finer  arts  of  field  and 
vine  culture,"  and  the  association  needed  for  this  could  not  fail  to 
exert  a  great  influence  on  Israel's  life  and  thought.* 

(V)  The  nation  for  the  first  time  came  into  touch  with  real 
civilization,  and  civilization  was  for  them  identical  with  Baalism. 
This  explains  why  the  nebhVim  tended  toward  an  isolated  life,  and 
seem  in  most  cases  to  have  opposed  all  progress  toward  civilization. 
The  emblems  of  civilization,  corn  and  oil,  silver  and  gold,  Israel 
believed,  came  from  the  Baalim  (Ho.  28). 

(d)  The  nature  of  Baalism  itself  |  was  something  peculiarly 
attractive  to  people  of  a  sensuous  type.  The  great  emphasis 
placed  on  reproduction  and  everything  connected  with  it,  whether 
in  the  realm  of  vegetable  or  animal  or  human  life,  gave  it  a  per 
vasive  influence,  for  all  life  in  the  narrower,  if  not  in  the  broader, 
sense  was  involved.  The  strength  of  the  ideas  thus  included  is 
evident  from  the  hold  they  took  upon  many  nations  of  ancient 
times.  There  was  a  stimulus  in  all  this,  a  warmth  which,  although 
greatly  abused,  produced  also  some  good  results. 

(3)  What  actually  occurred  in  the  process  of  this  long  struggle 
was  as  follows  :  (a)  Yahweh's  residence  is  changed ;  he  gradually 

*  Gu.  GVI.  155  ff. ;  Sta.  Akad.  Reden,  109  ff.,  116  ff. ;  K.  DB.  V.  645. 
fCf.A.  S.  Peake,  art.  "Baal,"Z>^;  WRS.  Sem?  93-113;  WRS.  and  GFMn 
art.  "  Baal,"  EB.;  Movers,  Die  Phonizier,  I.  672-90. 


THE  ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF   PRE-PROPHETISM         xci 

takes  up  his  dwelling  in  the  new  territory.  This  means  that  the 
Baalim  whom  men  worshipped  at  many  different  points,  under  vari 
ous  names,  Baal-Peor,  Baal-Hermon,  etc.  (cf.  also  Baal-Berith, 
Baal-Zebub),  were  displaced  by  Yahweh,  who  was  worshipped  at 
all  the  sacred  places  and  bore  different  names  according  to  the 
place  (e.g.  cbw  bx,  the  eternal  God,  Gn.  2I33;  bKTTS  btt,  the  God 
of  Bethel,  si13  35';  atov  «,  Yahweh  Shalom,  Ju.  624,  etc.).  All 
this  change  has  taken  place  before  the  times  of  J  and  E,  for,  as 
Kautzsch  points  out  (DB.  V.  646),  the  patriarchal  narratives  do 
not  know  of  any  Baal-worship  in  the  land.  Yahweh  has  taken 
Baal's  place,  but  in  so  doing  the  Yahweh  ritual  has  absorbed  so 
much  of  Baalism  as  to  become,  practically,  a  Baal  ritual.  (U]  The 
idea  grows  that  Yahweh  "  is  enthroned  as  God  in  heaven."  This 
means  much,  for  it  implies  that  he  is  superior  to  all  other  gods. 
It  is  from  heaven  that  he  performs  all  those  acts  which  indicate 
his  power  over  the  elements  (e.g.  rain,  dew,  fire,  Gn.  ig24)  and 
over  the  fruits  of  the  soil.  He  is  called  the  God  of  heaven  (Gn. 
247).  Messengers  must  now  be  employed  to  represent  him,  and 
these  angels  call  from  heaven  (2i17  2211),  and,  indeed,  go  up  and 
down  on  ladders  which  unite  heaven  and  earth  (2812),  the  "  house 
of  God"  being  identical  with  the  "gate  of  heaven."  (c)  His 
nature  as  the  God  of  the  desert  is  changed ;  he  is  no  longer  hos 
tile  to  civilization.  Yahwism  could  never  have  become  without 
change  the  religion  of  a  civilized  people,  still  less  of  humanity. 
"  He  takes  under  his  protection  every  new  advance  in  civilization."* 
(W)  His  nature  as  destroyer  (war-god)  is  changed,  for  he  is  no 
longer  the  deity  of  desolation  and  silence.  He  is  in  continual 
touch  with  man's  activity,  and  everything  is  subordinated  to  secure 
his  influence  and  blessing.  The  idea  of  beneficence  and  love  has 
come.  Warmth  and  color  now  exist,  where  all  before  was  cold  and 
stern,  (e)  Baalism,  acting  as  a  "  decomposing  reagent,"  brings 
unity,  solidarity,  in  so  far  as  like  conditions  exist,  and  thereby  all 
cult  and  family  images  must  disappear.  Hence  arises  the  oppo 
sition  to  image-worship  which  forms  so  large  an  element  in 
prophetism  beginning  with  Hosea.  (/)  Attempts  are  made  to 
spiritualize  the  old  physical  conception  of  Yahweh.  Among  these 

*  Cf.  on  this  general  subject,  Bu.  Rel.  72  ff. 


XCii  INTRODUCTION 

are  to  be  counted  (a)  the  expression,  "  angel  of  Yahweh  "  (J), 
which  was  at  first  used  when  Yahweh  was  represented  as  coming 
into  contact  with  man  (Gn.  i67ff>  cf.  n) ;  in  other  words,  a  method 
of  Yahweh's  manifestation  ;  *  (/?)  the  face  of  Yahweh  (J),  i.e.  the 
person  (Ex.  3320"23),  but  not  the  full  being,  t  and  (y)  the  name  of 
Yahweh  (Ex.  2O24  2321),  in  which  "  name  "  is  a  "  personified  power, 
placed  side  by  side  with  the  proper  person  of  Yahweh."  j  The 
use  of  these  phrases  §  is  an  attempt  to  substitute  something 
more  spiritual  for  the  thought  of  the  human  form,  and  marks 
great  progress  in  the  conception  of  God. 

(4)  The  agencies  which  bring  about  this  change  are  in  part : 
(a)  Those  of  the  old  Yahwism,  the  strength  of  which  continues  to 
be  felt  in  spite  of  the  additions  that  have  been  taken  on ;  (6)  those 
also  of  Baalism,  among  the  chief  of  which  was  prophetism,  adopted 
and  adapted  by  Israel  (v.s.) ;  but  (^)  the  immediate  occasion  of 
the  acute  attack  which  enabled  Yahwism  to  throw  off  the  gradu 
ally  increasing  burden  that  had  almost  proved  its  ruin,  was  the 
attempt  to  force  upon  Israel  a  new  form  of  this  same  Baalism, 
that  of  Tyre.  The  situation  was  now  essentially  different  from 
that  which  existed  in  the  early  days  of  the  conquest ;  for  at 
this  time  Yahweh  had  actually  taken  possession  of  the  land,  and 
the  question  was  :  Shall  a  foreign  god,  the  deity  of  Tyre,  who  has 
already  shown  great  power,  come  in  and  overpower  the  god  of 
the  land,  who  is  now  Yahweh  ?  ||  On  the  nature  of  this  struggle 
in  detail,  v.i.  The  old  Baalism  had  become  so  intimate  a  part  of 
Yahwism  that  at  this  time  it  is  lost  sight  of  in  the  new  Baalism 
which  threatens  Israel.  This  distinction  makes  clear  what  at  first 
seems  contradictory,  viz.  the  idea  that  Baalism  was  actually  uprooted 
by  Jehu,  and  the  idea,  which  also  existed,  that  Baalism  was  still  a 
corrupting  element  in  Israel's  religion. 

(5)  At  the  close  of  the  struggle,  Yahwism  is  victorious;^"  the 
conception  of  God  which  has  now  developed  being  as  follows : 


*  K.  DB.  V.  638  f. ;  Kosters,  Th  T.,  1875,  PP-  S6?  ff-          t  Cf.  comm.  in  loc. 

\  Giesebrecht,  Die  alttest.  Schdtzung  des  Gottesnamens  u.  ihre  religionsgeschicht- 
liche  Grundlage,  66;  K.  DB.  V.  640  f.;  F.  J.  Coffin,  JBL.  XIX.  (1900),  166-188. 

6  The  phrase  "  glory  of  Yahweh  "  probably  arose  in  this  period,  but  there  is  no 
certain  evidence  of  its  existence  until  a  slightly  later  date;  cf.  i  S.  422  Ex.  33™ 
(late  J)  Nu.  1422  (JE).  ||  K.  DB.  V.  647.  H  Bu.  Rel.  106. 


THE   ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT   OF  PRE-PROPHETISM          xciii 

(a)  Yahweh  is  a  god  irresistible  in  nature  and  among  nations,  the 
idea  of  a  merely  national  god  having  been  outgrown.  This  is  seen 
in  the  power  attributed  to  Yahweh  over  other  nations,  e.g.  Egypt, 
and  Canaan,  as  well  as  in  the  extra-national  existence  involved  in 
his  residence  at  Sinai,  and  likewise  in  the  later  conception  of  a 
heavenly  residence  (v.s.).  The  narrower  idea  of  Yahweh  as  the 
god  of  a  land  has  never  existed.  He  has  been  and  is  a  national 
god,  i.e.  Israel's  God ;  but  he  is  also  something  more  than  this,  a 
god  who  controls  nations  and  nature  in  Israel's  favor.  It  is  not  in 
this  same  sense  that  we  may  speak  of  Chemosh  or  Ashur. 

(£)  He  is,  moreover,  a  god  who  is  the  moral  ruler  of  his  people  ; 
this  has  not  gone  so  far  as  to  affect  individuals,  being  still  limited 
to  families  and  nations.  The  interests  of  the  individual  are  indeed 
conceived  of  as  under  the  protection  of  Yahweh,  but  they  are 
wholly  subordinate  to  those  of  the  nation,  being  in  themselves  of 
too  slight  importance  to  merit  the  especial  and  continuous  con 
sideration  of  the  deity,  except  in  so  far  as  they  contribute  to  the 
national  life  and  progress.*  Yahweh's  rule  is  characterized  by  jus 
tice,  and  his  power  to  judge  extends  to  heaven  and  to  Sheol.  Here 
we  must  estimate  the  true  character  of  judgment  in  ancient  times, 
for,  although  it  came  from  Yahweh,  it  signified,  not  a  "moral  inves 
tigation  and  instruction,"  but  "an  oracular  response  obtained  by 
means  of  a  sacred  lot"  (Ex.  226ff<  Jos.  716ff-  ^  i  S.  14).!  This,  as 
Budde  says,  is  not  moral,  but  intellectual  knowledge.  But  this 
primitive  judgment  has  nevertheless  given  place  to  the  verdict 
against  kings  pronounced  by  Nathan  and  Elijah  (v.s.). 

He  is  known  for  his  personal  interest  and  love,  since  he  has 
shown  himself  to  be,  not  only  a  helper  and  a  friend,  but,  indeed,  a 
father.  J  This  signifies  something  very  great,  for  he  is  no  longer 
simply  a  natural  or  even  national  god,  and  therefore  compelled  to 
render  such  service.  If  deliverances  have  been  wrought,  they 
have  come  through  his  affection.  There  is  a  sense,  likewise,  in 
which  he  is  a  holy  god,  and  disobedience  of  his  regulations  is  sin. 
This  is  implied  in  the  claim  of  Elijah,  who  treats  allegiance  to  any 
other  god  as  sin ;  in  representations  of  J  and  E,  that  disregard  of 
Yahweh's  will  (cf.  especially  the  story  of  the  origin  and  progress  of 

*  Cf.  Sm.  Rel*  102  ff.  f  Bu.  Rel.  33  f.  J  Cf.  Sm.  Rel*  96-101. 


XCiv  INTRODUCTION 

sin  given  by  J  in  Gn.  3-11)  is  deserving  of  severe  punishment  and 
inevitably  followed  by  judgment ;  in  the  decalogues,  which  present 
the  ethical  and  the  ritualistic  demands  of  a  god,  himself  holy,  and 
therefore  demanding  an  elevated  character  in  those  who  serve  him  ; 
and  in  CC,  the  regulations  of  which  are  everywhere  regarded  as 
the  expression  of  the  divine  will. 

(V)  Yahweh  alone  is  the  God  of  Israel,  and  he  only  may  be 
worshipped,  —  this  was  the  truth  for  which  Elijah  had  contended, 
and  his  contest  had  been  won.  The  significance  of  this  victory 
can  scarcely  be  overestimated.  The  fact  that  Yahweh  had  made 
and  enforced  such  a  demand  in  itself  challenged  attention.  It 
emphasized  the  fundamental  and  far-reaching  difference  between 
Yahweh  and  the  nature  gods  of  Canaan  and  the  surrounding 
peoples.*  This  difference  consisted  chiefly  in  the  essentially 
ethical  and  spiritual  nature  of  Yahweh,  which  must  of  necessity 
find  expression  in  demands  upon  his  people  for  a  worship  arising 
from  the  heart  and  a  life  devoted  to  ideals  of  justice  and  purity. 

2.  In  what  has  already  been  said,  there  is  much  that  refers  to 
the  conceptions  concerning  man's  duty  to  God,  as  expressed  in 
worship.  We  may  add  the  following  brief  statement :  — 

(1)  The  priest,  hardly  known  before  the  entrance  into  Canaan, 
has  attained  an  important  place.     The  story  of  the  priest-work 
of  Micah  (Ju.  17,  18),  and  that  of  Eli  and  his  sons  (i  S.  i1^22),  shed 
much  light  upon  the  early  history  of  the  priesthood.     He  was  at 
first  occupied  with  the  care  of  the  Ark  (i  S.  44  2  S.  is24'29),  and 
with  carrying  or  consulting  the  ephod  (for  no  positive  evidence 
exists  that  the  priests  participated    in  sacrifice  |).     Out  of  this 
function  grew  later  the  giving  of  directions,  i.e.  tdroth,  in  matters 
relating  to  law  or  ritual.     But  with  the  erection  of  the  Temple,  the 
priests  took  on  larger  service  and  rose  to  a  higher  place  in  society 
and  in  governmental  affairs.     Strong  societies  were  organized,  at 
first  in  Jerusalem,  and  later  in  Northern  Israel  (cf.  Dt.  338ff  [E], 
in  which  the  priesthood  is  recognized  as  organized  and  as  possess 
ing  high  dignity  and  power) .     At  the  same  time  CC  contains  no 
reference  to  a  priest ;  the  whole  matter  is  custom,  not  law. 

(2)  The  high  places  taken  over  from  Baalism  are  still  employed 


*  Cf.  Kue.  Rel.  I.  367  f.  t  i  S.  212ff-  does  not  prove  this. 


THE   ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF  PRE-PROPHETISM  XCV 

without  objection  as  the  seats  of  popular  worship.  These  repre 
sent  the  ancient  holy  places,  and  have  now  become  thoroughly 
identified  with  Yahweh-worship,  as  distinguished  from  Baal-wor 
ship.  The  thought  has  not  yet  been  suggested  that  worship  shall 
be  restricted  to  one  place,  Jerusalem.  The  impossibility  of  secur 
ing  a  pure  worship  at  these  high  places  has  not  yet  been  realized. 

(3)  Sacrifice  is,  after  all,  the  chief  feature  of  worship.     It  appears  in  uie 
meal  of  communion  (i  S.  I4ff-  912ff);  the  offerer  may  kill  the  victim,  the  fat  is 
reserved  for  Yahweh,  and  a  portion  is  given  to  the  priest  (i  S.  213f-);   the  flesh 
may  not  be  eaten  with  the  blood  (i  S.  I432f-).     All  sacrifices  are  gifts  to  the 
deity;   the  offerings  of  Gideon  (Ju.  618ff-)  and  Manoah   (Ju.  I319)  represent 
the  usage  of  the  times.* 

(4)  The  passover,  Israel's  only  festival  in  pre-Canaanitish  times,  has  now 
grown  into  several,  among  which  are  (a)  the  Sabbath  (Ex.  3421  2312  Dt.  512), 
observed,  however,  with  a  humanitarian  rather  than  a  religious  motive  (v.s^} ; 
this  same  thing  holds  good  also  of  (£)  the  seventh  year,  which  is  beginning 
to  be  observed.     There  are   also  (c)  the  new  moon  (i   S.  2O5ff-24ff-),  with 
festivities  lasting  for  two  days,  and  (</)  the  three  festivals  at  which  all  males 
were  to  appear  with  gifts  (Ex.  2314ff-  3418ff-);   these  were  occasions  of  great 
joy  and  feasting,  reaching  even  to  excess,  for  sacred  women  at  the  high  places 
prostituted  themselves  as  a  part  of  the  religious  ritual.     Cf.  Amos  and  Hosea 
passim.^ 

(5)  Custom  has  now  in  many  cases  been  codified  into  law,  for  CC  is  clearly 
in  existence  (v.s,~).     These  precedents  are  now  recognized  as  having  divine 
sanction  ;   and  while  their  scope  is  not  broad,  the  essential  content  includes 
reference  to  many  of  the  more  important  of  the  religious  institutions. 

(6)  The  use  of  images  continues,  and  oracles  are  consulted  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  divine  will.     This  was  the  use  made  of  Urim  and  Thummim^ 
which,  in  some  way  not  quite  clear,  represented  the  sacred  lot.     Cf.  i  S.  I441 
(<§>),  and  143.18. 36^  j     This  usage,  hardly  consistent  with  a  later  and  higher 
prophetism,  was  still  a  part  of  the  system  in  vogue,  and  entirely  consistent 
with  that  system. 

3.  It  is  not  easy  to  formulate,  as  the  expression  of  this  Canaan- 
itish-Israelitish  age,  the  opinion  which  prevailed  concerning  the 
relation  of  man  to  his  fellow- man,  his  obligations,  or,  in  other 

*  For  further  details  v.  Schultz,  "Significance  of  Sacrifice  in  O.  T.("  AJT.  IV. 
257-3i3;  Now.  Arch.  II.  203  ff. ;  Dr.,  art.  "  Offering,"  DB.;  GFM.,  art.  "  Sacrifice," 
EB.;  and  my  Priestly  Element  in  O.  T.,  83-93. 

t  On  early  Israelitish  festivals,  see  my  Priestly  Element  in  O.  T.t  94-7;  Benz. 
art.  "  Feasts,"  EB.  ;  Now.  Arch.  II.  138  ff. 

t  GFM.,  art.  "  Urim  and  Thummim,"  EB. 


XCVi  INTRODUCTION 

words,  the  ethical  standards  which  were  in  vogue.  But  certain 
things  may  be  said,  partly  in  the  way  of  explanation,  partly,  also, 
in  the  way  of  interpretation  :  — 

(1)  It  is  unfair  to  the  age,  and  to  the  subject,  to  base  one's  con 
clusions  on  the  extreme  cases  of  immorality.     Such  cases  occur  in 
our  own  day.     The  record  of  such  cases  (e.g.  that  of  Judah  and 
Tamar  (Gn.  38),  and  that  of  David  and  Bathsheba  (i  Sam.  1 1,  12)) 
is  evidence,  not  of  their  common  occurrence,  but  of  their  heinous- 
ness  in  the  sight  of  the  prophet  who  makes  the  record. 

(2)  While  we  may  still  hesitate  concerning  the  actual  basis  of 
this  ethical  movement  in  Israel's  history,  and  its  origin,  it  is  com 
paratively  easy  to  point  out,  not  only  the  elements  in  the  remarkable 
growth  which  has  taken  place  in  this  period,  but  also  the  occasion 
of  the  growth,  viz.  the  advance  in  a  true  conception  of  Yahweh 
(pp.  xc  ff.). 

(3)  The  conception  of  higher  ideals  is  still  restricted  to  the 
community  (i.e.  the  family  or  clan),  and  has  not  received  appli 
cation  to  the  individual. 

(4)  This  higher  conception  has  influenced  the  attitude  of  Israel 
neither  toward  outside  nations,  nor,  indeed,  toward  the  stranger 
inside  Israel's  gates.    This  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  strange  in  view 
of  the  definitely  hostile  relations  which  existed  for  the  most  part 
between  every  ancient  nation  and  its  neighboring  nations.     Inter 
national  comity  and  law  must  follow  national  law  at  a  long  distance. 

(5)  Custom  is  still,  in  great  measure,  the  standard  of  action, 
but  this  is  more  and  more  influenced  by  religious  thought.     And, 
as  already  suggested,  custom  has  now  been  formulated  into  law. 
Crime  is  regarded  as  affecting  Yahweh  himself  (2  S.  i214,  following 
the  reading  of  Lucian),  and  the  enactments  of  CC,  aside  from 
its   ritual   content,   take  cognizance  of   the   most   common  and 
important  of  the  human  relationships. 

(6)  The   later  decalogue,  properly  interpreted    (v.s.),  marks 
the  stage  of  advancement  now  reached.     This  is  splendidly  sup 
ported  and,  indeed,  developed  in  CC  (pp.  IxivrT.). 

(7)  But,  after  all,  the  stories  of  the  patriarchs  give  us  the  truest 
idea  of  the  morals  of  the  period.*  They  represent  the  highest  ideals 

*K.  DB.  V.663£ 


THE  ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF  PRE-PROPHETISM        xcvii 

of  the  teachers  of  Israel  at  the  time  they  assumed  literary  form  (cf. 
pp.  Ixxi,  Ixxix  f.).  Abraham  is  the  type  of  the  truly  pious  Israelite, 
exhibiting  the  qualities  of  faith  and  obedience  under  the  most  try 
ing  circumstances ;  while  Jacob  is  the  successful  man  of  affairs, 
whose  prosperity  is  due,  not  alone  to  his  own  shrewdness,  but  also  to 
his  faithful  adherence  to  his  God.  The  moral  delinquencies  of  the 
patriarchs  must  be  estimated  in  view  of  (a)  the  fact  that  in  large 
part  the  questionable  transactions  are  in  relations  with  foreigners, 
toward  whom  ethical  requirements  did  not  hold  to  such  a  high 
degree  (v.s.)  ;  (b)  the  effort  of  E  to  minimize  the  faults  of  the 
patriarchs  (v.s.},  which  shows  an  ethical  advance  toward  the  close 
of  the  pre-prophetic  period  ;  (c)  the  indirect  condemnation  some 
times  found  within  the  stories  themselves  (cf.  Gn.  2o9f  269f-  2712). 

(8)  The  stories  of  the  kings  enforce  similar  truths  upon  the 
attention.  The  special  position  of  the  king  as  "  the  anointed  of 
Yahweh  "  and  the  most  powerful  personage  in  the  nation  added 
emphasis  to  the  use  of  his  life-story  for  purposes  of  moral  and 
religious  instruction.  If  David  and  his  successors  could  achieve 
success  only  in  so  far  as  they  obeyed  Yahweh  and  refrained 
from  evil,  how  much  less  could  the  nation  at  large  disregard 
Yahweh's  will  and  prosper?  The  direct  teaching  of  these  stories 
is  evident. 

4.  Aside  from  the  conceptions  already  considered,  viz.  those 
of  God,  of  man  in  relation  to  God,  and  of  man  in  relation  to  man, 
there  are  certain  others  with  which  the  religious  and  ethical  ideas 
are  closely  associated.  These  possess  more  of  the  speculative 
character  and  deal  with  the  origins  of  things  and  the  future.* 

(i)  Ideas  concerning  the  origin  and  nature  of  man  had  taken 
on  quite  definite  form,  e.g.  (a)  the  body  of  man  (Gn.  27)  is  of 
earth  and  at  death  returns  to  the  earth  (Gn.  319)  ;  while  the 
breath  (v.i.}  is  re-absorbed  in  the  great  Spirit  of  the  universe  ,  this 
body  or  flesh  is  transitory  in  its  nature  (cf.  Is.  3i3)  and  always  sub 
ject  to  decay  and  destruction ;  it  is,  moreover,  the  occasion  of 
moral  weakness ;  but  it  is  never  represented  as  in  itself  sinful  (i.e. 
as  equivalent  to  o-ap£)  and  unclean. 

(b)  The  blood  is  the  life  only  in  the  sense  that  it  is  the  source, 

*  Di.  TheoL  355  ff. ;  the  recent  statement  of  Kautzsch  (DB.  V.  665  ff.)  fur 
nishes  an  admirable  survey  of  this  entire  field. 


XCVlll  INTRODUCTION 

or  vehicle,  or  seat,  of  life ;  consequently  it  must  not  be  eaten 
(i  S.  i432ff- ;  cf.  Dt.  i223  Lv.  ly11),  for  in  so  doing  another  life  might 
be  absorbed.  The  desire  to  bring  about  just  such  an  identification 
of  different  lives  was  the  basis  of  the  earlier  sacrificial  meals,  of 
which,  however,  no  instance  occurs  in  O.  T.  literature.  The  sig 
nificance  of  this  conception  of  blood  upon  the  later  development 
of  sacrifice  is  very  evident. 

(Y)  The  breath  or  spirit  (nT\)  occupied  a  still  larger  place  in  the 
older  thought.  This  breath  represented  life,  and  had  its  origin  in 
the  breath  of  Yahweh  himself,  which  he  breathed  into  the  first  man 
(Gn.  27).  When  this  divine  breath  (the  spirit  of  life)  is  called 
back  by  Yahweh  to  himself  (i.e.  re-absorbed),  death  ensues.  Nor 
was  this  spirit  restricted  to  human  beings,  for  animal  life  (Gn.  217) 
had  the  same  origin  (Nu.  i622  27™ ;  cf.  Ps.  io429f  Jb.  3414f'),  although 
it  was  reckoned  inferior,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  man  was 
treated  more  directly  and  individually  in  the  act  of  creation,  animals 
being  animated,  so  to  speak,  as  a  species ;  and  further,  although 
animals  are  represented  as  created  for  man's  use,  none  of  them  is 
fit  to  be  his  "help."  But  now,  this  spirit,  breathed  into  humanity 
once  for  all  in  the  case  of  the  first  man  ( =  traducianism,  rather 
than  creationism),  and  including  life  of  every  kind,  viz.  thought, 
will,  and  action,  is  everywhere  a  manifestation  of  the  divine  spirit 
(cf.  Acts  ly28).* 

(2)  The  origin  and  purpose  of  the  universe  does  not  occupy  a 
large  place  in  Hebrew  pre-prophetic  thought,  and  yet  certain  defi 
nite  ideas  are  contained  in  J's  statement  in  Gn.  24ff-  Perhaps 
something  also  is  to  be  learned  from  what  this  passage  does  not  con 
tain  (e.g.  the  lack  of  any  mythical  element) .  (a)  This  narrative, 
of  which  a  portion  (dealing  with  the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth) 
doubtless  has  been  lost,  clearly  points  to  Yahweh  as  the  former  of 
man  and  of  man's  home  (but  this  is  only  what  other  religious 
cosmogonies  have  done,  each  in  its  own  way,  and  does  not  contra 
dict  the  position  that  the  doctrine  of  Yahweh  as  Creator  is  exilic 
or  post-exilic,  i.e.  subsequent  to  the  acceptance  of  monotheism). | 

*Cf.  Di.  Theol.  359  ff. ;  Da.  O.  T.  Theol.  117-29;  Briggs,  JBL.  XIX.  (1900), 
132  ff. ;  Shoemaker,  JBL,  XXIV.  (1904),  13  ff.,  who  finds  no  case  of  rvn  =  breath 
until  exilic  times  (v.  p.  24). 

t  Sta.  ZA  W.  XXIII.  178;  Gunkel,  Sekopfung  und  Chaos,  159;  K.  DB.  V.  669, 


THE   ESSENTIAL  THOUGHT  OF   PRE-PROPHETISM          xcix 

(6)  The  interest  is  centred  in  man,  for  whose  benefit  alone  the 
animals  are  formed ;  and  when  no  suitable  companion  is  found  for 
him  among  them,  woman  is  created  by  another  and  different  pro 
cess  ;  while  (V)  the  climax  is  found  in  the  representation  concern 
ing  marriage.* 

(3)  The  origin  and  nature  of  sin  is  pictured  in  the  story  of  the 
fall,  for  no  other  interpretation  than  that  of  a/#//f  will  satisfy 
the  demands.     Concerning  all  this,  it  was  believed  (a)  that  man, 
at  one  time,  lived  in  close  association  and  communion  with  the 
deity ;  but  (^)  pride  led  him  to  overstep  certain  bounds  that  had 
been  set ;   (c)  this  act  of  disobedience  was  followed  by  trouble, 
misery,  and  suffering.  } 

(4)  The  state  after  death  is  a  subject  concerning  which  neither 
pre-prophecy  nor  prophecy  had  much  to  say,  partly  because  the 
saying  of  anything  would  give  encouragement  to  the  superstitious 
survivals  of  animism,  and  partly,  also,  because  no  adequate  teach 
ing  had  as  yet  been  worked  out.    That  the  ideas  which  prevailed 
in  early  Israel  concerning  Sheol  came  from  the  Canaanites  (and 
perhaps  farther  back  from  Babylon)  is  probable ;  in  any  case,  the 
popular  belief  was  closely  associated  with  necromancy,  and  conse 
quently  opposed  to  Yahwism.     This  belief  (Gn.  3735  42^  4429-31 
Nu.  I630-33,  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  J)  included,  at  least,  the 
following  points  :   (a)  Sheol  is  a  space  to  which  one  goes  down; 
(b)  no  one  ever  returns ;  yet  (c)  by  the  influence  of  necromancers 
a  "  form  "  may  be  brought  up,  as  in  the  case  of  Samuel  (i  S.  2811  ff)  ; 
while  (d)  only  thick  darkness  prevails.     (<?)  It  is  a  place  of  assem 
bly  for  the  departed ;  but  (/)  there  is  no  such  thing  as  fellowship 
(Gn.  3  y35).     (g)  That  which  goes  down  is  not  the  body  (which 
decays  in  the  grave),  nor  the  spirit  (which  is  absorbed  by  the 
spirit  of  God)  ;  but  "  an  indefinable  something  of  the  personality" 
which  (=  shade,  or  manes)  is  invisible  and  does  not  live,  but  merely 

*  On  the  question  of  Babylonian  influence  upon  this  and  the  other  early  stories 
of  Genesis,  cf.  the  recent  voluminous  literature  on  Babel  and  Bible. 

f  Cf.  the  opinions  that  we  have  here:  (i)  an  illustration  of  how  sin  arises  in 
the  case  of  every  individual  (cf.  Di.  Theol.  371)  ;  (2)  the  story  of  how  humanity 
passed  from  rudeness  to  culture,  or  from  unconsciousness  to  freedom  (cf.  Holzinger 
and  Gunkel,  in  lac.}  ;  or  (3)  a  culture-myth  without  moral  content  (Tennant). 

J  On  the  relation  of  this  to  the  Babylonian,  and  especially  the  Zend,  cf.  Sta. 
ZA  W.  XXIII.  172  ff. ;  Zimmern,  KA  T?  527  f. ;  K.  DB.  V.  667. 


C  INTRODUCTION 

exists.  How  far  this  popular  belief  was  a  survival  of  animism,  and 
the  extent  to  which  it  was  really  antagonized  by  Yahwism,  cannot 
here  be  discussed.* 

5.  The  general  character  of  the  pre-prophetic  movement  may 
now  be  briefly  summarized  in  view  of  its  history  up  to  this  point, 
and,  likewise,  in  view  of  the  real  prophetic  activity  which  is  to 
grow  out  of  it  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  follow  close  upon  its  heels  : 

(i)  This  movement  is  not  exclusively  or  essentially  Israelitish,  but 
is  of  Canaanitish  origin,  f  although  itself  at  a  later  time  hostile  to 
Canaanitism  and  directly  responsible  for  its  destruction ;  and  in 
the  long  process  of  its  growth  it  incorporates  many  Canaanitish 
ideas. 

(  2  )  The  struggle  between  pre-prophetism  and  Baalism  is  between 
the  later  idea  of  a  relation  with  the  deity,  based  upon  a  pact  or 
covenant,  and  the  earlier  idea  of  a  relation  based  upon  the  natu 
ral  tie.  In  this  case,  the  covenant  idea  lives  and  works  several 
centuries  with  the  nature  idea,  and,  in  the  end,  shakes  it  off,  but 
only  after  absorbing  all  that  was  good  in  it. 

(3)  The  result  of  the  movement,  in  so  far  as  it  concerns  worship, 
is  the  endurance,  if  not  the  acceptance,  of  an  elaborated  cult, 
through  which    the  religious   sentiment   has  been   enlarged   and 
enriched,  but  in  which  Israel  is  soon  to  find  that  which  will  prove 
her  ruin  (cf.  Judah  and  the  doctrine  of  the  inviolable  Jerusalem). 

(4)  The  influence  of  the  movement  on  conduct  has  been  to 
raise  the  standard  in  a  marked  degree,  and  to  define  more  closely 
the  relations  of  man  to  man,  without,  however,  going  outside  of 
Israel,  or  developing  anything  higher  than  that  which  pertains  to 
the  tribe  or  family. 

(5)  The  movement,  in  so  far  as  it  concerns  the  idea  of  God, 
is  still  henotheistic,  not  monotheistic. 

C.    AMOS. 
§  12.   THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  AMOS. 

The  facts  of  the  life  of  Amos  present  many  points  of  peculiar 
interest,  i.  His  home  was  in  Judah  (cf.  p.  3). 

*  For  the  most  important  literature  on  this  subject,  see  pp.  40 f. 
f  So  Kue.  Proph.  554  ff. ;  K.  DB.  V.  653 ;  Gu.  G  VL  71 ;  et  at. 


THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  AMOS  d 

This  may  be  accepted,  notwithstanding  (0)  his  seeming  absorption  in 
Northern  Israel  (cf.  p.  cxxi  for  the  view  that  he  always  had  Juclah  in  mind  as 
the  home  of  Yahweh's  religion  in  the  future)  ;  *  (£)  the  elevation  of  Tekoa, 
which  is  alleged  to  be  too  great  for  sycamore  culture  (p.  3) ;  t  0)  the  lack 
of  allusion  to  Judah  in  his  writings;  J  (rf)  the  effort  of  Gratz  §  to  identify 
Tekoa  with  Eltekeh  of  Jos.  IQ44,  making  him  a  Danite  ;  (<?)  the  suggestion 
of  Oort  that  he  really  lived  in  the  North,  and  went  to  Judah  only  after  his 
expulsion  from  Bethel  (p.  3) ;  (/)  the  desire  of  Che.  ||  to  transfer  Tekoa  to 
the  Negeb,  and  transform  many  of  the  proper  names  in  such  a  way  as  to  place 
the  entire  activity  of  Amos  in  this  region,  which  Che.  supposes  to  have  be 
longed  to  Northern  Israel. 

The  location  of  Tekoa  in  the  desert  of  Judah  furnishes  the  possibility  of 
just  such  a  sense  of  natural  grandeur  ^[  as  we  are  compelled  to  believe  must 
have  been  the  privilege  through  many  years  of  one  who  was  later  able  to 
express  himself  as  did  Amos.  Nor  may  we  deny  the  very  great  importance 
of  the  not  far  distant  Arab  influences,  including  the  stimulating  effect  of  the 
caravan  routes  close  at  hand  (cf.  the  Dedanites,  Is.  2 113),  although  we  may 
hesitate  to  see**  an  actual  Arabic  idiom  in  crD  D  •o-'  vy  (410),  or  to  regard 
Tekoa  ft  as  a  great  Arab-Israelitish  literary  centre,  the  Book  of  Job  likewise 
having  been  written  here,  or  to  believe  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  general 
region,  under  the  lead  of  the  Jerahmeelites,  were  the  occasion  of  all  ancient 
Israelitish  life  and  activity.  JJ 

There  is  nothing  in  37- 8  to  show,  as  Cheyne  thinks,  that  Amos 
must  have  left  Tekoa  before  receiving  his  call.  Here,  almost 
within  sight  of  Jerusalem,  in  or  near  a  village  fortified  at  one 
time  by  Rehoboam  (2  Ch.  n6),  and  celebrated  for  the  visit  paid 
to  David  (2  S.  i42ff')  by  one  of  its  wise  women,  which  looked  out 
upon  a  desolate,  dreary,  and  savage  world,  in  fact  "an  unmitigated 
wilderness,"  in  an  environment  abounding  in  emptiness  and  still 
ness,  was  very  naturally  developed  the  being  who  was  to  possess, 
in  fullest  measure,  the  power  of  observation  and  reflection,  the 
austere  habits  of  the  recluse,  and  the  unpitying  sharpness  of  the 
censor  of  his  country's  faults  and  vices.  §§  No  mention  is  made 
of  a  father,  or  of  family.  Did  he  have  no  family  record  ? 

*  Meinhold,  63;  cf.  Marti,  150. 

f  Tekoa  is  about  2700  feet  above  sea  level,  while  sycamores  are  never  found  in 
Palestine  at  a  greater  height  than  1000  feet ;  cf.  i  K.  io2?  i  Ch.  27™ ;  v.  GAS.  I.  77 ; 
Maspero,  Dawn  of  Civilization,  26,  121 ;  Post,  DB.  IV.  634  f.;  M'Lean,  EB.  4831  f. 

t  Cf.  Marti,  146.  $  Gesch.  I.  403.  ||  EB.  3888  f.,  and  CH.  II.  133  f. 

^  Che.  EH.  148.  **  With  We.,  and  Che.  EB.  148. 

ft  Stickel,  Hiob,  269-77.         II  Che.  EB.  and  CB. passim.        §§  GAS.  I.  79-81, 


cii  INTRODUCTION 

2.  But  if  this  was  the  home  of  Amos,  when  and  under  what 
circumstances  did  he  occupy  it  and  do  his  work  ?  We  may  not 
accept  ( i )  the  view  recently  suggested  *  that  the  book  is  subse 
quent  to  the  exile,  later  even  than  Joel ;  nor  (2)  its  assignment  to 
the  date  744  or  745  B.C.,|  on  the  ground  that  Assyria  was  inactive 
for  twenty-five  years  previous  to  the  accession  of  Tiglathpileser  III. 
(745  B.C.)  ;  nor  (3)  the  date  indicated  by  Elhorst,  viz.  in  the  days 
of  Josiah,  638-621. 

Students  of  Amos  are  all  but  unanimous  in  agreeing  that  Amos 
delivered  these  sermons  between  765  and  750  B.C.  (p.  5).  t  This 
view  assumes  the  general  accuracy  of  the  statements  made  in 
chap.  7,  and  is  in  strict  accord  with  the  circumstances  of  this 
period  as  they  are  elsewhere  found  to  exist.  § 

(«)  The  freedom  of  the  people  from  anxiety  on  account  of  Assyria,  and 
the  vagueness  of  Amos  in  referring  to  Assyria  ||  (527  614)  are  both  clear, 
when  we  note  that  during  the  reigns  of  Shalmaneser  III.  (783-773  B.C.),  who 
was  all  the  time  engaged  with  the  people  of  Urartu  (i.e.  Ararat),  and  Asur-dan 
(772-755  B.C.),  whose  time  was  occupied  principally  in  dealing  with  con 
spiracy  and  revolt  at  home,  ample  opportunity  was  afforded  for  the  growth  of 
Israel,^[  and  the  political  situation  was  one  which  gave  the  people  great 
confidence. 

*  Edward  Day  and  Walter  H.  Chapin,  AJSL.  XVIII.  66-93.  This  argument 
is  based  on  (i)  the  presence  of  many  insertions  generally  acknowledged  to  be  from 
a  later  hand,  but  these  in  nearly  every  case  plainly  interrupt  the  thought  and  fail 
to  harmonize  with  the  main  portion,  and  this  difficulty  is  not  relieved  by  making 
the  main  portion  also  late;  (2)  the  presence  in  the  genuine  Amos  portions  of  many 
words  and  phrases  which  are  "late,"  and  yet  words  are  called  "late"  by  these 
authors  which  are  found  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Ju.  5),  or  the  Blessing  of  Jacob 
(Gn.  49) ;  (3)  the  general  post-exilic  tone  of  these  supposedly  original  parts,  but 
since  this  same  post-exilic  tone  is  said  to  characterize  all  of  Isaiah  as  well  as 
Hosea,  the  whole  question  is  begged.  The  vagueness  of  the  utterances  of  Amos, 
here  used  as  evidence  against  the  early  date,  is  precisely  the  strongest  possible 
evidence  for  that  date. 

t  Zeydner,  ThSt.,  1894,59;  Valeton,  Amos  und  Hosea,  10;  concerning  this,  Che. 
(EB.  150)  is  correct  in  saying  that  to  any  one  not  blinded  by  a  fanatical  religious 
belief  this  inactivity  must  have  appeared  temporary;  and,  moreover,  if  written  after 
the  events  of  745  B.C.,  the  predictions  of  destruction  would  have  been  fuller  and 
more  specific.  Cf.  Now.,  p.  121. 

J  So  e.g.  We.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Marti. 

§  Dr.  (p.  101),  Che.,  Now.,  Marti. 

||  The  word  "  Assyria"  is  not  mentioned  unless  we  read  with  (gBAQ  -^vj»x  instead 
of  -HSTN  (39). 

H  Within  this  period  Assyria  troubled  Syria  as  follows :    In  775,  they  came  to 


THE   PERSONAL   LIFE  OF  AMOS  ciii 

(3)  The  religious  situation  is  most  intense.  The  keenest  possible  interest 
is  taken  in  the  cultus.  The  zeal  of  the  worshippers  attracts  attention.  The 
service  is  full  and  rich  (44b-  521'23  814  91).  This  is  due,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the 
satisfaction  with  which  the  people  regard  the  peace  and  prosperity  they  now 
enjoy  since  the  wars  with  Syria  have  closed,  and  to  the  joy  and  gladness  with 
which  they  hail  the  enlargement  of  the  nation's  territory;  and  on  the  other, 
to  the  anxiety  aroused  by  earthquakes  and  pestilences  (v.i.},  the  melancholy 
recollection  of  the  treatment  recently  accorded  them  by  the  Syrians  and  Am 
monites  (i3-13  46"11),  as  well  as  the  fear  that,  unless  worshipped  in  this  gor 
geous  fashion,  Yahweh  will  bring  back  the  troubles  through  which  they  have 
recently  passed. 

(<:)  The  social  situation  is  one  in  which  the  wealthy  (and  in  these  days  of 
economic  changes  the  number  of  the  wealthy  was  large)  are  luxurious  and 
given  to  debauchery  (312  511),  cruel  and  oppressive  (2Cf-  310),  the  women  tak 
ing  their  full  share  (41,  cf.  Is.  316).  Ivory  houses  (315)  and  continual  feasting 
(64ff-)  furnish  one  picture;  robbery,  adultery,  and  murder  (Ho.  411.13 f.  yi-^f-), 
another;  while  the  lack  of  brotherliness  and  the  prevalence  of  injustice 
(57. 10. 12  6i2  84f.)  give  still  a  third. 

We  cannot  urge  in  favor  of  this  date  the  interpretation  of  613  suggested  by 
\Ve.  and  adopted  by  Che.  {EB.  149),  that  the  people  are  rejoicing  because 
of  the  capture  of  two  cities  in  Gilead,  Lo-debar  and  Karnaim  (p.  156);  but, 
at  the  same  time,  we  do  not  find  evidence  against  this  date  in  I5,  because  in 
2  K.  i69  the  fulfilment  is  represented  as  literally  taking  place;  Kir  here  is 
probably  an  interpolation,*  while  Kir  of  i5  was  perhaps  suggested  by  the  tra 
dition  regarding  Aram's  origin  (97),  no  stress  being  placed  upon  the  locality 
of  the  captivity.f  Nor  is  a  correct  interpretation  of  62  (p.  144)  opposed  to 
this  date.  The  conquest  of  Gath  by  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  266;  cf.  62  and  the 
absence  of  any  mention  of  Gath  in  i6"8),  the  overthrow  of  Moab  by  Jehosha- 
phat  (2  K.  3;  cf.  use  of  aoii'  rather  than  ^Sn  in  Am.  23),  as  well  as  that  of 
Aram  (2  K.  I428),  seem  to  be  presupposed. 

Still  further,  notice  may  be  taken  of  (^)  the  pestilences  which  prevailed  in 
Assyria  in  765  and  759  B.C.,  to  which  allusion,  possibly,  is  made  in  410,  although 
it  is  there  styled  "after  the  manner  of  Egypt";  (<?)  the  solar  eclipse  referred 
to  in  89,  assigned  by  the  Assyrian  eponym  list  to  763  B.C.;  J  (/)  the  earthquake 
(i1);  this,  was  the  earthquake  spoken  of  much  later  in  Zc.  I44  (where  the 
mention  of  it  is  possibly  due  to  this  superscription;  cf.  the  statement  of 


Erini  (i.e.  Mt.  Amanus,  near  the  Gulf  of  Antioch)  ;  in  773,  to  Damascus;  in  772, 
to  Hadrach;  in  765,  again  to  Hadrach;  in  755,  a  third  time  to  Hadrach;  in  754,  to 
Arpad;  and  not  again  till  745.  Syria,  thus,  was  engaged  with  Assyria.  Israel  was 
let  alone,  and  in  consequence  Jeroboam  II.  and  Uzziah  were  enabled  to  build  up 
their  kingdoms  to  a  higher  point  than  ever  before. 

*  So  Benz.,  Kit.,  Oort,  Che.  (EB.  150)  ;  Kir  is  lacking  in  <S. 

t  Che.  EB.  150. 

J  Schra.  COT.  II.  193;  Sayce,  TSBA.  III.  149;  Marti,  EB.  790. 


Civ  INTRODUCTION 

Josephus,  Ant.  IX.  10,  4),  and  seemingly  referred  to  in  411  as  well  as  in  88  (not 
an  interpolation,  as  We.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Che.,  maintain).*  We  cannot  deny  the 
occurrence  of  this  earthquake,  even  though  no  other  evidence  for  it  is  to  be 
discovered.  With  the  tradition  thus  substantiated,  and  with  the  recognition 
of  the  earthquake  as  a  method  of  divine  punishment  found  in  411  Is.  2Q6,  we 
may  well  accept  the  truth  of  the  assertion,  although,  it  is  to  be  conceded, 
no  help  is  gained  from  it  for  the  more  definite  determination  of  Amos's  date. 

3.  In  the  case  of  no  other  prophet  is  the  question  of  occupation 
more  interesting,  since  with  this  there  stands  closely  connected 
the  problem  of  Amos's  preparation  for  his  life-work.  Four  items 
require  to  be  considered  :  (i)  The  prophet's  own  statement  (7") 
that  he  was  not  a  prophet  by  profession,  nor  a  member  of  one  of  the 
pre-prophetic  societies.  This  implies  that  he  does  not  wish  to  be 
reckoned  as  one  of  the  nebhfim,  "  the  ecstatic  enthusiasts,"  the 
crowd  of  diviners,  who  in  recent  years  had  come  to  have  a  defi 
nitely  recognized  professional  position ;  and,  besides  that,  since  he 
is  not  one  of  them  nominally,  his  work  is  characterized  by  a  pur 
pose  and  spirit  different  from  theirs.  What  was  this?  I  answer, 
that  spirit  of  observation  and  recognition  of  general  law,  of 
philosophical  insight  and  reasoning,  which  became  the  so-called 
wisdom-spirit  when  nationalism  had  passed  away  and  the  doctrine 
of  individualism  was  beginning  to  assert  itself.  Amos,  as  it  will  be 
seen,  is  almost  as  much  a  sage  as  he  is  a  prophet.  He  differs  from 
the  later  sages  in  still  being,  like  the  nebhi'im,  limited  to  a  point  of 
view  which  is  largely  national ;  but  inside  of  his  circle  he  exhibits 
the  mood,  the  method,  and  the  motive  of  the  sage  (v.i.).  With 
this  point  in  mind,  it  is  easier  to  understand  the  other  facts  men 
tioned  in  the  same  passage  (y14).  (2)  The  prophet's  real  occupa 
tion  was  that  of  a  "  dresser  of  sycamores."  This  was  a  humble 
employment,  and  proves  that  Amos,  like  Micah,  was  one  of  the 
people.  The  evidence  at  hand  does  not  clearly  indicate  whether 
he  was  really  poor,  or,  perhaps,  fairly  well-to-do.  Did  he  own  a 
plantation  of  sycamores?!  In  any  case  he  was  independent 

*  Nothing  could  be  more  fanciful  than  G.  Hoffmann's  suggestion  (ZA  W.  III. 
123,  approved  by  Che.  EB.  149;  Marti),  that  the  remark  in  i1  is  an  inference  of  the 
editor,  based  upon  the  understanding  that,  according  to  j3- 6  (cf.  78  82),  Israel's 
punishment  hnd  been  delayed  twice,  for  a  year  each  time. 

f  So  Che.  EB.  148. 


THE   PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  AMOS  CV 

enough  to  leave  home.  Or  was  he  a  dresser  of  sycamores  in 
Northern  Israel  ?  and  did  he  give  up  that  occupation  when  driven 
out  by  Amaziah  ?  This  bears  upon  the  place  of  his  home  as  well 
as  the  character  of  his  occupation  (zu.).  It  is  immaterial  whether 
Amos  was  a  dresser  or  tender  of  the  tree  (p.  172),  a  collector 
and  seller  of  the  fruit,*  or  a  pincher  or  scraper  of  the  fruit,  to 
insure  a  more  rapid  ripening,  f  We  do  not  find  in  this  occupa 
tion  anything  inconsistent  J  with  his  Southern  origin. 

(3)  The  further  statement  that  he  was  a  shepherd,  and  had  been  taken  by 
Yahweh  from  following  the  flock  (cf.  Elijah's  call  of  Elisha),  is  entirely  con 
sistent  with  the  preceding,  inasmuch  as  a  shepherd  might  in  those  days,  as  at 
the  present  time,  cultivate  fruit  trees  (the  sycamore,  although  the  poorest,  was 
the  most  easily  grown),  for  the  purpose  of  varying  the  monotony  of  his  milk 
diet.  §    Since  the  word  ipj  (i1)  is  not  the  ordinary  word  for  shepherd  (the  word 
used  in  £HC  of  714,  npa,  being  inconsistent  with  the  following  JNX,  and  so 
easily  corrupted  from  ipj,  is  generally  read  npj  ||),  there  is  some  doubt  as  to  the 
exact  idea  meant  to  be  conveyed;   but,  upon  the  whole,  we  may  understand 
(v.i.  on  i1)  that  Amos  was  a  wool-grower,  that  is,  something  more  than  a  mere 
shepherd.     As  such,  he  would  naturally  make  journeys  from  time  to  time,  and 
meet  men  coming  and  going  from  all  parts  of  the  world  as  it  was  known  in 
his  day.^[ 

(4)  While  the  language  of  Amos  is  rich  in  figurative  speech 
drawn  from  many  sides  of  life,  nothing  is  more  apparent  than  the 
influence  exerted   on  his  utterance  by  the  life  and  occupation 
which  he  followed.     This  is  seen,  for  example,  in  213  34f  12  4lf 
s  11. 17.  w  512  7i.4  gi   93       gut;   tne   influence  of  his  rustic  life  and 
humble  occupation  was  not  limited  to  the  symbols  and  figures  in 
which  we  find  this  thought  expressed.     The  thought  itself  had 
birth  in  this  same  environment.     The  separation  of  the  man  from 
human  companionship,  and  his  consequent  lack  of  human  sym- 

*  G.  E.  Post,  DB.  IV.  634  f.  t  GAS. 

J  So  Oort  and  Gratz,  on  the  ground  that  sycamores  could  not  be  cultivated  so 
far  above  the  sea  as  Tekoa  is  located  (2700  feet) ;  but  it  is  easy  to  suppose  that 
Amos,  a  nomadic  shepherd,  might  have  had  opportunity  at  a  place  lower  down,  but 
within  the  general  district  of  Tekoa,  this  name  being  applied  to  the  whole  territory 
down  to  the  pasture-land  on  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

§  GAS.  I.  78.  ||  Contra,  GAS.  I.  76. 

U  To  such  journeys  "  were  probably  due  his  opportunities  of  familiarity  with 
Northern  Israel,  the  originals  of  his  vivid  pictures  of  her  town  life,  her  commerce, 
and  the  worship  at  her  great  sanctuaries  "  (GAS.  I.  79). 


Cvi  INTRODUCTION 

pathy,  may  account,  at  least  in  part,  for  the  absence  from  his 
message  (v.i.},  as  from  that  of  Elijan,  of  anything  that  savors  of 
tenderness  or  love.  It  is  in  the  solitude  of  shepherd  life  that 
one  gains  most  certainly  the  ability  to  concentrate  attention  even 
on  the  smallest  details.  Moreover,  here  it  is  that  one  most  easily 
is  "  trained  in  that  simple  power  of  appreciating  facts  and  causes 
which,  applied  to  the  great  phenomena  of  the  spirit  and  of  history," 
constitutes  the  highest  form  of  intellectual  life. 

4.  The  shepherd  was  taken  by  Yahweh  from  following  the 
flocks,  as  Elisha  was  taken  from  following  the  oxen  with  the  plough. 
I  Jut  was  there  no  call,  definite  and  comprehensive,  like  those  of 
Isaiah  (chap.  6),  Jeremiah  (chap,  i),  and  Ezekiel  (chap,  i)? 
And,  in  any  case,  where  did  this  shepherd  really  obtain  the 
intellectual  preparation  that  justified  the  divine  selection  and  is 
evidenced  in  his  writings? 

(i)  We  shall  see  that  Amos  is  not  an  unlettered  rustic,  although 
many  attempts,  beginning  with  Jerome,  have  been  made  to  prove 
him  such,  (a)  There  is  nowhere  to  be  found  in  the  Old  Tes 
tament  an  example  of  stronger  or  purer  literary  style.  He  is 
absolute  master  of  the  language  which  he  uses.  Where  did  he; 
gain  this  mastery?  (£)  His  knowledge  of  history  and  society 
is  as  marked  as  his  literary  style.  He  has  seen  things  with  his 
own  eyes ;  his  perception  is  as  delicate  as  his  human  interest 
is  broad.  He  knows  of  nations,  but  also,  in  each  case,  of  the 
national  character.  He  is  an  ethnologist,  informing  his  auditors 
of  the  origin  of  nations,  as  well  as  an  historian ;  a  geographer, 
cognizant  of  the  rise  of  the  Nile,  of  the  far  distant  Gush,  and  the 
equally  distant  Babylonia,  as  well  as  a  sociologist.  V.  the  Map  of 
Amos  and  Hosea.  (c)  His  conception  of  God  and  man  and 
right  (v.i.)  is  something  that  is  thought  to  be  marvellous.  He 
is  not  credited  with  the  ability  to  work  miracles,  as  were  his 
predecessors;  but  is  he  so  detached  from  his  environment,  so 
abnormal  in  his  attainments,  so  irregular  in  every  way  as  to  consti 
tute  in  himself  a  real  miracle?  * 

*  We.  (Pro!.  472)  says,  "Amos  was  the  founder  of  the  purest  type  of  a  new  phase 
of  prophecy."  Co.  (Proph.  46)  says,  "Amos  is  one  of  the  most  marvellous  and  in 
comprehensible  figures  in  the  history  of  the  human  mind,  the  pioneer  of  a  process 
of  evolution  from  which  a  new  epoch  of  humanity  dates."  WRS.  (Proph.  120) 


THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  AMOS  evil 

(2)  He  maintains  for  himself  (714)  that  he  was  not  called  to  his  work  by 
the  usual  technical  methods,  viz.  through  the  prophetic  societies.     We  do  not 
understand,  as  many  do,*  that  this  statement  indicates  on  the  part  of  Amos 
an  utter  contempt  for  the  order  of  nebhfim  ;  because  (#)  elsewhere  he  speaks 
(211  37)  of  the  nabhV  with  great  respect,  f  and  in  715  he  is  ordered  to  go  as  a 
prophet.     (£)   While  he  might  feel  as  did  Elijah  and  Elisha  toward  the  great 
mass  of  the  nebki'tw,  he  was,  after  all,  too  much  like  Elijah  and  Micaiah  ben 
Imlah  in  natural  disposition,  training,  and  theological  position  to  do  other 
than  respect  them  and  others  like  them.     (V)  He  himself  uses  the  technique 
of  pre-prophetism,  which  had  long  years  been  taking  form  (p.  cviii).     (W)  He 
stood  by  no  means  alone,  preceded  as  he  was  by  J  and  E,  having  Hosea  as 
his  contemporary,  besides  others  whose  names  have  not  come  down  to  us. 
Amos  here  J  merely  emphasizes  the  fact  that  prophetism  or  ecstasy  has  not 
been  his  profession,  and  that,  consequently,  he  is  not  to  be  identified  with 
those  who  for  so  many  generations  have  shown  hostility  to  the  government ; 
and  further,  that  he  should  not  be  understood  as  uttering  words  such  as  he 
has  spoken  for  the  sake  of  reward  or  remuneration.     He  was,  after  all,  in  the 
line  of  the  prophets,  spiritually,  if  not  literally. 

(3)  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  superior  discipline  that  gave 
him   "  desert-eyes,"   which,   in   a    "  desert-atmosphere,"    furnished   the   best 
possible  training  for  an  observer  of  human  affairs,  a  student  of  cause  and 
effect ;   likewise,  to  the  unsurpassed  opportunities  afforded  him  in  the  prog 
ress  of  travels,  which  were  undertaken  in  connection  with  his  occupatioa 
(4)   But,  back  of  this,  is  the  fact  that  in  Eastern  society  superior  culture  is 
not  uncommon  in  connection  with  the  poverty  of  shepherd  life.     "  At  the 
courts  of  the  Caliphs  and  their  Emirs  the  rude  Arabs  of  the  desert  were  wont 
to  appear  without  any  feeling  of  awkwardness,  and  to  surprise  the  courtiers 
by  the  finish  of  their  impromptu  verses,  the  fluent  eloquence  of  their  oratory, 
and  the  range  of  subjects  on  which  they  could  speak  with  knowledge  and  dis 
crimination.     Among  the  Hebrews,  as  in  the  Arabian  desert,  knowledge  and 
oratory  were  not  affairs  of  professional  education,  or  dependent  for  their  culti 
vation  on  wealth  and  social  status.     The  sum  of  book-learning  was  small; 
men  of  all  ranks  mingled  with  that  Oriental  freedom  which  is  so  foreign  to 
our  habits  ;   shrewd  observation,  a  memory  retentive  of  traditional  lore,  and 
the    faculty  of  original  reflection  took  the  place  of   laborious  study  as  the 
ground  of  acknowledged  intellectual  preeminence."  § 


calls  Amos  "the  founder  of  a  new  type  of  prophecy."  Marti  says,  "Amos  is  one 
of  the  most  prominent  landmarks  in  the  history  of  religion."  Che.  (EB.  155)  says, 
"  The  book  of  Amos  forms  a  literary  as  well  as  a  prophetic  phenomenon." 

*  So  e.g.  Now. ;  cf.  Matthes,  Modern  Review,  V,  421. 

f  Riedel,  SK.  1903,  p.  163  f.,  following  <E&  and  others  (p.  171),  uses  the  past 
tense,  /  was  no  prophet,  etc.,  but,  contrary  to  K.  DB.  V.  672,  this  does  not  make  the 
case  clearer. 

J  So  Marti.  $  WRS.  Proph.  126. 


cviii  INTRODUCTION 

(5)  But  are  we  quite  certain  that  the  more  usual  method  of  vision 
was  not  employed  in  the  case  of  Amos  ?     It  is  worthy  of  notice  that 
in  Amos,  as  well  as  in  the  latest  prophets,  the  vision  plays  an  im 
portant  part.     Is  it  not  probable  that  the  first  visions,  viz.  those  of 
the  fire,  locusts,  and  plummet,  constituted,  not  only  the  beginning 
of  Amos's  work,  but  also,  in  large  measure,  his  actual  awakening 
and  incitement  to  the  task  which  he  endeavored  so  faithfully  to 
perform  ?  *     We  cannot  urge  against   this,  that   these  initiatory 
visions  are  not  recorded  in  the  first  chapter,  for  in  Isaiah's  case 
the  call  is  found  in  chap.  6 ;  and,  further,  we  have  no  reason  for 
expecting  the  sermons,  in  their  written  form,  to  be  put  in  chrono 
logical  order  (zu.). 

(6)  The  antecedents  of  Amos's  thought  will  be  considered  when 
we  take  up  the  substance  of  his  message  (zu.) ;  but  we  must,  at 
this  point,  again  touch  upon  the  external   facts  connected  with 
Amos's  position  in  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  problem  of  his  prep 
aration  ;   Amos  must  have  had  models.     What  were  they  ?     We 
may  cite  :  (a)  the  prophets  referred  to  by  himself  in  2llf-,  and  rep 
resented  as  of  high  repute ;  (&)  Elijah  and  Elisha  (v.s.) ;  (c)  the 
Judaean  narrative  and  the  Ephraimite  narrative,  in  which,  although 
mainly  narratives,  are  contained  many  disconnected  fragments  of 
prophetic  utterance ;  (//)  the  personal  acquaintance  with  prophets 
or  prophetic  experience  implied  in  37 ;  (e)  the  priestly  literature 
which  (Ho.  812)  had  already  taken  written  form,  a  striking  prece 
dent  for  the  prophet,  cf.  the  decalogues  and  Book  of  the  Cove 
nant  ;  (/)  the  prophetic  formulas  which,  as  employed  by  Amos, 
show  long  and  technical  usage,  either  written  or  handed  down 
from  mouth  to  mouth  ;  t  (g)  the  great  poetical  pieces  which  had 
come  down  from  times  that  would  have  seemed  ancient  even  to 
Amos,  e.g.  Ju.  5  Gn.  49  Dt.  33.     This  material,  which  Amos  must 
have   known,   furnished  the   background  or  basis   from  which  a 
literary  style  as  perfect  even  as  that  exhibited  by  him  might  have 
been  developed. 

5.  The  character  of  Amos  is  quite  plainly  indicated  in  the  facts 
already  noted  :  (a)  He  was  bold ;  but  this  boldness  was  that  of 
indifference  and  reserve,  rather  than  of  passion.  His  courage  had 

»  So  Meinhold,  39;  H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T.  Hist.  211.  f  Che.  EB.  155  f. 


THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  AMOS  cix 

its  origin,  not  in  enthusiasm,  but  in  a  certain  kind  of  fatalism. 
(fr)  He  was  accurate  in  his  observations  and  scientific  in  his  habits 
of  mind.  He  was  able,  not  only  to  see  the  facts,  but  also  to 
describe  them  as  they  actually  were.  It  was  this  that  made  it 
possible  for  him  to  write  out  his  utterances.  This  element  in  his 
character  contributed  greatly  to  the  new  impulse  given  through 
him  to  prophecy.  This  was  the  sage  element.  He  recognizes 
law.  His  sermons  are  the  proclamation  of  divine  law,  not  the 
oracles  of  a  soothsayer.  He  was  more  of  a  realist  than  an  idealist. 
He  does  not  permit  his  fancy  to  picture  the  future.  His  utter 
ance  is  a  continuous,  deadly  monotone  of  ruin  and  destruction. 
(f)  He  was  nomadic  in  his  instincts ;  like  Elijah,  hostile  to  the 
softer  influences  of  civilization ;  without  the  ties  which  bind 
a  man  to  country,  and  so  without  patriotism ;  without  family 
bonds,  so  far  as  we  can  ascertain,  and  so  without  much  human 
sympathy.  To  be  sure,  Northern  Israel  was  to  him  a  foreign 
country;  but  we  can  imagine  that  his  disposition  toward  Judah 
would  have  been  the  same,  (d)  He  was  austere  ;  but  could  such 
a  message  as  he  was  sent  to  deliver  be  other  than  austere  ?  Hosea 
announced  the  same  doom  in  terms  more  terrible,  but  less  severe. 
His  conception  of  God  was  that  of  the  Puritan  ;  his  temperament, 
stern  and  uncompromising.  "Amos's  nature  was  not  a  sensitive 
or  emotional  one  ;  it  was  not  one  in  which  the  currents  of  feeling 
ran  deep  :  it  was  one  which  was  instinct  simply  with  a  severe  sense 
of  right."*  He  sat  as  judge,  unmoved  by  the  awful  character  of 
the  doom  he  was  obliged  to  pronounce.  In  him  justice  does  not 
contend  with  love.f  (e}  In  what  sense  was  he  spiritual  ?  He 
was  not  a  devout  man  like  Isaiah,  nor  was  he,  like  Hosea,  emo 
tional.  His  spirituality,  which  was  intense,  consisted  in  loyalty  to 
truth  and  in  antagonism  to  error,  in  recognizing  the  character  of 
Yahweh  as  spiritual,  and  as  wholly  inconsistent  with  that  character 
the  round  of  ritualistic  routine  which,  in  his  day,  constituted 
worship.  The  preacher  who  said,  "Seek  me  and  live,"  was  a 
preacher,  not  only  of  righteousness,  but  also  of  the  truest 
spirituality. 

*  Dr.  HI.  f  GAS.  I.  87  f. 


CX  INTRODUCTION 


§  13.   THE  MESSAGE  OF  AMOS. 

Amos's  message  is  in  some  respects  the  most  important  of  any 
conveyed  by  an  Old  Testament  writer.  Great  interest  centres  in 
and  about  this  message,  because  (a)  it  is  the  first  of  a  series  of 
writings  which  stand  alone  in  the  world-literatures ;  (^)  it  places 
a  stress  upon  the  ethical  side  of  religion  greater  than  had  before 
existed;  (c)  it  marks  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  Israel's 
relations  with  the  nations  of  the  world  —  the  Assyrian  period. 

1.  The  most  general  analysis  of  Amos's  message  discovers  in  it 
only  two  or  three  factors  :   (a)  a  profound  conviction  on  certain 
subjects  relating  to  God  and  human  life ;    (&)  a  knowledge  of 
certain  facts  in  national  and  international  history ;  (c)  a  conclu 
sion,  which  follows  the  putting  together  of  the  conviction  and  the 
knowledge  of  the  situation.* 

The  message  of  Amos  must  be  obtained  from  words  actually  uttered  or 
written  by  Amos  himself.  This  involves  the  separation  of  insertions  and 
additions  coming  from  the  pen  of  later  prophets.  Nearly  one-fifth  of  the 
book  which  bears  the  name  of  Amos  is  thus  to  be  set  aside.  It  is  to  be  con 
ceded  at  once  that  the  omission  of  these  passages  modifies  very  considerably 
the  nature  and  content  of  the  message.  It  is  most  important,  however,  in 
the  interest  of  a  true  historical  development  of  Israelitish  thought,  to  restrict 
ourselves  to  those  portions  of  the  book  the  authenticity  of  which  is  incontro 
vertible.  The  other  portions  have  just  as  important  a  place  to  occupy  in  the 
later  literature. 

2.  The  general  circumstances  under  which  the  message  of  Amos 
was  delivered  have  already  been  considered.      It  is  necessary, 
however,  to  formulate  more  definitely  the  exact  state  of  feeling 
and  opinion  against  which  the  prophet  felt  compelled  to  array 
himself.     We  may  call  this  the  popular  opinion ;  but  it  was  more 
than  this,  for  it  represented,  not  only  the  mass  of  the  people, 
but   also  the  royal  family  and  the  court,   the   priests,  and  the 
vast   majority   of   the   prophets    themselves.!      What,   precisely, 
was  the  consensus  of  thought  to  which  the  prophet  made  oppo- 

*  This  has  been  well  presented  by  GAS.  I.  89. 

t  Just  as  pre-prophetism  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  true  prophetism,  so 
this  latter  must  be  kept  distinct  from  what  may  be  called  popular  prophetism.  This 
is  sometimes  wrongly  called  false  prophetism. 


THE   MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  CXl 

sition?*  Or,  in  another  form,  What  was  the  popular  prophecy  (or 
theology)  from  which  true  prophecy  now  separates  itself  as  never 
before  ? 

(1)  The  people  held  fast  to  the  conception  that  Yahweh  was 
one  among  other  gods,  invincible  within  the  boundaries  of  his  own 
land,  and  able  to  extend  those  boundaries  against  the  power  of 
other  gods.     He  was  no  longer  a  deity  whose  residence  lay  outside 
of  Canaan  (i.e.  at  Sinai) ;  for  he  had,  with  Israel,  taken  possession 
of  the  old  sanctuaries  in  Canaan,  and  was  now  (especially  since 
the  rooting  out  of  Baalism)  in  very  truth  the  deity  of  the  land.    To 
be  sure,  he  had,  in  idealistic  fashion,  been  transferred  to  a  resi 
dence  in  the  heavens ;    and   this   had   influenced  somewhat  the 
popular  mind.      Yet  what  was  essentially  naturalism  controlled 
the  life  and  thought  of  the  masses. 

(2)  This  involved  the  thought  of  Yahweh  as  exclusively  inter 
ested   in   Israel,  as   satisfied,  therefore,  with   a  devotion  which 
restricted  itself  to  his  worship.     Service  in  the  forms  prescribed 
would  secure  the  continued  strength  and  existence  of  the  nation. 
When  "  the  day  of  Yahweh,"  thought  to  be  not  far  distant,  actually 
came,  there  would  be  relief  from  all  difficulties,  victory  over  all 
remaining  foes.     To  think  of  Yahweh  without  Israel  was  absurd ; 
for  what  could  he  do,  how  would  he  conduct  himself,  without  his 
people  ?     What  would  become  of  Yahweh  if  Israel  were  to  perish  ? 
Whether  this  was  on  the  basis  of  naturalism,!  or  on  the  ground  of 
a  voluntary  act  in  the  form  of  a  covenant,  %  it  was  none  the  less 
nationalism,  and  was  accepted  by  the  great  body  of  prophets  who 
had  risen  above  what  may  have  been  the  earlier  and  still  more 
common  belief  in  naturalism.     But  naturalism  was  itself  a  form 
of  nationalism ;    the   latter,  consequently,  included  the    former. 
The  people,  led  by  nearly  all  the  leaders,  interpreted  the  present 
period  of  peace  and  prosperity,  growing  out  of  the  victories  gained 

*  One  might  ask,  Was  Amos  opposing  an  old  order  of  things,  or  was  he  advocat 
ing  something  new  ?  The  answer  is,  He  did  both.  The  new  idea,  or  the  old  idea 
which  he  emphasized,  was  definitely  opposed  to  the  existing  current  opinion.  The 
presentation  of  it  by  Amos  made  it,  for  practical  purposes,  a  new  idea,  although  he 
clearly  represented  it  as  something  not  unknown  even  to  the  people. 

t  So  e.g.  We.  Pro  I.  469;  Sm.  Kel.  n6f.,  119;  Schwally,  Sent.  Kr  i  eg s  alter  turner, 

1.2. 

1  So  e.g.  Giesebrecht,  Die  Geschichtlickkeit d.  Sinaidundes ;  K.  DB.V.  631. 
h 


CXli  INTRODUCTION 

in  the  Syrian  wars,  as  definite  indication  of  Yahweh's  pleasure  and 
satisfaction.  What  more  could  he  ask  ?  Did  he  not  himself  share 
in  this  prosperity?  Everything,  as  they  viewed  it,  was  in  right 
condition. 

(3)  A  corollary  of  nationalism   (as  well  as  of  naturalism)  was 
the  belief  that  Yahweh  was  not  only  pleased  to  favor  Israel,  but 
also  actually  bound   to   protect   their  political  interests,  without 
reference   to  their  moral   conduct.      He  might  show  his  anger 
for  a  time  ;    but  sooner  or  later,  without  reference  to  right  or 
wrong,  he  must  identify  himself  with  those  who  were  thus  bound 
to  him  by  the  closest  bond,  whether  that  of  nature  or  of  cove 
nant.     To  him  was  accorded  no  option  in  the  matter.     In  other 
words,  he  could  not  act   toward   Israel  on  the  basis  of  ethical 
consideration.     The  henotheism  was  non-moral,  i.e.  natural.    The 
Israel  of  these  times  "  neglected  entirely  his  (Yahweh's)  ethical 
character." 

(4)  A  second  corollary  of  nationalism  was  the  feeling  enter 
tained  concerning  Yahweh's  relation  to  other  nations.     It  was  his 
duty,  in  fact  his  highest  function,  to  fight  the  battles  of  his  people 
against  their  enemies ;  and  his  strength,  compared  with  that  of 
other  deities,  was   measured   by  the   success   or  failure  of  such 
battles.     But,  aside  from  this,  Yahweh  had  nothing  to  do  with  out 
side  nations,  who,  in  each  case,  had  their  own  gods.     He  is  con 
cerned  with  them  only  when  they  seek  to  injure  Israel.     For  such 
injury  he  will  use  his  best  endeavor,  in  turn,  to  inflict  injury  upon 
them.     He  had  thus  shown  his  power  against  Egypt,  in  Canaan, 
and  recently  against  Syria ;  but  his  relationship  to  these  nations 
ceased   when    peace   was   declared.     In  any  dealings,  therefore, 
with  other  nations,  Yahweh  acts  directly  and  exclusively  for  Israel. 
Israel  is  wholly  his ;  he  is  wholly  Israel's. 

(5)  It  was,  still  further,  the  conviction  of  the  people  that  Yah 
weh's  favor  was  secured  and  his  anger  averted  by  following  out,  in 
its  various  forms,  the  ceremonial  or  cultus  which  prevailed  at  this 
period.     The  holding  of  festivals,  the  presentation  of  sacrifices, 
was  something,  on  the  one  hand,  indispensable  to  religion  ;  and, 
on  the  other,  altogether  satisfying    to  the  deity.     What   did    he 
desire?     Gifts,  pilgrimages,  and  praises;  since  other  things  than 
these  could  hardly  be  expected.    Yahweh  demands  these  ;  nothing 


THE   MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  cxiii 

more.     The  increasing  costliness  of  these  requirements  promoted 
injustice  and  inhumanity.* 

(6)  The  corollary  of  the  preceding  is  contained  in  the  words 
just  used,  "  nothing  more."     The  people  understood  that  moral 
delinquencies  (in  so  far,  indeed,  as  they  recognized  the  existence 
of  any  such)  were  entirely  overlooked  by  Yahweh ;    provided,  of 
course,  they  performed  faithfully  the  routine  of  sacrifice.     That 
they  were  not  entirely  ignorant  of  moral  duties  is  clear,  not  only 
because  certain  moral  distinctions  were  already  known  to  all  the 
world,  but  also  because  a  code,  largely  moral  in  its  character,  had  re 
cently  been  formulated  (p.  Ixiv).    But  notwithstanding  their  actual 
knowledge  of  right  and  wrong,  at  least  in  certain  particulars,  they 
did  not  believe  that  morality  was  a  necessary  factor  in  religion. 
It  was,  in  fact,  unnecessary,  if  the  routine  of  worship  was  strictly 
observed.     This  conception  was  fundamental  in  the  early  Semitic 
religions,f  and  signified  that  moral  defects  were,  upon  the  whole, 
comparatively  unimportant.     Perhaps  the  decalogue  was  not  so 
clearly  a  moral  code  as  we  now  regard  it,  or,  if  such,  had  not 
yet  been  taken  as  authoritative  (p.  Ix  ff.). 

(7)  Assyria  was,  of  course,  in  the  thought  of  the  people;  but 
they  did  not  fear  her.    Why  should  they  ?    Had  not  Yahweh  given 
suffident  exhibition  of  his  strength  to  warrant  their  supreme  con 
fidence  in  his  ability?     Egypt  and  Syria  were  equally  interested 
with  Israel  and  Judah  in  standing  out  against  Assyria's  claims. 
And  Assyria,  surely,  could  not  overpower  four  nations  thus  closely 
interested  in  each  other's  protection.     Besides,  Assyria  was  often 
seriously  engaged  with  revolts  in  other  sections  of  "  her  huge  and 
disorganized   empire."  J     In  any  case,  Assyria  did  not  uniformly 
sweep  all  before  her.     There  was  always  a  good  chance  of  success 
ful  opposition.     Were  the  prophets   themselves  so  confident  of 
Assyria's  place  and  future  success  as  to  make  unambiguous  men 
tion  of  her  name  in  their  predictions? 

3.  The  convictions  of  Amos  on  the  subjects  mentioned  above, 
whatever  may  have  been  their  source,  were  radically  different  from 
those  of  the  people  at  large.  His  training  in  the  desert,  his  travels 

*  Che.  EB.  156. 

f  GAS.  I.  103.     It  is  too  much  to  say  that  it  had  never  been  challenged, 

j  Cf.  GAS.  I.,  chap.  IV,  "  The  Influence  of  Assyria  on  Prophecy." 


cxiv  INTRODUCTION 

to  other  countries,  his  acquaintance  with  the  ideals  of  former  gener 
ations,  together  with  his  appreciation  of  their  ideals,  his  study  of 
Israelitish  life,  —  these,  combined  with  the  qualities  of  mind  and 
heart  bestowed  upon  him  by  an  all-wise  Providence,  produced, 
under  the  direction  of  that  same  Providence,  certain  convictions 
which  he  was  enabled  to  express  in  a  form  destined  to  influence 
most  vitally  the  whole  trend  of  religious  thought. 

The  thought  of  Amos  is  of  two  kinds:  (i)  Much  is  simply  in  direct  antag 
onism  with  the  prevailing  thought.  Knowledge  of  the  popular  feeling  on  this 
or  that  subject  means  knowledge  also  of  the  position  taken  by  Amos,  since 
the  latter  is  the  very  opposite  of  the  former.  This,  however,  may  not  be 
called  negative,  for  there  is  always  to  be  seen  the  larger,  fuller  teaching  which 
underlies.  (2)  Much,  on  the  other  hand,  may  be  described  as  strongly 
positive,  i.e.  as  the  statement  or  restatement  of  everlasting  truth.  Was  this 
the  first  statement,  or  only  a  restatement  ?  There  were  also  some  popular 
beliefs,  afterwards  condemned,  concerning  which  he  does  not  speak  (zu.). 

(i)  The  god  of  Amos  was  Yahweh  of  Hosts  (513-14.2:  6s&.m.)  .* 
this  included  the  hosts  of  heaven  as  well  as  of  earth,  nature,  and 
nations.  One  of  his  favorite  expressions  is  "  Lord  Yahweh,"  f 
which  occurs  fifteen  times.  To  Amos,  then,  Yahweh  was  all- 
sovereign,  omnipotent. 

(a)  His  power  over  nature  is  seen  in  his  control  of  rain,  mil 
dew,  locusts,  and  pestilence  (46~11),  as  well  as  in  the  melting  or 
quaking  of  the  earth,  J  and  in  the  rising  and  falling  of  the  Nile 
(8895)  ;  and  in  history  it  is  manifested,  not  only  in  bringing  Israel 
out  of  Egypt  (97),  but  in  bringing  the  Syrians  from  Kir,  and  the 
Philistines  from  Caphtor  (i5),  and  in  the  direction  of  the  destiny 
which  he  assumes  in  the  case  of  Philistia  (i6"8),  Ammon  (i13~15)> 
and  Moab  (21"3)  ;  and  further,  it  reaches  even  to  heaven  and  Sheol, 
along  with  Carmel  and  the  bottom  of  the  sea  (9- 3),  —  all  this,  in 
addition  to  the  management  of  Israel's  own  affairs,  both  spiritual 
and  material.  We  may  not  forget,  however,  that  the  nations 
referred  to  in  these  statements  are  those  near  at  hand  (this  power 
is  not  said  to  be  universal)  ;  that  to  the  gods  of  other  nations 
their  worshippers  attributed  the  same  powers ;  that  both  J  and  E 

*  On  interpretation  of  the  phrase,  v .  p.  Ixxxix. 

t  Cf.  Che.  EB.  156  f. 

1  Other  passages  quoted  (e.g.  by  Dr.)  in  illustration  of  this  idea  are  late  (v.i.). 


THE   MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  CXV 

had  localized  Yahweh  in  heaven  before  Amos  spoke ;  that  criticism 
has  pronounced  as  late  the  passages  of  clearest  import  (v.i.)  ;  and 
finally,  that  in  Amos,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  Yahweh  has  per 
sonal  intercourse  only  with  Israel,  and  that,  too,  with  Israel  as  a 
nation.* 

(^)  This  suggests  the  question  whether  we  have  here  real 
monotheism.!  If  Amos  anywhere  denied  the  existence  of  all 
other  gods,  the  case  would  be  clear.  But  where  is  there  such  a 
denial?  The  intermediate  step  between  the  conception  enter 
tained  by  Israel  and  the  later  conception  of  monotheism  was  that 
of  unlimited  power.  This  in  itself  did  not  entirely  shut  out  the 
idea  that  there  were  other  gods.  It  is  better,  therefore,  to  under 
stand  that  it  is  "  a  belief  in  the  unqualified  superiority  of  Yahweh 
so  absolute  as  to  be  practically  a  belief  in  his  omnipotence,"  j  or 
in  other  words,  ethical  monotheism  not  strictly,  but  "  to  all  intents 
and  purposes."  § 

(f)  But  what  relation  would  these  other  gods  sustain  to  Yahweh, 
now  that  he  possessed  this  unlimited  power  ?  If  Yahweh  brought 
the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  and  the  Syrians  from  Kir  (as,  indeed, 
he  did  bring  Israel  from  Egypt),  he  must  have  acted  in  a  way 
contrary  to  the  will  of  the  gods  of  those  countries,  for  no  god 
would  willingly  permit  his  people  to  be  broken  away  from  him. 
These  and  other  like  heathen  gods  are,  therefore,  inferior  and 
subject  to  Yahweh.  "They  may  for  a  time  presumptuously 
imagine  themselves  to  have  independent  power,  but  in  reality 
they  only  carry  out  the  will  and  commands  of  Yahweh  "  ||  (cf. 
Is.  io5ff).  Yahweh,  then,  is  a  God  who  in  earlier  times  defeated 
the  gods  of  Egypt,  Philistia,  Canaan ;  in  more  recent  times,  he 
has  overthrown  the  Phoenician  Baal  and  the  Syrians.  It  is  easy 
to  see  how  the  history  of  the  past  and  the  work  of  Elijah  and 
Elisha  helped  Amos  to  this  point  of  view. 

(d)  What  is  to  be  said  of  the  anthropomorphisms  employed 
in  Amos,  e.g.  Yahweh  as  an  armed  warrior  against  Jeroboam's 
house  (79)  ;  the  change  of  purpose  due  to  pity  for  his  people 

*  Duhm,  Theol.  121  f. 

t  So  Taylor,  DD,  I.  86;  Dr.  106  ff. ;  Da.  O.  T.  Theol.  65;  K6.  Hauptprobleme, 
chap.  VI. 

t  Bu.  Rel.  123.  $  Che.  EB.  157.  ||  Bu.  Rel.  124. 


CXvi  INTRODUCTION 

(73)  ;  the  phrases  "  turn  my  hand  "  (i8),  "will  not  smell  "  (521), 
"  eyes  of  the  Lord  Yahweh  "  (g8")  ;  the  representation  of  Yahweh 
as  taking  an  oath  (42  68c  87) ;  and  the  appearance  of  Yahweh  in 
the  visions  (y1'4'7  81  91)  ?  These  are  not  evidences  of  crude  re 
ligious  thought,  but,  like  similar  expressions  in  our  own  religious 
language,*  arise  from  the  difficulty  which  is  inherent  in  any  effort 
to  represent  the  personality  of  deity.  There  is  in  this  language 
no  survival  of  the  former  nai've  belief  that  Yahweh  had  the  form 
of  a  human  body.  "  A  clear  formula  for  the  notion  of  bare 
spirituality  such  as  we  find  in  John  424  was  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  Old  Testament."! 

(e)  But  did  Amos  pass  by  the  image-worship,  so  large  a  factor  in  his  day, 
without  remonstrance  ?  We  know  that  no  objection  was  made  to  the  use 
of  images  in  early  times  (even  Ex.  3417,  the  older  decalogue,  objecting  only 
to  molten  images  of  metal),  J  and  testimony  to  their  use  is  found  in  the 
ephod,  the  presence  in  connection  with  the  ark  (Nu.  IO356),  and  the  tera- 
phim  (z^.z.).  It  is  in  the  later  decalogue  that  we  have  the  first  prohibition 
(t'.s.*).  Hosea  (S4*6  io5  I32)  enters  protest  against  image-worship.  But  does 
Amos  ?  Not  in  24  (their  lies  =  their  idols},  for  this  is  unquestionably  late  ; 
nor  in  814,  since  the  text  is  wholly  unsatisfactory  (pp.  181,  184).  §  Elsewhere 
there  is  nothing  to  indicate  his  feeling  on  this  point  ;  but  we  are  by  no  means 
certain  that  he  approved  them. 

(/)  It  remains  to  notice  Marti's  interesting  statement  on  the  relation  of 
Amos's  monotheism  to  that  of  other  nations.  He  says  :  "  No  one  can  fail 
to  observe  how,  in  this  belief  of  Amos,  monotheism  is  present  in  essence,  even 
if  not  in  name,  and  what  an  altogether  different  kind  of  monotheism  it  is 
from  that  to  which  the  priests  in  Babylon  and  Egypt  are  said  to  have 
attained !  There  in  Babylon  and  Egypt  a  monotheistic  speculation,  which 
possesses  no  force  and  is  wholly  indifferent  toward  the  polytheism  of  the 
mass,  whose  gods  this  theory  allegorizes  and  dissolves  in  a  general  con 
ception  ;  here  among  the  prophets  in  Israel  a  vigorous  and  vital  faith  in 
Yahweh,  who  suffers  no  gods  alongside  of  himself,  who  watches  jealously  over 

*  Cf.  Duhm's  remark  ( Theol.  120  f.)  to  the  effect  that  this  does  not  indicate 
the  nature  religion,  since  nature  religions  do  not  anthropo-morp\\\ze;  they  rather 
physio-morp\\\ze,  since  the  physical  is  the  common  ground  upon  which  deity  and 
humanity  meet  and  become  like  each  other.  Our  metaphysical  abstractions  con 
cerning  the  nature  of  God  and  the  relations  of  God  and  Christ,  their  personality, 
etc.,  are  much  nearer  physiomorphism  than  Amos's  anthropomorphism. 

t  K.  DR.  V.  679. 

J  K.  DB.  V.  627;  contra  K6.  ZKW.,  1886,  Heft  5,  6. 

§  Cf.  also  Che.  EB.  157;  WRS.  Proph.  175  f.;  contra  Da.  Biblical  and  Literary 
Essays,  120  f.  (reprinted  from  Exp.t  1887)0 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  CXV11 

his  own  exclusive  worship,  and  directs  the  destinies  of  men  as  the  only  God. 
A  relationship  and  dependence  between  the  monotheism  in  Babylon  and  that 
in  the  Bible  does  not  exist  ;  their  radically  different  origin  is  the  basis  of  the 
difference.  In  Egypt  and  Babylon  monotheism  is  theory  ;  in  Israel,  strength 
and  life  ;  there  it  is  the  product  of  a  speculating  abstraction,  won  through  a 
fusion  of  the  gods  ;  here  the  experience  of  a  higher  Being,  the  inner  realiza 
tion  of  his  moral  and  spiritual  might,  grown  from  a  moral  and  religious 
deepening,  from  an  intimate  union  with  a  special  God  who,  moreover,  does 
not  disappear  and  dissolve,  but  remains  the  living  one,  and  proves  himself 
the  only  living  one.  There  the  empty  concept  of  monotheism  ;  here,  indeed, 
though  the  word  (viz.,  monotheism)  is  not  yet  coined,  the  fulness  of  power 
and  life  which  must  indwell  this  faith,  where  it  is  a  true  faith.  How  vividly, 
however,  Yahweh  was  experienced  as  power  by  Amos  is  shown  by  34~8,  per 
haps,  notwithstanding  its  simplicity,  the  most  magnificent  portion  of  his 
prophecy  :  not  merely  is  God  an  hypothesis  of  the  intellect,  but  the  per 
ception  of  him  is  a  result  of  the  announcement  of  God  himself." 

(2)  Yahweh  is  never  called  "  God  of  Israel "  (v.i.)  in  Amos. 
He  is,  rather,  the  God  of  the  world ;  and  yet  he  represents  him 
(in  common  with  all  that  precede)  as  sustaining  a  peculiar  relation 
to  Israel,  and  puts  in  his  mouth  the  phrase,  "my  people"  (f5). 
This  relation  is  not  indissoluble  ;   it  is,  on  the  contrary,  plainly 
conditioned,  and  will  surely  be  annulled  if  the  conditions  are  not 
complied  with,     (a)   Amos  does  not  grapple  with  the  question, 
why  Israel,  rather  than  some  other  nation,  was  selected  by  Yahweh 
for  this  special  relationship.     It  is  evident  that  a  deity  so  powerful 
among  the  nations  as  was  Yahweh  could  have  taken  any  other 
nation,  e.g.  the  Philistines,  whom  he  actually  did  bring  from  Caph- 
tor,  or  the  Syrians,  who  were  removed  from  Kir.     But  (<£)  accept 
ing  this  as  a  fact,  he  tells  his  contemporaries  (3*)  that  on  this  very 
account  (viz.  that  Yahweh  knew  Israel  out  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth)  he  would  judge  them  all  the  more  strictly  for  the  sins  which 
they  had  committed.     "  Obligation  is  the  complement  of  privilege  ; 
punishment,  of  sin."  *    Moreover  (<r),  his  interest  is  not  in  the  world 
for  Israel's  sake,  but  rather  in  Israel  for  the  world's  sake.     Israel, 
after  all,  is  no  more  to  him  than  are  the  Cushites  (97).     (d}  If 
Israel  will  only  seek  him,  the  future  will  be  safe  (414)  ;   but  the 
prophet  has  given  up  all  hope  that  Israel,  devoted  as  she  now  is  to 
the  sweet  religion  of  the  crowd,  will  ever  do  what  he  suggests  (zu.). 

(3)  The  conception  of  Yahweh  which  Amos  entertains  is  that 

*  Bu.  Rel.  134. 


CXVl'ii  INTRODUCTION 

of  a  god  of  justice.  This  thought  Elijah  (i  K.  2i18ff)  had  already 
expressed,  but  Amos  goes  farther  and  makes  the  idea  the  very 
centre  of  his  conception  of  God.*  He  is  all  the  better  able  to 
reach  this  high  point,  because  he  has  also  conceived  of  Yahweh  as 
standing  in  close  relation  to  all  nations.  Yahweh's  power  being 
universal,  it  is  necessarily  impartial  and  consequently  ethical.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  Yahweh  is  ethical,  he  cannot  be  a  national  god, 
that  is,  show  favor  to  Israel ;  he  must  be  a  world-god.  Righteous 
ness  being  a  vital  element  in  Yahweh's  character,  he  not  only  will 
demand  it  in  those  who  profess  to  be  his  followers,  but  also  will 
enforce  the  demand.  He  cannot,  however,  have  one  standard  for 
the  nations  and  a  lower  standard  for  Israel.  If,  for  any  reason, 
Israel  has  enjoyed  special  privileges,  the  standard  by  which  she 
shall  be  judged  is  to  be  placed  all  the  higher.  Two  points,  how 
ever,  require  notice,  both  pointed  out  by  Duhm,f  viz.  (a)  Amos 
has  no  adequate  conception  of  sin  ;  to  him  the  life  of  man  and  God 
should  naturally  express  itself  in  good.  This  good  is  an  objective 
matter,  something  regarded  as  present,  while  all  departures  from  it 
arouse  the  anger  of  Yahweh.  Everything  is  regarded  concretely, 
and  at  the  same  time  negatively  (zu.).  (b)  There  is  no  glimmer 
of  a  purpose  on  the  part  of  Yahweh  in  the  working  out  of  this 
idea  of  righteousness,  and  "  the  ethical,  apart  from  the  teleological, 
remains  unfruitful." 

(4)  Yahweh's  relation  to  the  outside  nations  follows  closely 
upon  the  idea,  already  indicated,  of  Israel's  relation  to  Yahweh. 
In  fact,  it  precedes.  To  have  unlimited  power  is  to  control  the 
world.  This  includes  Assyria,  as  well  as  the  nations  living  in 
closer  proximity  to  Israel.  Egypt  had  already  felt  the  power  of 
Yahweh's  hand.  So  had  Canaan  in  days  past,  and  Syria  more  re 
cently.  Does  Yahweh's  righteousness  make  demands  of  all  these 
nations?  Is  it  for  lack  of  proper  treatment  of  his  nation  Israel 

*  Cf.  Gn.  i825;  but  this  lofty  utterance  can  hardly  have  preceded  Amos.  We. 
(Hex.vji.}  treats  iS221-33"  as  a  late  addition  to  JE;  Kue.  assigns  it  to  J2;  Di.  argues 
for  its  retention  in  J  (so  Dr.)  ;  Co.  declares  it  to  be  "  theologically  about  a  century 
later  than  J  " ;  Bacon,  Holzinger,  and  Gunkel  also  consider  it  a  late  expansion ; 
while  Carpenter  and  Battersby  (  The  Hexateuch,  II.  26)  say  that  it  "  seems  to  belong 
to  the  group  of  probable  additions  in  which  the  universal  grandeur  and  sole  sover 
eignty  of  Yahweh  are  again  and  again  asserted  in  the  most  emphatic  terms,"  e.g 

Ex.  810-  22  6  914-16.  29  6  f  Theol.  I2O  ff. 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  cxix 

that  he  will  punish  them?  or  because  of  their  idolatry?  No  ;  but 
in  each  case  is  cited,  as  the  direct  occasion  of  the  doom,  the  viola 
tion  of  some  dictate  of  universal  morality,  some  principle  of 
the  natural  laws  of  humanity  and  mercy.*  This  is  no  narrow 
point  of  view. 

(5)  It  follows,  still  further,  that  Yahweh,  in  the  opinion  of 
Amos,  cannot  be  affected  even  by  the  strictest  observance  of 
the   ceremonial.     In   Yahweh's   eyes,  such  observance   is   itself 
transgression  (tftfB,  44).     Israel's  pilgrimages  he  hates ;  he  despises 
their  feasts,  their  offerings  he  will  not  accept;    their  songs  of 
praise  he  will  not  hear  (s21"25).     But  this  is  not  all.     He  stands 
ready  to  destroy  the  nation's  places  of  worship  (3"  55  f),  and 
to  pursue  to  the  bitter  end  those  who  worship  at  these  places 
(91"4).      What  does   Amos  (pp.   129-136)   really  mean?      Does 
he,  perhaps,  say  more  than  he  means?     We  must  guard  against 
attributing  to  him  what  he  never  said.     This   is  done  by  those 
(p.  136)   who  wrongly    interpret    525  as   suggesting   that   in   the 
days  of  the  wilderness  no  sacrifices  were  offered.!     What  is  it, 
now,  that  Amos  denounces?     To  have  opposed  sacrifice  in  itself 
would   have   meant  opposition   to  the  only  method   yet   known 
to  humanity  of  entering  into  communion  with  deity,  in  a  word, 
the  abolition  of  all   tangible  worship.     If  the    Old   Testament, 
even  when  its  day  was  finished,  had  no  true  formulation  for  the 
conception  of  God  as  a  spirit,  how  shall  we  look  for  practically 
this  same  thing  in  the  days  of  Amos?     It  was,  therefore,  not  sac 
rifice  in  general  that  Amos  opposed  j  J  nor  was  it  the  belief  that 
sacrifice  when  duly  performed  can  change  the  mind  of  Yahweh. 
It  was,  rather,  the  belief  that  had  become  fixed,  "  a  strange  delu 
sion  deeply  rooted  in  Israel's  heart,"  that  the  ritual  of  itself  does 
or  can  satisfy  an  ethical  deity.     Shall   one  observe  the  ritual? 
Yes ;  but  one  may  not  stop  there. 

(6)  Yahweh,  then,  has  something  to  demand  besides  worship, 

*  WRS.  Prof  A.  134. 

I  A  prophet  who  has  nothing  to  say  against  the  use  of  images  will  surely  not  go 
so  far  as  to  object  altogether  to  sacrifice.  Moreover,  neither  Amos  nor  any  other 
Israelite,  preceding  the  exile,  could  have  dreamed  of  a  period  in  Israel's  history 
when  no  sacrifices  were  to  be  offered.  This  would  actually  have  involved  a  purely 
vegetarian  diet. 

I  Contra  Ew.,  Hi.,  We.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Now.,  GAS. ;  Che.  EB.  158 ;  Marti,  et  al. 


CXX  INTRODUCTION 

which  has  hitherto  been  understood  to  constitute  the  whole  of 
religion.  This  grows  out  of  Yahweh's  ethical  character,  and  is,  in 
fact,  an  ethical  demand  (2r-8  310  41  57-10-15.24  51-6.12  ^  It  is  a 
demand  for  justice,  which,  in  its  simplest  and  most  natural  form, 
includes  honesty,  integrity,  purity,  and  humanity.*  (a)  This,  it 
will  be  noted,  is  concrete,  and  includes  the  elementary  duties  of 
life,  such  as  are  recognized  by  all  nations  who  have  risen  to  the 
point  of  governmental  organization. f  (<£)  It  is  only  this  which 
Yahweh  demands  of  other  nations,  (c)  The  demand  does  not 
necessarily  depend  upon  a  code  of  legislation ;  in  other  words,  it 
is  not  legal  justice,  (d)  It  demands  the  utmost  consideration  of 
the  poor  and  weak,  —  moral  justice,  (e)  The  prophet  promises  life 
and  prosperity  (54)  to  those  who  meet  this  demand,  while  all  disas 
ter  is  due  to  the  wrath  of  Yahweh  against  those  who  fall  short  of 
this  requirement  (36).  J 

(7)  This  brings  us  to  the  prophet's  position,  touching  the 
nation's  future,  including  his  conception  of  the  "Day  of  Yahweh." 
Israel,  in  very  truth,  must  suffer  punishment ;  and  the  punishment, 
since  everything  else  has  been  tried,  will  now  be  utter  demolition. 
This  is  really  the  great  thought  of  the  message.  Everything  else 
is  connected  with  this  sentence.  It  is  important  (cf.  Duhm), 
because  no  one  had  ever  even  dreamed  of  such  a  thing  for  the  nation, 
and  also  because  the  overthrow  contemplated  was  in  no  sense  the 
plan  of  a  party,  nor  had  it  anything  of  a  political  character.  It  is 
expressed  many  times  and  in  many  forms,  always  terrible  and 
always  irrevocable.  §  It  is  the  unmistakable  expression  of  the 
condemnation  of  wicked  Israel  by  the  absolutely  righteous  Yahweh. 
The  sentence  of  destruction,  however,  is  not  wholly  unconditional. 
That  Amos  pointed  out  a  way  of  escape,  viz.  repentance,  open 
perhaps  only  to  a  few,  is  clear  from  4*  (i  5I4f< ;  that  he  should  not 
have  contemplated  such  a  possibility  of  conversion  is  psychologi 
cally  unintelligible,  since  it  would  leave  his  entire  prophetic  activity 
without  a  sufficient  raison  d'etre.  But  whatever  expectation  he 
may  have  had  at  the  opening  of  his  ministry,  it  is  practically  cer 
tain  that  in  the  progress  of  his  ministry  all  hope  deserted  him  as 
he  saw  the  utter  lack  of  response  to  his  message. 

*  Dr.,  p.  109.  t  Duhm,  Theol.  116.  t  <""f  Dr.,  p.  112. 

§  Cf.  K.  DD.  V.  691  f. ;  WRS.  rrofk.  129  ff. ;   Dr.,  pp.  ^-  ... 


THE   MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  CXxi 

We  cannot  prove  that  Amos  saw  in  the  future  a  brighter  picture 
in  case  of  repentance  (98"15  being  surely  of  a  later  date)  ;  nor  are 
we  even  reasonably  certain  that,  being  from  Judah,  he  had  it  in  his 
mind  that  Yahweh's  true  religion  would  be  continued  and  devel 
oped  by  Judah  after  the  destruction  of  Israel.  The  motto  (i2) 
would  express  this  idea,  if  only  it  were  from  Amos's  hand,  but  cf. 
pp.  9  f.  On  Amos's  conception  of  the  Day  of  Yahvveh,  v.  pp. 

.3i  f. 

4.  Did  Amos  and  those  who  immediately  followed  him  create 
liraelitish  ethical  monotheism  ?  Or  can  it  be  shown  that,  so  far 
as  essential  content  is  concerned,  Amos's  teachings  are  rooted  in 
the  past  ? 

(1)  The  answer  determines,  not  only  the  place  of  prophecy  in 
the  progress  of  the  Old  Testament  development,  but  also  the  whole 
course  of  that  development.     If  Amos  had  little  or  nothing  before 
him  in  the  way  of  antecedents,  he  is  to  be  assigned  the  place  ordi 
narily  given  to  Moses  as  the  founder  of  the  religion.     No  one,  cer 
tainly,  in  these  days  is  disposed  to  minimize  the  high  place  which 
he  has  come  to  occupy,  but  we  may  fairly  ask  ourselves  whether 
the  emphasis  has  always  been  placed  upon  just  the  right  point. 

It  is  now  clear  that  the  Old  Testament  history,  like  other  histo 
ries,  was  an  evolution.  Every  period  of  great  activity  grew  out  of 
something  that  preceded.  Was  the  wonderful  movement  which 
found  expression  through  Amos,  Hosea,  and  Isaiah  entirely  excep 
tional,  in  that  it  came  forth  without  antecedents  ?  So  some  would 
have  us  believe.*  This,  at  all  events,  is  the  real  position  of  those 
who  use  the  phrase  "  creators  of  ethical  monotheism."  It  has 
been  observed  that  Amos  himself  makes  no  direct  appeal  to 
something  earlier  than  his  own  work.  For  example,  he  does  not 
openly  refer  to  a  preexisting  code  of  laws  as  the  basis  of  his 
system,  any  more  than  to  miracles  or  institutions.  But  does  this 
prove  that  his  ideas  are  not  rooted  in  the  past,  and  that  his  work 
and  that  of  his  times  are  not  merely  the  fruitage  of  seed  sown 
long  before  ?  f 

(2)  We  cannot  deny  that  the  morality  which  forms  the  essence 


*  Cf.  We.  Prol.  472  ff. ;  Co.  Proph.  45  f. ;  Sm.  Rel.  184  ff. ;  GAS.  I.  96. 
tCf.  GAS.  I.  Q2. 


CXX11  INTRODUCTION 

of  his  thought  is,  when  closely  analyzed,  fundamental ;  but  it  is  also 
simple  and  of  long  standing.  The  demands  made  for  justice, 
including  honesty,  humanity,  etc.,  go  back  to  the  earliest  days  of 
history.  He  surely  did  not  discover  or  invent  them.  These  are 
ideas  that  have  appealed  to  men  of  all  nations  for  all  centuries. 
Are  they  not  the  basis  on  which  rests  the  prophet's  condemnation 
of  the  neighboring  nations  ?  Yet  nothing  more  is  asked  of  Israel 
than  of  them.  But  this  is  not  all.  Amos  represents  Israel  as 
knowing  these  things,  failing  to  do  them,  and,  therefore,  as  de 
serving  of  punishment.  Neither  Israel  nor  the  other  nations 
would  have  merited  destruction  for  failing  to  observe  conditions 
or  commands  of  which  they  were  totally  ignorant.  "  To  neither 
man  nor  people  can  the  righteousness  which  Amos  preached 
appear  as  a  discovery,  but  always  as  a  recollection  and  a  re 
morse."  *  Is  this  representation  of  Amos,  then,  an  anachronism, 
or,  perhaps,  a  piece  of  beautiful  rhetoric,  or,  in  plain  words,  a 
misrepresentation  ?  But  those  who  call  it  an  anachronism  give 
it  the  highest  place  of  value.  This  does  not  seem  consistent. 
Moreover,  if  we  recall  that  Amos  resided  within  sight  of  Jerusa 
lem  and,  being  the  kind  of  man  he  was,  must,  therefore,  have 
been  in  intimate  relationship  with  much  of  the  spirit  as  well  as  of 
the  material  of  the  nation's  past  experiences,  it  is  fair  to  suppose 
on  a  priori  grounds  that  Amos  drew  largely  upon  the  accumula 
tions  of  this  already  celebrated  past.  But  we  need  not  rest  the 
case  on  an  argument  of  this  character. 

(3)  Amos  actually  shows  a  knowledge  of  the  past  history  of 
Israel,  and  expresses  this  knowledge  in  a  manner  which  indicates 
a  supposition  of  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  people ;  cf.  his 
references  to  the  exodus  and  the  conquest  (29f-  31  525  g1),  to  the 
religious  history  of  his  people  (2llf-),  to  the  series  of  past  chastise 
ments  inflicted  by  Yahweh  (46"11),  and  his  allusion  to  David  (65).f 
Israel's  ethics,  in  so  far  as  they  had  yet  developed,  rested  on  the 
choice  made  of  Yahweh,  and  the  character  of  Yahweh  (v.i.}  as 
shown  in  history.  Knowledge  of  history  meant  also  acquaintance 
and  familiarity,  on  the  part  of  those  who  were  at  all  intelligent, 
with  this  basis  (v.s.). 


GAS.  I.  98.  f  Cf.  Dr.,  pp.  113  f. 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  AMOS  CXX111 

Moreover,  the  terminology  of  prophecy  employed  by  Amos  is 
the  product  of  generations  of  prophetic  activity.*  Cf.  his  fre 
quent  use  of  the  established  formulas  mf  l&X  ro  (i3-6-13  2L6  311-12 

53. 4. 16. 17.  27    717)     afid    ^    D^     (211   ^0   ^.6.86.9.10.11    58.14  gS  ^   and   of 

the  strongly  prophetic  title  niKSX  m.T ;  his  employment  of  the 
vision  as  an  impressive  method  of  communicating  Yahweh's  mes 
sage  to  Israel ;  and  his  recognition  of  the  dirge  as  a  most  appro 
priate  vehicle  for  his  message  of  doom  (5lff-). 

(4)  We  may  be  still  more  specific  and  note  that  in  29"11  reference 
is  made  to  "  consecrated  personalities,"  for  whom  a  keen  appre 
ciation  was  manifested.     Who  were  they?     Not  only  Elijah  and 
Elisha,  but  also  J  and  E ;  and  how  many  more  of  whom  we  now 
have  no  record  !     These  make  up  the  great  pre-prophetic  move 
ment  which  we  have  already  tried  briefly  to  describe  (§§  i-n). 

(5)  That  Amos  knew  written  documents,  such  as  the  decalogues 
and  the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  is  certain.     But  this  is  not  all ;  for 

(a)  national  songs  had  already  come  into  existence,  which  prepared 
the  way,  technically  as  well  as  spiritually,  for  his  work,  —  among 
them  may  reasonably  be  included  Ju.  5,f  Deborah's  song;   Ex. 
15  |  (in  its  earliest  form),  the  song  of  the  Red  Sea ;  Gn.  49,  §  the 
tribal  blessing,  as  well  as  Dt.  32  (?)  ||  and  33 IF;   and  besides  these 

(b)  there  were   ancient  proverbs  and  folk-lore.     Some  of  these 
were  already  incorporated  in  J  and  E,  e.g.  Gn.  2623  2fb- 28>29- 39-  40 ; 


*  Cf.  Kue.  Pel.  I.  207;  Che.  EB.  155. 

f  G.  F.  Moore  calls  this  "the  oldest  extant  monument  of  Hebrew  literature  "; 
so  practically  all  recent  interpreters. 

.  \  Carpenter  and  Battersby  incline  to  a  post-exilic  date ;  so  Holzinger ;  Baentsch 
declares  it  later  than  J  and  E,  and  perhaps  later  than  JE.  A  genuine  Mosaic 
kernel  is  discovered  in  it  by  Ew.,  De.,  Di.,  Strack,  Dr. 

\  K.6.,  Wildeboer,  and  Dr.  (Genesis,  380),  assign  this  to  "  the  age  of  the  Judges, 
or  a  little  later  "  ;  Di.,  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  and  Gunkel  place  it  in  the  Davidic 
period  ;  Sta.  (GVI.l.  150)  locates  it  in  Ahab's  reign  ;  Holzinger  decides  upon  some 
time  during  the  Syrian  wars  prior  to  the  age  of  Jeroboam  II. 

||  Placed  about  780  B.C.,  by  Knobel,  Schra.  (Einl.  §  205^),  Di.,  Oettli,  et  al.; 
assigned  by  Ew.,  Kamphausen,  and  Reuss,  to  the  period  just  before  722  B.C. ;  by 
Dr.,  to  the  age  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel;  by  Co.,  Steuernagel,  Bertholet,  and  Car 
penter  and  Battersby,  to  the  end  of  the  exile. 

U  Dr.,  Schra.  (Einl.  $  204),  Di.,  place  this  in  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  I.;  Graf, 
Bleek,  Kue.  (Hex.  §  13,  note  16) ,  Sta.  ( G  VI.  I.  150  ff.) ,  Co.,  Baudissin  (Priesterthum, 
74  f.,  266),  Steuernagel,  Wildeboer,  Bertholet,  and  Carpenter  and  Battersby  put  it 
about  780  B.C. 


CXX1V  INTRODUCTION 

some,  likewise,  have  probably  been  preserved  in  the  collections  of 
Proverbs,  although  it  is,  of  course,  impossible  at  this  date  to  dis 
tinguish  them  ;  some,  indeed,  Amos  himself  preserves,  for  not  a 
little  of  the  literary  strength  of  his  writings  is  due  to  his  familiarity, 
not  only  with  history  and  sociology,  but  as  well  with  folk-lore  and 
the  speech  and  thought  of  the  common  people. 

§  14.  THE  MINISTRY  OF  AMOS. 

With  this  summary  of  the  work  before  us,  we  may  consider  the 
external  form  of  Amos's  work,  his  ministry.  If  his  teaching 
forms  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  prophecy,  his  ministry 
should  be  expected  to  contribute  largely  to  the  history  of 
prophetism.  If  Amos  himself  is  responsible  for  the  book  which 
bears  his  name  (either  in  the  present  form  or  in  an  earlier  form 
of  which  the  present  is  an  edition  enlarged  and  modified  by 
a  later  prophet),  the  literary  work  is  a  part  of  his  ministry.  This, 
however,  deserves  separate  and  special  consideration  (p.  cxxx  ff.). 
The  historical  background  of  the  work,  as  well  as  the  prophet's 
personal  life  and  the  preparation  for  his  ministry,  have  been 
considered  in  §  12. 

i.  It  is  unfair  to  Amos  either  to  regard  the  story  of  the  man 
of  Judah  (i  K.  13)  as  a  distorted  account  of  his  ministry,*  or 
to  accept  the  suggestion  that  the  story  of  his  ministry,  like  the 
story  of  Jonah  (in  the  book  of  Jonah),  is  a  later  invention  or 
fiction,  f  When  we  recall  (a)  that  no  miracle  or  wonder-story 
is  connected  with  his  work,  either  directly  or  indirectly ;  (fr)  that 
no  ecstatic  frenzy  is  in  any  way  suggested  ;  and  (c)  that,  on  the 
other  hand,  all  connection  with  that  kind  of  thing  is  strongly 
denied  (714),  we  may  at  once  concede  that  one  has  entered  upon 
his  ministry  who  is  a  prophet  in  a  new  sense,  at  least  in  so  far 
as  the  external  work  is  concerned.  He  receives  visions,  to  be 
sure ;  but  these  are  no  ecstatic  trances,  for  which  music  was 
needed,  as  in  Elisha's  case.  They  are  rather  like  the  visions 
of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  manifestations  of  a  lofty  and  sublime 

*  So  We.  in  Bleek's  Einl*  244;  Klostermann,  Samuel  und  Konige,  349;  Che. 
EB.  148;  Benz.  Konige,  91. 

t  Cf.  Day  and  Chapin,  AJSL.  XVIII.  66-93;  Che.  EB.  3864  f. ;  Elh. 


THE   MINISTRY   OF  AMOS  CXXV 

character,  made  not  in  dream,  nor  in  trance,  but  through  spiritual 
enlightenment ;  dealing  not  with  this  battle  or  that  promotion 
to  the  throne,  but  with  the  fundamental  truth  of  God.  However, 
we  are  surely  able  to  see  in  these  visions,  not  only  the  lineal 
successors  of  the  trance,  but  also  an  indication,  if  we  note  their 
number  and  character,  of  the  practical  adoption  by  the  new 
order  of  the  machinery  of  the  old.  If,  however,  Amos  follows 
closely  the  old  style  in  receiving  his  message  by  vision  (although 
of  a  more  elevated  character),*  he  exhibits  a  more  striking  dif 
ference  in  the  method  of  presentation.  It  is  true  that  in  many 
cases  we  still  have  what  seem  to  be  only  brief  oracles  or  texts, 
that  is,  fragmentary  utterances.  Even  these  differ  from  those 
of  older  prophets,  "  which  offered  a  hard  and  fast  decision  of  the 
moment  for  the  moment  ";f  since  in  many  cases  they  have  now 
taken  on  the  form  of  sermons,  and  in  all  cases  they  present  teach 
ing  concerning  Yahweh's  nature  and  his  purposes  for  Israel.  On 
the  public  preaching  of  the  prophet,  as  distinguished  from  the 
writing  of  his  sermons,  v.i. 

2.  A  most  significant  factor  in  the  ministry  of  Amos  is  the 
writing  down  of  his  sermons.  In  this  service  he  is,  perhaps,  the 
leader.  J  The  adoption  of  the  new  method,  viz.  that  of  writing, 
was  the  outcome  of  certain  factors  in  the  situation,  and  itself  the 
occasion  of  certain  others. 

(i)  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  this  century  Israel  was,  for 
the  first  time,  enjoying  the  privileges  of  civilization.  Many  forces 
are  set  in  motion  in  a  nation  when  it  rises  into  this  stage  of  life, 
among  others  that  of  literature.  §  There  was  not  only  an  incentive 
to  writing,  but  the  opportunity  for  it,  as  provided  in  the  long  peace 
of  Jeroboam's  reign.  ||  Torah-literature  had  already  taken  form 
(Ho.  812)  in  the  laws  that  had  been  codified.  Prophetic  literature 
also  had  come  into  existence  in  the  form  of  the  great  epics  of  old 

*  We  cannot  suppose  that  these  visions  were  used  only  as  a  method  of  presenting 
the  prophetic  thought  to  the  people.  Here,  as  in  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  we  have 
survivals  of  the  old  trance,  as  the  state  in  which  the  prophet  received  the  message. 
Cf.  K.  DB.  V.  676.  f  Bu.  Rel.  133. 

\  The  only  rival  for  the  honor  is  the  author  of  Is.  15  and  16;  but  these  chapters 
are  probably  later ;  so  Schwally,  ZAW.  VIII.  207  ff. ;  Duhm ;  Che.  Introduction, 
etc.,  in  loc.;  Marti.  For  an  early  date  v.  WRS.  Proph.  91  f.r  392;  Di.,  GAS.;  and 
Dr.  LO  T.  215  f.  $  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  556 ;  Kit.  Hist.  II.  315  f.  ||  ( iAS.  I.  35. 


CXXvi  INTRODUCTION 

Israel,  which  J  and  E  had  taken  pains  to  put  together.  Amos, 
after  all,  is  not  showing  much  originality  in  taking  up  the  pen,  for 
he  is  only  following  those  who  have  already  shown  him  the  way. 

(2)  Then,  too,  certain  changes   had   come   about  which  led 
inevitably  to  this  step.     Israel's  religion  had  passed  upward   to 
an  entirely  new  position.     It  was  no  longer  a  matter  of  worship, 
i.e.  ritual.     It  stood  for  certain  new  ideas,  which  could  not  be 
expressed  in  an  institution,  but  must  find  for  themselves  a  written 
record.*     The  prophetic  utterance  was  no  longer  a  temporary 
matter,  uttered  for  a  special  time  or  set  of  circumstances ;  it  had 
become  something  of  eternal  value,  having  to  do  with  truth  con 
cerning  vital  subjects.     Moreover,  the  prophet  himself  has  taken 
on  new  functions  and  new  responsibilities.     He  sees  more  clearly 
his  position  as  it  bears  upon  human  affairs  in  general,  and  not 
merely  the  affairs  of  a  single  nation,  nor  of  a  certain  time. 

(3)  The  earlier  prophets  were  men  who  sought  to  exert  "an 
instantaneous  influence."      It  was  their  business  to  act,  as  did 
Elijah,  rather  than  to  speak.      And,   then,  it  was  a  matter  of 
supreme   moment  that  now  the  prophet  is  expected  to  give  a 
message  with  which  the  people  will  be  displeased.     He  will  no 
longer  be  the  leader  of  the  masses.     His  work  will  be  outwardly  a 
failure.     His  very  ill  success  in  reaching  the  hearts  of  the  people 
actually  forces  him  to  put  his  words  in  writing,  f 

(4)  In  order  that  there  may  be  secured  permanent  influence, 
the  prophets'  words  must  be  read  and  studied.     This,  and  this 
only,  will  bring  a  continuous  development  of  Israel's  religion,  and 
a  deepening  of  it  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.     But  to  obtain  this 
the  prophet  need  not  write  out  his  words  just  as  he  had  spoken 
them.     He  may  give  only  the  text  of  his  address,  or,  possibly,  a 
synopsis  of  it.     The  written  form  may  omit  much  that  had  only 
local  application.     Nor  did  the  writer  himself  always  put  his  pro 
phetic  speeches  into  written  form.     This  may  have  been  left  to  a 
band  of  disciples  such  as  history  tells  us  Isaiah  had  (Is.  816),  men 
who  desired  to  see  the  words  of  the  master  justified  as  only  time 
could  justify  them  (cf.  Dt.  i82°-22  Je.  28* 9). 

Amos  was    first    among   the    prophets    to  appreciate    all   this. 

*  Kue.  Rel.  I.  209.  t  WRS.  OTJC.i  295  f. ;  Bu.  Rel.  131. 


THE   MINISTRY  OF  AMOS  cxxvii 

Although  he  probably  expected  the  end  of  Israel  to  come  within 
his  own  generation,  he  saw  the  advantage  of  giving  his  thought  a 
definite  place.  He  may  also  have  had  in  mind  the  possibility  of 
transmitting  it  thus  through  disciples. 

3.  In   his   political  activity,  likewise,  Amos  exhibits  variation 
from  the  older  type  of  prophet,     (i)    The  difference,  however,  is 
one,  not  in  fact,  but  in  method.     He  is  as  greatly  interested  in 
the  national  life  as  was  Elijah  or  Elisha,  but  he  makes  no  use  of 
political  influence.     He  himself  is  not  an  official  of  the  govern 
ment  (as  were  Samuel  and  Elisha),  just  as  he  was  not  an  official 
prophet.     He  sustained  no  special  relation  to  the  king,  as  did 
Nathan  or  Micaiah.     He  was  only  a  private  citizen.     His  interest 
in  affairs  was  intense,  but  he  established  no  organization  to  exe 
cute  his  mission.     He  does  only  one  thing,  preach. 

(2)  His  political  views  (v.s.)  concerning  the  nations  near  at 
hand  he  announces  with  consummate  skill  (p.   12),  the  method 
chosen  being  one  which  brings  him  into  sympathetic  touch  with 
the  Israelites  themselves.* 

(3)  But  his  political  sagacity  is  displayed  most  keenly  in  his 
interpretation  of  Assyria's  relation  to  the  world  of  that  day,  includ 
ing  Israel,  and  the  use  made  of   this  interpretation.     His  mind 
was  not  at  first  clear  in  reference  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  but  cer 
tainly  grows  more  definite  with  the  progress  of  the  visions. 

4.  The  chronological  order  of  the  various  stages  in  the  minis 
try  of  Amos  is  uncertain,  and  its  determination  will  rest  upon  our 
final  decision  as  to  the  structure  of  the  book  itself  (p.  cxxx  ff.). 
The  following  is  suggested  as  a  possible  hypothesis  :  — 

(i)  In  connection  with  his  early  shepherd  life  in  Tekoa,  he 
visits  many  points  of  interest  at  home  and  abroad ;  and  in  the 
course  of  these  visits  learns,  as  an  outsider  might  learn,  the  methods 
and  work  of  the  neblrfim  (37)-t  This  was  only  a  part  of  that 
information  concerning  the  world  at  large  which  he  obtained  in 
these  earlier  years. 

*  Such  is  the  interpretation  placed  by  many  scholars  upon  the  arrangement  of 
the  first  two  chapters,  e.g.  We.  on  Am.  214  ff- ;  Mit,,  Dr.,  Now.,  Marti. 

I  Che.  (ED.  157)  says,"  Which  (i.e.  3")  Amos  could  hardly  have  written,  unless 
he  had  had  the  most  vivid  and  ocular  evidence  of  the  effects  of  a  true  prophetic 
impulse  even  before  his  own  turn  came  to  receive  one." 


cxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

(2)  A  time  came  when  in  visions  given  him,  like  those  which 
he    had   seen  others    have  (v.s.),  a  definite   call    to   preach   was 
received.*     This  call  grew  out  of  the  message  contained  in  the 
vision  of  the  plumb-line,  viz.,  the  irrevocable  destruction  of  Israel. 
In  the  two  visions  which  precede,  although  he  saw  the  doom 
threatened,  he  believed  it  might  be  averted  ;    but  gradually  he 
becomes  convinced  that  Assyria  is  the  source  of  the  danger  (6" 
717),  and   that  ruin  is  inevitable  unless  something  extraordinary 
shall  avert  the  catastrophe.     He  goes  to  Northern  Israel,  amazed 
that  every  one  does  not,  like  himself,  foresee  the  coming  disaster. | 

(3)  Having  reached  his  destination,  the  work  is  opened  by 
the    proclamation,    with    diplomatic    skill,    of    one    oracle   after 
another  concerning  Israel's  neighbors.  J     These  may  have  been 
uttered   on   successive   days,  but,  in  all  probability,  were  spread 
over  weeks  and  months.     When  the  proper  time  has  arrived,  to 
Israel  (2tHO)  itself  is  announced  the  dreadful  future  with  the  reasons 
therefor.     In  the  course  of  his  wanderings  he  arrives  at  Bethel. 
The  climax  is  reached  in  the  sermon  of  chap.  6,  in  which  captivity 
is  threatened. 

(4)  This  is  probably  followed  by  a  popular  interruption  of  his 
work.     In  any  case,  demand  is  made  for  his  authority  to  utter  such 
pessimistic  denunciations,  and  to  announce  what  really  amounts  to 
treason.  §     In  justification  of  his  words,  he  tells  the  story  of  his 
call,  as  it  came   in  the  visions  of  locusts,  fire,  and  plumb-line. 
This  closes  with  a  specific  threat  against  Jeroboam  the  king.  || 

*  These  (ecstatic)  visions  (i)  connect  Amos  closely  with  the  work  of  the 
nebhiim  ;  (2)  are  not  satisfactorily  explained  as  being  merely  the  vehicle  of  the 
prophet's  publication  of  his  message  (cf.  p.  cxxv,  and  K.  DB.  V.  676  a)  ;  (3)  are 
presented  after  the  oracles  and  sermons  (l-6),  as  the  justification  of  the  prophet's 
mission  (cf.  Is.  6),  and  form  the  continuation  of  his  work  after  Amaziah's  inter 
ruption,  f  This  (p.  74)  is  the  proper  interpretation  of  3". 

J  The  resemblance  of  these  utterances  to  the  short  oracles  of  the  nebhiim  can 
not  be  overlooked.  Their  pleasing  character  would  surely  commend  the  prophet 
to  his  auditors.  One  cannot  imagine  Cheyne's  reasons  (JSB.  154)  for  suggesting 
that  these  oracles  could  not  have  been  spoken. 

§  This  seems  to  be  a  reasonable  inference  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  explaining 
the  present  position  of  the  visions,  for  only  in  some  such  way  as  this  can  one  account 
for  hope  contained  in  the  first  and  second,  when  the  most  absolute  statement  of 
destruction  has  just  been  uttered  in  614. 

||  The  third  vision  indicates  the  position  which  Amos  had  held  since  coming  to 
Northern  Israel. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  AMOS  Cxxix 

(5)  Then    follows   the   official    attack    by   Amaziah,   and   the 
prophet's  explanation    of  his  work,  with  a  scathing  rebuke   of 
the   priest    for   his   interference.*      Whatever   the   plans   for  the 
future  may  be,  he  continues  for  a  while  the  work  which  he  had 
come  North  to  perform.! 

(6)  Another  vision  (the  fourth)  is  received  revealing  Israel  as 
ripe  for  destruction,  with  an  arraignment  of  the  accused,  a  threat 
of  earthquake   and   slaughter,   followed   by  universal    mourning, 
Yahweh's  abandonment  of   his  people,  despair  and   destruction. 
A  little  later  comes  the  fifth  and  last  vision,  the  downfall  of  the 
sanctuary,  with  a  picture  of  ruin  which  none  may  escape,  and  an 
assurance  that  the  destruction  will  be  complete. 

(7)  The  prophet  goes  back  to  Judah,  perhaps  to  Jerusalem,]: 
where  he  puts  his  addresses  into  literary  form  and  intrusts  them  to 
the  disciples  of  Yahweh,  for  the  use  of  those  who  are  to  follow  him 
(zu.,  on  his  literary  work,  p.  cxxx  rT.). 

5.  The  turning-point  in  Amos's  ministry,  and,  indeed,  the  only 
significant  event  that  has  been  handed  down  to  us,  is  the  scene  at 
Bethel.  We  cannot  fail  to  appreciate  :  (i)  The  element  of  tragedy 
which  it  includes,  for  the  throne  of  a  king  is  at  stake,  the  life  of 
the  priest  is  forfeited,  and  the  fate  of  the  nation  is  sealed.  (2)  The 
naturalness  of  it  all,  for  is  not  Amos  seeking  to  do  just  what  his 
predecessors  back  to  Samuel  had  done  before  him,  viz.  to  unseat 
the  king?  How  could  his  words  be  otherwise  interpreted?  How 
could  king  or  priest  fail  to  take  cognizance  of  them?  (3)  The 
strange  character  of  Amos's  reply  to  this  point.  Is  the  prophet's 
language,  in  which  he  foretells  Amaziah's  doom,  general  or  special? 
We  answer,  the  former.  The  catastrophe  which  is  soon  to  befall 
the  whole  nation  will  include  the  priest  with  the  rest. 


*  This  arrangement  is,  on  the  whole,  better  than  (i)  that  which  introduces  the 
attack  before  the  visions  immediately  after  614  (so  Baumann) ;  or  (2)  that  which 
places  the  attack  after  all  the  visions  have  been  announced,  and  understands  that 
Amos  said  nothing  after  his  rebuke  of  Amaziah  (so  Lohr,  Marti). 

t  It  is  hardly  possible  to  regard  this  interference  as  in  any  sense  a  friendly  one 
(Or.).  Nor  can  we  easily  suppose  that  Amos  was  strong  enough  to  disobey  what 
was  evidently  the  king's  command,  and  not  go  away  at  all.  At  the  same  time  one 
can  scarcely  imagine  so  bold  a  prophet  not  doing  what  this  hypothesis  takes  foi 
granted,  viz.  continuing  to  preach  until  he  had  finished  his  message. 

J  Was  this  a  second  visit  (cf.  61),  as  Che.  (EB.  154)  suggests  ? 


CXXX  INTRODUCTION 

6.  In  forming  an  estimate  of  the  efficiency  of  Amos's  ministry, 
we  must  note  one  or  two  facts  :  — 

(1)  There  was  in  Amos  a  noticeable  lack  of  the  religious  ele 
ment,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  that  word  ;  and  certainly  the  ministry 
was  not  one  that  could  reach  very  many  minds.    There  were  prob 
ably  not  fifty  people  in  Northern  Israel  who  could  understand  him. 
It  is  quite  certain  that  he  did  not  himself  have  in  mind  a  clear 
conception  of  the  issue  involved  in  his  preaching.     He  was  indif 
ferent  to  everything  that  had  to  do  with  purpose  or  motive.      As 
Duhm  has  said,  the  teleological  element  was  lacking.     The  fact  is, 
the  new  element  in  Amos  was  that  which  is  represented  by  the 
sage.     The  union  of  a  nabhi*  and  a  sage  in  one  person  produced 
a  prophet  in  the  new  sense,  the  sense  in  which  Amos  is  entitled  to 
that  title. 

(2)  Amos's  ministry,  then,  signifies  a  breaking  away  from  the 
old  ;  or,  better,  an  infusion  into  the  old  of  a  new  spirit,  that  of  ob 
servation,  philosophical  inquiry,  acceptance  of  law.     His  work  fur 
nishes  for  future  prophecy  a  new  basis  for  development,  one  which 
will  include  thought,  adjustment  to  environment,  and  growth  of 
thought.     Still  further,  although  he  was  a  moralist  of  an  extreme 
type,  requiring  for  the  proper  balancing  of  his  ideas  those  of  his 
contemporary  Hosea,  which  were  in  striking  contrast  with  his  own, 
he  nevertheless  bequeathed  to  all  mankind  certain  truths  which 
time  has  shown  to  be  unchangeable  :  — 

"The  truths  that  justice  between  man  and  man  is  one  of  the  divine  foun 
dations  of  society  ;  that  privilege  implies  responsibility,  and  that  failure  to 
recognize  responsibility  will  surely  bring  punishment ;  that  nations,  and,  by 
analogy,  individuals,  are  bound  to  live  up  to  that  measure  of  light  and  knowl 
edge  which  has  been  granted  to  them ;  that  the  most  elaborate  worship  is 
but  an  insult  to  God  when  offered  by  those  who  have  no  mind  to  conform 
their  wills  and  conduct  to  his  requirements,  —  these  are  elementary  but  eternal 
truths."* 

§  15.   THE  LITERARY  FORM  OF  AMOS'S  WRITINGS. 

The  present  form  of  the  book  of  Amos  suggests  several  prob 
lems.  How  much  of  the  book  did  Amos  himself  leave  ?  What 

*  Kirk.  Doct.  106. 


THE   LITERARY   FORM   OF  AMOS'S   WRITINGS       CXXxi 

portions  are  of  later  origin,  and  what  motive  suggested  their  inser 
tion  ?  *  Through  what  stages  has  the  book  gone  ?  What  contact 
has  it  had  with  other  literature  ?  And  still  further,  what  is  the 
form  of  composition  employed,  and  what  special  features  of  that 
form  deserve  attention  ? 

1.  The  table  on  p.  cxxxii  presents  the  contents  of  the  book, 
showing  (i)  the  larger  divisions,  viz.  oracles,  sermons,  etc.,  (2)  the 
smaller  sections,  and   (3)   the  original  and  secondary  elements 
within  each  section. 

2.  The  secondary  material  indicated  in  the  table  on  p.  cxxxii 
includes   the    passages  (with    the   exception  of  a  few  words  or 
phrases,  v.i.)  which  have  been   treated  as  interpolations  in  the 
commentary.      An  examination  of  these  passages  shows  that  they 
fall  into  five  groups  :  — 

(1)  The  Judaistic  insertion,  made  after  the  promulgation  of 
Deuteronomy,  and  referring   to   the   approaching  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  viz.  the  judgment  on  Judah,  24f-.| 

(2)  Historical  insertions,  from   a  post-exilic    date,  (a)  adding 
judgments  upon  Tyre  (i9f)  and  Edom  (illf>),  thus  bringing  the 
whole  number  (with  Judah)  to  seven;  j   (£)  adding  reference  to 
the  fall  of  Calneh,  Hamath,  and  Gath,  62  (cf.  Is.  io9'n). 

(3)  Theological  insertions,  from  a  post-exilic   time,  similar  in 
tone  and  spirit  to  certain  passages  in  Job  §  and  Deutero-Isaiah.  || 

*  Men  in  later  days  of  prophecy  seem  to  have  regarded  it  as  a  pious  duty  to 
illustrate  older  utterances  by  making  application  to  their  own  times.  If  the  older 
form  of  utterance  appeared  too  harsh  for  the  later  age,  it  was  modified ;  if  too 
obscure,  it  was  explained.  The  intention  was  not  to  preserve  and  transmit  what 
the  prophet  had  actually  said,  but  rather  to  indicate  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
later  editor,  he  would  have  had  to  say  in  order  "  to  fulfil  the  religious  purpose 
which  he  once  meant  to  serve "  (cf.  K.  DB.  V.  671 ;  Carpenter  and  Battersby, 
Hex.  I.  no). 

t  There  is  no  basis  for  adding  to  this,  with  Marti,  either  31 6,  for  surely  Amos, 
himself  a  Judahite,  could  speak  of  the  "  whole  family"  ;  or  61  a,  for  was  not  Amos 
concerned  also  for  Zion  ?  Even  with  these  passages  treated  as  insertions,  there  is 
no  ground  for  supposing  a  special  edition  of  Amos  to  have  been  issued  for  the 
Judahites. 

J  No  good  reason  (v.  in  loc.}  exists  for  regarding,  with  Marti,  210  as  such  an 
historical  addition  (to  29,  the  difficulty  involved  in  its  position  is  entirely  relieved 
by  transposition),  or  212  (to  211),  or  526  (p.  130). 

\  E.g.  38*  «•  25  ff-  31  «.  34-38. 

\E.g,  4021 11.4512. 18  4si2f.. 


cxxxn 


INTRODUCTION 


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THE   LITERARY   FORM   OF  AMOS'S   WRITINGS    CXXXlii 

Here  belong  (a)  the  heading  of  the  book,  i2  (pp.  9  f.) ;  (b)  the 
well-known  doxologies,  413  *  586  95f\t 

(4)  Technical  or  archaeological  insertions,  which  take  the  form 
of  expansion,  thus  adding  details  to  the  more  simple  statement  of 
the  original.      Here   belong,   (a)   "each  woman  straight  before 
her,"  in43;   (b)  "while  yet  there  remained  three  months  to  the 
harvest,"  in  47a  (p.  97),  also,  "together  with  the   captivity  of 
your  horses,"  in  410  (p.  100) ;  (c)   "  one  field  being  rained  upon," 
etc., ..."  two  or  three  cities  staggering,"  etc.,  in  47  6>  8a  (pp.  9  7  f.)  ; 
(d)  "  and  unto  wailing  those  skilled  in  lamentation,"  in  516  (p.  127); 
"and  the  peace-offerings  of  your  failings  I  will  not  regard,"  in 
S22  (P-    J35)  j    (e)   tne  detail  of  the  inner  part  of  the  house, 
in  6(Mla>  (p.  151)  ;    (/)  "and  lo  !  there  were  full-grown  locusts 
after  the  king's  mowings,"  in  7ld;   (g)  the  extra  technique,  in 
volving  the  question  of  Yahweh  to  Amos,  in  78a  82a;   (h)  "buy 
ing  the  poor  for  silver,"  etc.,  in  86 ;   (/)  "  your  images,  the  star  of," 
in  526,  "and  it  devour,"  in  56,  "and  the  oppressions  within  her," 
in  39,  "  O  children  of  Israel,"  in  31,  "  with  a  storm  in  the  day  of 
tempest,"  in  214,  "plumb-,"  in  f,  "for  thirst,"  in  813. 

(5)  The  Messianic  additions  found  in  "Behold  the  days  are 
coming,"  in  8lla,  and  the   long  closing  passage  99"15  connected 
with  what  precedes  by  98c,  in  which  the  interpolator  announces 
that  the  original  message  of  destruction  was  intended  only  for 
Northern  Israel. 

(6)  Certain  phrases,  "The  Lord,"  "God  of  Hosts,"  "  It  is  the 
oracle  of  Yahweh,"  "  Has  Yahweh  said,"  which  have  been  inserted 
arbitrarily  to  emphasize  some  favorite   thought  of  a  reader,  e.g. 
i5- 8  216  313- 15  43  516  f  89.     Cf.  also,  "  in  that  day,"  83. 

3.    The  internal  history  of  the  book  (i.e.  the  various  steps  in  the 
process  of  its  growth)  was  probably  as  follows  :  — 

(1)  Amos  himself  left,  not  a  book,  but  certain  addresses  or 
groups  of  addresses  in  writing. 

(2)  These  became  a  book,  in  all  probability  through  the  work 
of  his  disciples,  before  the  times  of  Isaiah  (?'./.),  who,  says  Cheyne, 
"  steeped  himself  in  the  originality  of  Amos  before  displaying  his 

*Che.  (EB.  153)  includes  also  412  &. 

t  We  cannot  include  here,  with  Marti,  32  (p.  67),  or  3?  (also  Duhm ;  Che.  EB. 
154;  -v.  p.  71),  or  513  (p.  121),  or  8»  (p.  176),  or  8U-"  (pp.  183  f.). 


Cxxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

own  truly  original  genius."  *  Since  Amos  probably  issued  his 
addresses  in  Judah,  it  is  questionable  whether  Hosea  ever  saw 
them  (v.t.).  t 

(3)  A  Deuteronomic  insertion  consisting  of  24f-  was  probably 
made  in  Jeremiah's  time.     This  address  would  fit  in  just  before 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  almost  as  appropriately  as  before  the  fall  of 
Samaria.     It  is  perhaps  too  much  to  call   this  a  Deuteronomic 
redaction. 

(4)  During  the  exilic  experience  (or  a  little   after)  important 
changes  were  introduced,  viz.  (a)  those  of  an  historical  character 
(v.s.)  in  accord  with  the  same  spirit  which  gave  rise  to  Obadiah10'14 
(cf.  Is.  34  Ez.  2512  355  Ps.  i$f)  Jo.  32"6'19 ;  and  (7>)  those  of  a  theo 
logical  character  (v.s.)  in  accord  with  the  same  spirit  which  found 
expression  in  the  descriptions  of  the  deity  that  occur  in  Job  and 
Deutero-Isaiah  (v.s.). 

(5)  In  a  later  post-exilic  period  there  was  added   the   large 
number  of  technical  and  archaeological  explanations  and  expan 
sions   indicated    above.      At   this   time    the   superscription    (i1) 
probably  had  its  origin.     Many  of  these  are  glosses  which  found 
their  way  into  the  text  without  motive  of  any  kind.     Some,  how 
ever,  are  the  work  of  an  editor  who  delighted  to  repeat  in  minute 
detail  some  point  or  description  which  had  been  passed  over  quite 
summarily.     No  definite  line  perhaps  can  be  drawn  between  these 
two  classes  of  additions. 

(6)  Finally,  in  the  spirit  of  the  days  of  Zechariah  and  Zerubbabel, 
when  men  were  thinking  of  the  restoration  of  the  throne  of  David, 
or  perhaps  still  later,  there  was  added  the  Messianic  promise  of 
98c"15  (v.s.).     This  closed  the  internal  history  of  the  book. 

4.  The  general  structure  of  the  book  as  understood  by  the 
present  writer  is  indicated  in  the  table  (v.s.).  Its  character  is 
extremely  simple  :  A  series  of  judgment  oracles  ;  a  series  of  judg 
ment  sermons;  a  series  of  judgment  visions.  These  various  series 
have  each  its  own  unity  of  thought  and  its  own  unity  of  purpose. 
These  have  already  been  fully  discussed. 

It  remains,  however,  to  notice  some  of  the  more  important  hypotheses  put 
forward  in  recent  times  which  offer  different  explanations  of  Amos's  structure. 

*  EB.  154.  f  So  We.,  Che. ;  but  cf.  Ba. 


THE   LITERARY   FORM   OF  AMOS'S  WRITINGS      CXXXV 

(1)  Elhorst  (1900)  on  the  supposition  that  the  text  was  originally  written 
in  parallel  columns,  the  strophes  being  arranged  so  that  I,  3,  5,  etc.,  fell  in 
Column  I.  and  2,  4,  6,  etc.,  in  Column  II.  and  that  some  copyist  transferred 
the  columns  consecutively  instead  of  alternating  between  the  two,  proposes 
the  following  order:    ji- 2. 11. 12.  3.5. 13-15.6-8  2i-s  l9. 10  24.5.6  566.7  27.8  58.9  2s»-i2 

510-12  213-16  5 13-15  31.  2  51G.  17  38-8  5 18-20  3<M4  ^1-25  4l-3    $28.  27  44-ll  51-6  412  fc7  4^   58 

5i-3  59-11  54. 5  512.  is  5o  514  7i-o.  10-17  gi-6  gi-G  87-14  97-i5.  ^yith  this  rearrange 
ment,  the  prophecy  falls  into  four  divisions:  (#)  i1-25;  (£)  2t;-614;  (*•)  71-17; 
(</)  S1^15. 

(2)  Lohr  (1901)  finds  five  main  divisions;    the  first  one  consists  of  the 
introductory  address,  threatening  Israel  and  her  neighbors  with  punishment, 
and  includes  ji-S-is-is  2i-3. 6-14. 10.     The  second  one  contains  two  addresses, 
announcing  destruction  because  of  the  exploitation  of  the  poor  by  the  rich  and 
powerful;    the  first  address  consists  of  3!  &•  2-4  a.  5  a.  6.  8-is  4i-s  g4-M  o.u-4^  the 
second  address  comprises  $l-Ga- 7-  w~12- 1C~186-  2°-27  61- 3-8-  n-14.     The  third  division 
contains  the  mere  fragment  of  a  sermon  against  the  sanctuaries  and  the  ritual, 
viz.  4*-12a-  314&-  9la-7.     The  fourth  division  includes  the  four  visions  in  71'9 
81"3;   and  the  fifth  division  consists  of  the  historical  episode  in  71(M7. 

(3)  Riedel  (1902),  regarding  the  book  as  an  anthology  of  the  most  signifi 
cant  utterances  of  Amos,  collected  and  arranged  by  a  later  editor,  and  treating 
710-17  as  a  later  addition,  makes  the  following  analysis :  I.  A  poem  announcing 
Yahweh's  judgment  on  the  nations  in  general,  and  Israel  in  particular,  chaps. 
I  and  2.    II.  The  central  division  (s^S3),  falling  into  three  sections:  (a)  three 
addresses  beginning  with  "  Hear  this  word,"  31-5  41'13  51'17;  (/;)  two  addresses 
beginning  with  <(Alas,"  518-27  61'14;   (r)  the  four  visions,  71-9  81"3.     III.  The 
closing  address  (84-915),  likewise  consisting  of  three  sections:  (#)  84~14,  which 
again  begins  with  "  Hear";  (^)  91"10,  again  narrating  a  vision;  (<:)  911-15,  a  word 
of  promise,  in  part  looking  back  to  the  first  address  (cf.  912  with  illff-). 

(4)  Baumann*  (1903)  finds  five  addresses,  all  of  similar  structure.     Each 
of  the  last  four  addresses  has  three  main  divisions,  the  last  division  in  each 
case  summing  up  the  entire  speech,  and  the  second  division,  with  one  excep 
tion,  consisting  of  four  sections.     First  address :   I2~8- 13~15  21-3-  ^l  a- 12- n 6- 13- 14 a- 
16  a.  14  6.  is  a*  is  &.  16&  (with  an  appendix,  39-15).     Second  address:  I.  31-6  6.6  a.  8. 

II.  (a)  41-3,  (3)  S4-5-7-8-9-!0-13-14-11^.  Third  address:  I.  44-*;  II.  (a)  46- 9-", 
(^  4i2a  521-27.  in.  54-6.  Fourth  address :  I.  5i.2- 3.16. 176.  IL  (fl)  518-20, 
(b}  61,  (0  63-7,  (^)  613-12«-8;  III.  614-11-126-9-10.  Fifth  address:  I.  710-17; 
II.  (fl)  71-3,  (£)  74-6,  (0  77-9,  (</)  81-3;  III.  9la-  3146-  916-4-7.  Baumann  sum 
marizes  the  thought  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  as  follows :  First  division 
(Amos)  :  Yahweh  will  bring  destruction  upon  Israel's  foes  and  also  upon  Israel; 
for  every  crime  demands  punishment.  (Israel)  :  How  unheard  of,  to  maintain 
that  Yahweh  would  destroy  his  own  people  !  Who  would  listen  to  such  folly? 
Second  division  (Amos)  :  What  I  speak  is  not  folly,  but  the  decree  of  God. 
Hear,  therefore,  especially  you  leaders  in  iniquity,  of  impending  disaster. 

*  With  whom  Now.2  is  in  essential  accord. 


CXXXVi  INTRODUCTION 

(Israel)  Our  cultus  at  the  sanctuaries  will  turn  aside  every  sort  of  disaster. 
Third  division  (Amos)  :  Vain  labor  of  love  !  Have  nut  past  calamities  taught 
you  that  Yahweh  demands  a  better  service?  Seek  him  through  the  practice 
of  morality  and  justice  !  But  no,  all  warning  is  useless.  Because  you  will  not 
listen,  you  cannot  be  helped.  Fourth  division  (Amos)  :  It  remains  only  to 
raise  the  funeral  dirge  and  to  wail  over  the  blind.  Destruction  is  inevitable. 
P*ifth  division  (Amos's  justification  of  his  message  in  response  to  the  protests 
of  Amaziah  and  the  people)  :  God,  whom  I  have  seen,  has  revealed  to  me 
what  must  come,  and  in  spite  of  my  earnest  entreaties,  has  held  fast  to  his 
decision. 

(5)  Marti  (1903)  finds  in  the  original  book  (a)  an  announcement  of 
judgment  upon  Damascus,  Ammon,  Moab,  and  Israel  herself:  I3-5-  13~15 
2i-3.  6-9. 11. 13-ic.  (£)  a  series  of  fragments  of  fourteen  sermons :  31  a- 2  34~6- 8  ^~n 

o!2  -,14  6. 15  ^1-3  ^4-7  aa  8-12  a  r  1-3  r  *•  5  a.  6.  14.  15  r7.  10-12.  16.  17   r  18.  20  6.  19.  21-25.  27  £1.  3-6  a  7 

58-10  511. 12. 13 a. 66.  is 6. 14.  (y)  the  five  visions  and  the  historical  episode:  71'9 
gi-3  9i-4. 7  9io-i7f  and  some  fragments  within  S4-14,  viz.  84-5- 7- lla- 12- 136- 14. 

5.  The  external  history  of  the  book  of  Amos  may  be  traced 
briefly  through  four  periods  :  — 

(i)  Direct  evidence  of  an  external  acquaintance  with  it  by 
other  prophets  is  perhaps  slight.  The  similarity  of  expression 
found  in  certain  passages  in  Hosea,*  as  compared  with  Amos, 
proves  nothing  ;  the  two  were  dealing  with  the  same  historical 
traditions  and  were  working  in  the  same  environment.  The  same 
thing  may  be  said  of  the  two  or  three  passages  in  which  Isaiah  and 
Amos  use  similar  expressions.!  In  Jeremiah,  on  the  other  hand, 
because  the  situation  is  a  similar  (although  not  the  same)  one, 
more  definite  trace  is  found  of  Amos's  influence.  J  In  Ezekiel, 
likewise,  some  points  of  external  resemblance  may  be  noted,  espe- 


*  E.g.  between  Am.  25  etc.  (sending  fire  upon  the  palace)  and  Ho.  814  (which  is 
late),  Am.  210  (the  rescue  from  Egypt)  and  Ho.  I2lof-,  Am.  y17  (threat  of  captivity 
in  an  unclean  land)  and  Ho.  93,  Am.  86  (corruption  01  Ephraim,  unjust  scales)  and 
Ho.  128,  Am.  88  95  and  Ho.  43,  Am.  46  and  Ho.  7!°. 

fCf.  Is.  30!°  with  Am.  2";  Is.  3y>9.ii.n  (px-.)  with  Am.  6*;  316 «•  with  Am. 
41  ff- ;  and  9~-io4  -f  525-39  with  Am.  44-13. 

J  This  is  seen,  perhaps,  in  the  formulas  employed  at  the  beginning  (">  *^CN  nr) 
and  at  the  end  of  the  utterances  against  foreign  nations  ;  cf.  472  48!  49!-  7  2S-  34  and 
Am.  I3-  6  etc. ;  also  4825-  44  492-  6-  -6-  39  with  Am.  i5-  8.  i~>  23 ;  and  in  the  similarities  to 
be  noticed  in  a  comparison  of  Je.  ij27  with  Am.  25,  2i10  with  g4,  2530  with  i2,  492? 
with  i4,  493  with  iis,  46°  with  2",  46"  with  8«,  4824  with  i12  2-,  49™-  -^-'-'-'  with  i12, 
487  493  with  i15.  The  phrase  "  virgin  Israel  "  is  found  only  in  Am.  and  Je.;  "  days 
are  coming"  occurs  in  no  other  prophetic  book-c- 


THE  LITERARY   FORM   OF  AMOS'S    WRITINGS     CXXXVii 

daily  in  the  passages  directed  against  foreign  nations.*  In  the 
other  prophets,  few  cases  of  direct  external  influence  may  be 
discovered.! 

But  it  is  not  in  such  external  manifestations  that  we  should 
expect  to  find  traces  of  Amos's  influence  upon  later  prophets. 
That  his  ministry  and  message  were  known  to  them  appears  from 
several  points  in  which  they  follow  closely  in  his  steps,  e.g.  in 
standing  aloof  from  the  great  body  of  so-called  prophets  in  their 
respective  periods ;  in  adopting  the  method  of  writing  down  their 
utterances;  in  the  continued  development  of  the  sermonic  dis 
course  introduced  by  him ;  in  following  the  fashion  of  directing  a 
certain  portion  of  their  attention  to  the  foreign  nations  ;  j  in  bas 
ing  their  work  on  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  national  judgment 
as  presented  by  Amos ;  in  holding  up  and  completing  the  new 
ideas  propounded  by  Amos  concerning  God  and  his  ethical 
demands  upon  humanity. 

(2)  The  external  relation  of  the  book  of  Amos  to  the  wisdom 
literature  is  not  indicated  by  anything  that  has  come  down  to  us. 
That  its  influence  was  felt  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  since  in  it  we 
have  the  first  definite  formulation  of  Yahweh's  relation  to  the  out 
side  world,  the  idea  which  lay  at  the  basis  of  all  Hebrew  wisdom  ; 
the  assignment  of  Israel  to  a  place  upon  a  level  with  other  nations 
(cf.  the  absence  of  any  reference  to  Israel  in  the  book  of  Prov 
erbs)  ;  an  example  of  Oriental  learning  in  history,  geography,  so 
cial  customs ;  the  very  essence  of  wisdom,  in  the  emphasis  placed 
upon  honesty,  purity,  etc. ;  together  with  an  almost  total  absence 
of  the  religious  sentiment  (v.s.). 

(3)  In  later  times  reference  is  made  to  the  Amos-book  in  Ecclus. 
4910,  where  "  the  twelve  prophets  "  are  mentioned,  showing  that  at 

*  Cf.  the  introductory  formula  in  Ez.  256-  8-  H- 15  26$-  "^  etc.,  and  the  closing  words 
in  257- 11.  H  266.  H.  21 ;  also  Ez.  272  28*2  322  with  Am.  5!,  2826  with  914,  355.  6  with  ill, 
68  with  98,  72.  6  with  82,  2818  with  ii°. 

t  Cf.  Zp.  24  «•,  in  which  the  same  cities  of  Philistia  are  mentioned  as  in  Am.  i6-8 
(Gath  being  omitted),  and  in  the  same  connection  a  call  issued  for  repentance  in 
language  almost  like  that  of  Am.  514-,  also  Zc.  gi-7,  in  which  Damascus,  Phoenicia, 
and  Philistia  are  threatened  (Gath  being  again  omitted  in  the  list  of  cities) ;  also 
Zc.  32  with  Am.  4!!,  Zc.  138  with  714,  Hag.  217  with  Am.  49.  On  the  resemblance  of 
Is.  425  457. 12  to  Am.  413  58ff-,  v.  p.  cxxxiv. 

t  E.g.  Is.  io5«.  13! «.  1428  ff.  151-1925  21  23  Je.  46  ff.  Ez.  25  ff.  Ob.,  Na.  28-318 
Zp.  24-13  Zc.  9i-7. 


Cxxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

that  time  there  was  a  book  of  Amos ;  in  Tobit  26,  where  the  book 
of  Amos  is  first  mentioned  by  name  and  a  citation  is  made  from 
810;  in  Acts  y42^  where  Am.  t,25  f-  is  quoted  and  assigned  to  "  the 
book  of  the  prophets";  and  in  Acts  i51Gf',  a  quotation  of  9"  in 
connection  with  other  "  words  of  the  prophets." 

(4)  The  place  of  the  book  in  the  Canon  is  naturally  with  "  the 
twelve."  Its  position  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  viz.,  third  (following 
Joel),  is  different  from  that  in  @,  where  it  is  second  (Joel  being 
placed  after  Micah). 

6.  Partly  on  a  priori  grounds  (it  being  thought  impossible  to 
conceive  of  a  herdsman  as  a  man  of  letters),*  and  partly  on  the 
ground  of  certain  words  which  were  wrongly  spelled  (these  have 
more  recently  been  discovered  to  be  textual  errors),  f  many  ex 
planations  of  the  uncultivated  and,  indeed,  rude  speech  of  Amos 
have  been  deemed  necessary.  The  fact  has  long  been  recognized, 
however,  that  these  estimates  were  wrong.  Recent  writers,  espe 
cially  since  W.  Robertson  Smith  in  1882,  have  vied  with  each 
other  in  appreciation  of  the  simplicity  and  refinement,  as  well  as 
of  the  vigor  of  Amos's  literary  style.  \  The  latest  critics  go  even  so 
far  as  to  deny  that  the  figures  which  he  employs  are  prevailingly 
those  of  the  shepherd-life.  § 

(1)  The  regular  and  simple  structure  of  the  book  (p.  cxxxii) 
exhibits  at  once  Amos's  style  of  thought.     What  could  be  more 
natural  and  easy  than  the  series  of  oracles,  the  series  of  sermons, 
and  the  series  of  visions?     It  is  unfortunate   that  some  recent 
critics  seem  as  blind  to  the  simplicity  of  Amos's  style  of  expres 
sion  as  were  the  older  critics  to  its  refined  nature. 

(2)  This  regularity,  or  orderliness,  exhibits  itself  in  detail  in  the 
repetition  of  the  same  formulas  for  three  transgressions,  yea  for 
four,  etc.,  in  the  opening  chapters  (or,  to  put  it  otherwise,  in  the 
orderly  arrangement  of  the  nations) ;    in  the  use  of  the  refrain, 
but  ye  did  not  return,  etc.,  in  the  poem  describing   Israel's  past 
chastisements  (44"13)!) ;  in  the  entire  form  of  the  first  three  visions 

*  Jerome,  in  his  introduction  to  Amos,  characterizes  Amos  as  imperitus  sermone 
sed  non  scientia. 

t  For  these  words,  viz.  p-'jJD  213,  DDDiPia  510,  3NHD  68,  101DD  610,  pnti"  716,  v. 
in  loc.  %  V.  especially  Mit. ;  Che.  EB.  155.  §  Che.  EB.  155. 

||  Isaiah  followed  closely  this  model  in  his  celebrated  poem  98-io4  526-30,  although 
a  portion  of  this  is  probably  later  than  Isaiah  himself. 


THE  LITERARY   FORM   OF  AMOS'S  WRITINGS    CXXX1X 

(71"9)  ;  in  the  almost  artificial  symmetry  of  form  seen  in  the  accu 
sation  (y10"14)  and  the  reply  (714~17) ;  in  the  series  of  illustrations 
employed  with  such  effect  in  33  ff- ;  in  the  structure,  in  general,  of 
the  several  pieces  (#./.).  Moreover,  these  various  series,  "while 
not  so  long  as  to  become  tiresome,  are  long  enough  to  impress 
upon  the  mind  of  the  reader  the  truths  that  they  are  intended  to 
illustrate  and  justify  the  use  of  them  by  the  prophet."  There  is 
here  the  skill,  not  only  of  the  poet  and  the  speaker,  but  also  of  the 
teacher.  Every  poem  in  the  book  is  a  notable  example  of  this 
same  direct,  straightforward  orderliness  of  thought. 

(3)  The  imagery  of  Amos,  like  that  of  Isaiah,  is  worthy  of  special 
study.     Tradition  has  probably  been  wrong  in  emphasizing   too 
strongly  the  prevailingly  shepherd-characteristics  (v.s.)  which  mark 
the  figures  employed  by  Amos.     But  no  one  will  deny  that  he 
is  especially  fond  of  drawing  his  language  from  nature  ;  and  what, 
after  all,  is  this  but  the  field  of  rural  life?      He  not  only  cites 
certain  facts  of  agricultural  significance,  e.g.  the  recent  drought, 
blasting  and  mildew  (47fL),  the  oppressive  taxation  of  crops  (511), 
and  the  cheating  of  the  grain  merchants  (85),  but  he  finds  pic 
turesque  illustrations  and  comparisons  in  "  threshing  instruments  " 
(i3),  the  loaded  wagon  on  the  threshing-floor  (213),  the  height  of 
the  cedars  and  the  strength  of  the  oaks  (29),  the  roar  of  the  lion 
in  the  forest  (34'8),  the  shepherd  rescuing  remnants  from  the  lion 
(312),  the  snaring  of  birds  (35),  the  "  kine  of  Bashan"  (41),  worm 
wood  (s7  612),   the   lion,    bear,   and    serpent  (519),  the  perennial 
stream  ($**),  horses  stumbling  upon  rocks  and  ploughing  the  sea 
with  oxen  (612),  swarms  of  locusts  devouring  the  aftermath  (ylf'), 
and  the  "  basket  of  summer  fruit  "  (81). 

(4)  Other  features  of  Amos's  style,  which  may  only  be  men 
tioned,  are  (a)  its  originality  (sometimes  called  unconventionality 
or  individuality),*  as  seen    in  a  certain    kind   of  independence, 
probably  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  a  pioneer  in  the  application 
of  waiting  to  prophetic  discourse ;  (b)  its  maturity,  for  nothing 
is  more  clear  than  that  he   had  predecessors  in  this  work  who 
had  developed,  in  no  small  degree,  a  technical  nomenclature  of 
prophecy  (v.s.) ;  (c)  its  artistic  character,  which  is  seen  not  only 

*  Cf.  Mit.  8. 


Cxi  INTRODUCTION 

in  strophes  with  refrains,  but  in  the  entire  strophic  structure  of 
the  various  pieces,  together  with  the  measure  and  parallelism,  v.i. 
It  is  probable  that  Amos's  style,  as  well  as  the  substance  of  his 
message,  is  to  be  explained  largely  by  the  circumstances  of  his 
environment  (v.s.). 

D.  HOSEA. 
§  1 6.  THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  HOSEA. 

The  facts  of  Hosea's  life,  while  altogether  different  from  those 
relating  to  Amos,  are  equally  interesting  and  instructive. 

i.  There  is  no  evidence  to  prove  that  the  man  Hosea  was  of 
the  tribe  of  Reuben  (a  view  based  on  the  resemblance  of  his 
father's  name,  Beeri,  to  Beerah,  i  Ch.  56)  ;  *  or  of  the  tribe  of 
Issachar  (p.  202)  ;  or  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  for  the  passages  in 
which  Judah  is  mentioned  are  for  the  most  part  doubtful,  since 
they  seem  to  be  part  of  a  plan  (p.  clix),  and  even  if  authentic 
would  prove  neither  the  prophet's  Judaean  birth,f  nor  the  sugges 
tion  that  the  book  was  written  out  in  Judah,  when  the  prophet 
(like  Amos)  had  been  sent  away.  J  On  the  name  Hosea,  v. 
p.  205  ;  on  the  bearing  of  the  superscription  i1,  v.  pp.  203  f.  It 
is  hardly  to  be  questioned  that  he  was  a  citizen  of  the  Northern 
kingdom  ;  v.  p.  202,  to  which  may  be  added,  §  as  matter  of  detail, 
that  (a}  the  interest  in  Northern  Israel  is  seen  in  his  intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  historical  conditions  and  foreign  interests 
of  the  North,  as  well  as  with  the  policies  of  intrigue  of  the  two 
political  parties ;  (b}  the  particular  places  with  which  familiarity 
is  shown,  all  of  which  lie  in  North  Israel,  are  Mizpah  in  the  east 
and  Tabor  in  the  west  (51),  Samaria  (frequently  mentioned,  71 
8«f.  I05.7  I3i6^  Gilead  (6s  I2n^  shechem  (69),  Gilgal  and  Bethel 
(415  915  io5-15  i2n),  Gibeah  and  Ramah  (5*  io9)  ;  (c)  the  differ 
ence  between  Amos's  point  of  view  and  that  of  Hosea  illustrates 

*  So,  many  Rabbis ;  cf.  Jer.  Quaestiones  in  Paralipomena. 

t  Jahn  and  Mau. ;  v.  p.  202. 

t  Umb.,  Ew. 

$  Certain  Aramaicisms,  e.g.  S-'.nn  (n3),  nru  (513),  axp  (io14),  and  the  frequent 
use  of  the  long  form  •OJN,  are  commonly  cited  in  support  of  Hosea's  northern 
origin ;  but  too  great  stress  may  not  be  laid  upon  these ;  cf.  Kautzsch's  Aramais- 
men  in  A.  T.,  which  recognizes  no  Aramaic  words  in  Hosea. 


THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  HOSEA  cxli 

well  the  difference  between  a  visitor  and  a  resident ;  (</)  the  great 
historical  significance  of  the  book  of  Hosea  is  largely  affected  by 
the  question  of  his  citizenship  in  the  Northern  kingdom. 

2.  The  date  and  circumstances  of  Hosea's  life  and  work  are, 
upon  the  whole,  quite  definitely  settled.  While  the  superscription 
i1  (pp.  203  f.)  is  from  a  later  date,  it  is  in  part  consistent  with  the 
facts.  Hosea  sustains  to  the  fall  of  the  Northern  kingdom  the 
same  relation  which  Jeremiah  sustained  a  century  and  a  half  later 
to  that  of  the  Southern  kingdom. 

(1)  Can  we,  however,  determine  how  early  he  began  his  work? 
or  how  late  he  continued  to  prophesy  ? 

The  following  indications  of  date  may  be  considered :  (a)  That  he  was 
preaching  in  743  B.C.  is  certain  in  view  of  the  threat  concerning  Jezreel  (i4), 
which  must  have  been  uttered  before  the  fall  of  Jehu's  house,  that  is,  before 
the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.;  for  Zechariah's  reign  was  very  short,  and  imme 
diately  thereupon  came  the  period  of  anarchy.  If  i4  was  uttered  in  743,  the 
prophet's  marriage  and  the  birth  of  his  oldest  son  must  be  understood  to  have 
preceded.  (On  the  date  of  the  writing  of  chaps.  1-3,  v.  §  19.)  (<$)  That  he 
lived  in  the  midst  of  the  period  of  anarchy  which  followed  the  death  of 
Jeroboam  II.  (i.e.  743-736  B.C.)  seems  to  be  shown  by  the  utterance  found 
in  7"  (perhaps  also  73ff-  84),  which  reflects  the  condition  of  things  in  this 
period.*  (c)  The  lack  of  allusion  of  any  kind  to  the  Syro-Ephraimitish  war 
of  Pekah  and  Rezin  against  Judah  (Is.  7,  2  K.  1587.38)  WOuld  indicate  that 
Hosea  was  not  in  active  service  at  that  time  (734-733  B.C.),  for  one  cannot 
imagine  silence  on  his  part  with  reference  to  events  of  such  importance,  f 
(af)  Still  further,  Gilead  in  Hosea's  day  was  still  a  part  of  Northern  Israel  (51  68 
I211);  but  in  734-733  B.C.  Gilead  and  Naphtali  passed  under  the  yoke  of 
Tiglathpileser.  J 

The  certain  dates,  then,  are  743  B.C.  and  734  B.C.  How  much 
earlier  than  743  Hosea  may  have  preached  cannot  be  determined. 

(2)  The   historical    events    of   the    period   just   indicated   (cf. 
2  K.  15)  fit  in  admirably  with  the  descriptions  of  Hosea's  times 
found  in  his  addresses.      (a)   In  the  earlier  part,  the  times  are 

*  Zechariah,  son  of  Jeroboam  II.,  is  assassinated  within  six  months  by  Shallum, 
son  of  Jabesh,  who,  in  turn,  is  killed  after  a  month  by  Menahem,  son  of  Gadi. 
He  reigns  about  six  years,  paying  tribute  to  Assyria  for  his  protection.  His  son 
Pekahiah,  after  a  reign  of  about  two  years,  is  assassinated  by  Pekah,  son  of  Rema- 
liah  (736  B.C.).  f  So  Now.,  Marti,  et  al. 

\  On  the  impossibility  of  treating  io14  as  an  indication  of  date,  thus  bringing 
Hosea's  work  down  as  late  perhaps  as  725  B.C.,  v.  discussion  in  loc. 


Cxlii  INTRODUCTION 

represented  as  prosperous,  just  as  in  the  days  of  Amos  ;  evidences 
of  wealth  and  ease  are  seen  on  every  hand,  and  punishment  is 
still  in  the  future  (2**- 9ff>)  ;  (£)  a  little  later  the  situation  is  greatly 
changed ;  lawlessness  is  prevalent  (42  51  y1),  the  panic-stricken 
rulers  are  vacillating  between  Assyria  and  Egypt  (513  711  I21), 
political  dissolution  has  already  begun  (7°  S8),  the  povverlessness 
of  the  kings  is  generally  recognized  (io3  13°),  the  religious  and 
political  leaders  are  the  worst  violators  of  the  laws  (48f>  51  g15), 
conspiracies  and  revolution  are  rife  (513  711  io6  I21),  and  anarchy 
prevails. 

(c)  While  the  situations  described  by  Amos  and  Hosea  have 
much  in  common,  there  is  also  much  that  is  different.  Hosea 
actually  sees  the  chaos  and  confusion,  the  decay,  of  which  he 
preaches.  Nor  are  the  evils  of  the  times,  as  seen  by  him,  limited 
to  those  of  the  ruling  classes  (cf.  41  *'• 8  f-  n'14  915),  as  for  the  most 
part  in  Amos.  Moreover,  Hosea  seems  to  be  himself  a  part  of 
the  situation,  in  a  sense  in  which  Amos,  not  being  a  resident  of 
Israel,  could  not  have  been.  He  did  not  see  so  widely,  but  he  saw 
more  deeply. 

3.  Concerning  Hosea's  occupation  and  social  standing,  we  are 
able  only  to  draw  inferences  of  a  more  or  less  uncertain  character. 
(a)  Was  he  a  member  of  the  prophetic  society?     Nothing  is  to 
be  found  which  would  point  in  this  direction.*     (b)  Was  he  a 
priest,  and  for  this  reason  was  he  enabled  to  speak  against  the 
evil  practices  of  his  class  as  no  one  else  could  have  done?|    This 
is  an  interesting  conjecture,  with  perhaps  as  little  evidence  in  its 
favor  as  against  it.     His  intimacy  with  life  of  every  kind,  in  nature 
and  among  men,  those  of  the  country  as  well  as  those  of  the  city, 
does  not  oppose  this  view.      (Y)   His  acquaintance  with  life  in 
general,  and  especially  with  that  of  the  priests,  taken  in  connec 
tion  with  his  familiarity  with  the  plans  of  both  political  parties, 
and  his  intimate  knowledge  of  his  country's  history  (pp.  cliii,  cliv), 
may  reasonably  warrant   us   in   the   opinion  that   he  occupied  a 
"  distinguished  position  "  as  a  citizen  in  his  native  land. 

4.  Hosea's  call  and  preparation  constitute  a  tragedy  in  domestic 


*  WRS.  Proph.  156. 

t  So  Duhm,  Theol.  130  f. ;  cf.  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  577  f. ;  Marti,  p.  a. 


THE  PERSONAL   LIFE  OF   HOSEA  cxliii 

life,  and  give  us  even  a  deeper  insight  into  his  career  and  pro- 
piietic  work  than  we  could  obtain  concerning  Amos  from  the  data 
in  his  book.*  It  is  important,  however,  not  to  make  use  of  later 
material  in  forming  this  estimate.  We  are  to  put  aside,  without 
hesitation,  i7  i10-21  22»-4-6-7-10-1*-16-18-23  35.  This  leaves  us  (v.  pp. 
205  ff.)  the  story  of  Comer's  harlotry  (i2"6-8*" ),  the  story,  continued, 
of  her  purchase  as  a  slave,  and  her  retention  "many  days,"  31"*. 
While  22«.c.<*.3.5.8f.iif.i3.i7  are  from  the  pr0phet's  own  hand,  they 
furnish  us  light  upon  his  life  only  as  this  may  be  reflected  in  his 
own  interpretation  of  that  life  in  connection  with  Yahweh  and 
Israel. 

1 i )  The  story  is  this :  He  marries  a  woman  who,  afterward, 
proves  unfaithful  to  him.     At  the  birth  of  the  first  son  (whose 
father  is  another  than  Hosea,  although  the  latter  is  as  yet  ignorant 
of  his  wife's  infidelity),  Hosea  calls  him  Jezreel  (p.  211),  a  name 
of  symbolical   character   (cf.  the   names   of  Isaiah's   children). 
When  the  next  child,  a  daughter,  comes  (also  in  sin),  Hosea,  now 
cognizant  of  his  wife's  unfaithfulness,  names  the  child  No-love. 
Still  another  son  is  born,  who  is  called  by  Hosea  Not-my-Kin. 
The  woman,  it  would  seem,  now  leaves  home  and  falls  into  the 
hands  of  some  man  whose  slave-concubine  she  becomes.     But 
Hosea,  who  has  loved  her  from  the  beginning  and  in  spite  of  all 
her  shame,  purchases  her  at  the  price  of  a  slave.     The  relation 
ship  of  wife,  however,  is  not  reestablished  ;  how  could  it  be?    She 
is  placed  where  she  will,  in  discipline,  be  shut  off  from  inter 
course  with  men,  even  from  the  legitimate  intercourse  with  her 
husband.     This  period  of  seclusion  will  last  "  many  days."     How 
long?     No  indication  is  given. 

(2)  It  is  to  be  especially  noticed  that  (a)  the  conclusion  of  the  story  is  not 
given  us.     We  do  not  know  whether  in  the  end  she  was  finally  restored  to 
full  companionship.     (£)  While  according  to  Israelitish  law  and  custom  the 
wife  was  a  part  of  the  possessions  or  property  of  the  husband,  and  the  mar 
riage  relation  was  based  upon  this  idea,  in  Hosea's  case  the  relationship  was 
one  of  love,  so  strong  that  it  forced  him  to  do  unheard-of  things,     (c)  The 
period  required  for  these  transactions  must  have  covered  six  or  seven  years. 
(d)  The  "tragic  isolation"  of  Hosea  through  all  these  years  is  clearly  evi- 

*  On  the  various  views  entertained  of  the  transaction  in  the  first  chapter  and 
the  literature  of  the  same,  v.  pp.  204  ff. 

k 


Cxliv  INTRODUCTION 

dent.  (<?)  The  feeling  which  suggests  the  naming  of  the  first  child  is  widely 
different  from  that  connected  with  the  naming  of  the  second  and  third 
children. 

(3)  The  truth  of  these  representations  concerning  the   domestic  life  of 
Hosea  rests  partly  upon  the  general  interpretation  of  the  narrative  which  is 
adopted,  and  partly  upon  our  acceptance  of  31"4  as  belonging  to  the  original 
narrative,     (a)  Concerning  the  general  interpretation  and  the  objections  to 
it,  v.  pp.  208-210.     But  these  objections  are  largely  imaginary;   for  it  is  pure 
assumption  that  a  call  to  prophesy  may  come  only  in  a  vision,  and  that  con 
sequently  this  must  be  a  vision.    The  years  required  for  all  these  events  need 
not  have  exceeded  six  or  seven  (v.s.~),  leaving  abundant  time  for  prophetic  ac 
tivity.     The  fundamental  point  to  be  noted  is  that  the  principal  contribution 
of  the  domestic  experience  was  not  the  message  concerning  the  destruction  of 
Israel,  but  that  concerning  the  great  love  of  Yahweh  in  spite  of  faithlessness. 
It  is  just  as  easy  to  suppose  that  the  prophet  kept  Gomer  in  his  house  after  be 
coming  cognizant  of  her  infidelity,  as  to  suppose  that  he  imagined  himself  so 
doing.     The  fact  that  Comer's  infidelity  did  not  develop  until  after  the  mar 
riage  is  not  ignored  in  the  text,  but  plainly  indicated  in  the  use  of  the  phrase 
-wife  of  "whoredoms  (i2a)  rather  than  njr  (p.  207).  The  usage  of  speech,  as  well 
as  the  psychological  conception  involved  in  the  command  of  Yahweh  to  marry 
a  woman,  who,  as  Yahweh  knows,  will   break  her  marriage  vows,  is  to  be 
compared  with  representations  concerning  the  hardening  of  Pharaoh's  heart 
(Ex.  lo1  ii10  I44),  and  the  commission  to  Isaiah  (69f-),  these  being  really  not 
commands,  but  events  which  in  the  light  of  later  history  are  so  interpreted. 
Still  further,  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  the  marriage  to  teach  that  Yahweh 
was  Israel's  husband,  nor  is  it  so  to  be  understood ;   it  was  rather  to  teach  the 
wonderful  love  on  the  part  of  one  who  was  released  from  all    obligations  of 
nature  or  contract.    Moreover,  we  may  well  understand  that  this  experience, 
which  was  primarily  a  revelation  to  Hosea,  also  served  in  the  prophet's  work 
as  a  means  of  communicating  to  the  people  the  thought  which  it  first  con 
veyed  to  the  prophet  himself.     (//)   In  opposition  to  the  view  that  31"4  is  from 
a  later  hand  and  to  be  treated  wholly  as  allegory,  I  would  urge  (in  addition 
to  what  has  been  said,  p.  217)  that  the  change  in  conception  from  the  land 
as  Yahweh's  bride  (i2  and  chap.  2)  to  the  sons  of  Israel  is  only  a  rhetorical 
effort  toward  personification  and  individualization,  common  enough  and  thor 
oughly  Hebraic.     The  phrase  other  Gods  (31)  refers  to  the  Baalim  (p.  218), 
whose  existence  Hosea,  as  well  as  Amos,  certainly  recognized  (p.  cxlviii  f.), 
whatever  may  have  been  his  feeling  toward  the  images  of  Yahweh.     It  is 
unquestionable  that  the  later  utterances  of  Hosea  are  permeated  through  and 
through  with  the  idea  of  Yahweh's  love  (p.  cxlix),  notwithstanding  the  large 
place  occupied  also  by  the  opposite  conception,  viz.  Yahweh's  righteous  indig 
nation.     There  is  really  nothing  tangible  that  has  been  offered  by  any  one  to 
prove  the  later  date  of  chap.  3. 

(4)  The  consideration  of  this   domestic   experience   as  the  basis  of  the 
prophet's  call  or  of  his  preparation  for  his  message  belongs  properly  under 


THE  PERSONAL  LIFE  OF  HOSEA  Cxlv 

the  topic  of  his  message  (v.i.} ;  but  in  this  connection  two  things  may  be 
mentioned :  (a)  The  narrative  of  this  experience,  written  some  time  after 
ward,  shows,  as  do  the  similar  cases  of  Isaiah  (chap.  6)  and  Jeremiah  (chap,  i), 
that  the  prophet  has  interpreted  into  the  narrative  much  of  his  later  ex 
perience.  In  other  words,  the  logical  order  was  the  experience,  the  great 
truth  which  it  suggested,  the  narration  of  the  experience  in  the  light  of 
this  truth.  (<£)  This  is  exactly  analogous  to  the  case  of  Amos;  for  while  the 
one  heard  the  voice  of  God  in  the  rising  Assyrian  situation,  which  itself  was 
the  occasion  of  both  the  form  and  the  content  of  his  visions,  the  other  heard  it 
in  the  ruin  of  his  home.  It  was  in  neither  case  merely  a  vision,  but  rather  a 
psychological  experience  extending  over  a  considerable  period. 

(5)  The  basis  of  the  prophet's  own  interpretation  of  his  experience  was 
found  in  that  most  common  Semitic  conception  that  the  national  deity  was 
the  husband  of  the  land ;  but  he  puts  an  entirely  new  thought  into  the  old 
form  of  the  conception  (y.i.}.  Love,  as  such,  was  not  a  necessary  accom 
paniment  of  marriage  in  the  olden  times.  Here  the  entire  emphasis  is  placed 
upon  this  phase  of  the  marriage  experience. 

5.  If  one  can  imagine  a  character  almost  the  opposite  of  that 
of  Amos,  he  will  have  pictured  Hosea  to  himself,  (i)  This  picture, 
however,  would  be  misleading  if  Hosea  were  thought  of  as  weak. 
In  this  particular,  as  in  all  others,  he  was  not  inferior  to  Amos ; 
but  his  strength  was  of  another  kind.  It  was  that  of  endurance 
under  incalculable  agony ;  and  also  of  persistence  against  the  com 
bined  forces  of  the  leaders  of  his  times.  (2)  His  character  was  as 
complex  as  that  of  Amos  was  simple.  There  is  manifestation  every 
where  of  contending  and  conflicting  feelings ;  of  tenderness  side 
by  side  with  indignation,  of  love  and  hate  commingled  ;  of  leniency 
passing  swiftly  into  severity  and  the  reverse,  and  of  hope  for  the 
future  actually  turning  before  the  gaze  into  an  almost  absolute 
despair.  "  The  swift  transition,  the  fragmentary,  unbalanced  utter 
ance,  the  half-developed  allusions,  that  make  his  prophecy  so 
difficult  to  the  commentator,  express  the  agony  of  this  inward 
conflict."  *  (3)  This  means  a  nature  strongly  emotional.  So 
true  is  this  of  Hosea  (cf.  the  strikingly  parallel  case  of  Jeremiah) 
that  not  infrequently  he  seems  to  lose  his  self-control,  and  to 
become  subject  to  these  same  emotions.  (4)  One  side  of  this 
emotional  nature  is  seen  in  his  affectionate  character,  of  which 
the  entire  family  story  is  an  expression.  The  depth  of  his  affec- 


*  WRS,  Proph.  157. 


cxlvi  INTRODUCTION 

tion,  the  gentleness  which  characterized  it,  and,  likewise,  the 
passion,  of  which  a  glimpse  is  now  and  then  obtained,  all  point  to 
a  personality  unique  in  Old  Testament  history.  (5)  Still  another 
phase,  closely  associated  with  the  emotional,  is  his  strongly 
marked  religious  temperament,  in  contrast  with  the  ethical,  as 
it  is  seen  in  Amos.  "  Amos  is  the  stern  moralist ;  Hosea  is  the 
man  of  religious  affection.  Amos  sees  the  righteous  will  of  Yah- 
weh  pronouncing  and  executing  judgment  upon  Israel;  Hosea 
has  a  vision  of  the  loving  heart  of  Yahweh  grieving  over  his  erring 
children."*  (6)  But  Hosea  was  not  illogical,  as  he  has  so  fre 
quently  been  represented.  His  ability,  notwithstanding  conflicting 
feelings,  to  give  expression  to  a  system  of  theology  which  was  to 
serve  henceforth  as  the  basis  of  all  Israelitish  thought,  is  a  factor 
worthy  of  consideration  in  any  estimate  of  his  character.  He  was, 
in  a  strange  and  true  sense,  a  typical  Israelite,  and  his  thought,  as 
time  shows,  was  the  thought  which  Israel  would  accept.  This 
must  have  come  about,  at  least  in  part,  because  his  character  was 
fundamentally  the  Israelitish  character,  viz.  strong,  complex, 
emotional,  religious. 

§  17.  THE  MESSAGE  OF  HOSEA. 

Hosea's  message  is  hardly  less  important  than  that  of  Amos. 
The  special  interest  lies  in  three  facts,  viz. :  ,(i)  the  personal 
element  which  pervades  it  throughout,  for  one  feels  that,  after 
all,  the  message  is  not  so  much  a  part  of  the  political  situa 
tion,  nor,  indeed,  of  the  religious,  as  the  man  himself;  (2)  the 
supplementary  relation  which  it  sustains  to  that  of  Amos,  both 
together  giving  the  two  sides  of  one  great  conception ;  (3)  the 
fact  that  in  connection  with  the  delivery  of  this  message  the 
end  of  Northern  Israel  is  rapidly  approaching,  for  within  a  dozen 
years  all  will  be  over. 

i.  The  general  thought  of  Hosea's  message  is  summed  up 
briefly  in  connection  with  a  very  few  propositions  :  (a)  Israel  is 
wicked  through  and  through,  and  her  condition  morally  is  that  of 
rottenness,  (fr)  Israel  is  politically  doomed,  the  last  stages  of 
decay  having  now  been  reached,  (c)  Yahweh  is  Israel's  father, 

*  H.  P.  Smith,  O.  T,  Hist.  221. 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  HOSEA  cxlvii 

with  all  a  father's  love  and  interest ;  he  is  Israel's  husband,  with 
all  a  husband's  love  and  devotion,  (d}  Israel  fails  to  comprehend 
Yahweh ;  has  a  totally  wrong  conception  of  him  ;  in  short,  Israel 
does  not  know  Yahweh.  (e)  Israel  deceives  herself  in  her  acts 
of  repentance  ;  but  there  is  a  repentance  which  consists  in  turning 
back  to  Yahweh.*  (/)  Israel's  present  attitude  toward  Yahweh's 
love  means,  in  the  end,  her  total  destruction. 

2.  The  question  of  insertions  sustains  even  a  closer  relation  to  the  message 
of  Hosea  than  in  the  case  of  Amos.     (For  the  passages  which  a  scientific 
criticism  denies  to  the  original  utterance,  v.i.  p.  clx,  and  for  the  considerations 
which  have  led  to  the  opinion  thus  expressed,  v.  each  passage  in  loc.,  as 
well  as  p.  clix.)    There  is  involved  in  this,  especially,  the  question  whether  to 
Hosea  or  to  later  writers  we  shall  ascribe  the  strongly  expressed  teaching  of 
Israel's  restoration,  which  is  found  in  the  book  as  it  is  now  constituted.     The 
most  careful  consideration  seems  to  show  that  this  thought  is  non-Hoseanic 
(p.  clix). 

3.  Again  it  may  be  said  :   Hosea  followed  Amos.     But  what  did 
that  signify  ?     What  did  Amos  do  that  Hosea  need  not  do  again  ? 
What  did  Amos  leave  undone,  which  Hosea  must  now  do  ?  |     Amos 
aroused  the  conscience  of  Israel  to  a  perception  of  the  real  state 
of  affairs  ;  but,  aside  from  the  most  general  injunction,  Seek  Yahweh 
and  ye  shall  live  (Am.  5*),  he  refers  neither  to  a  restoration  (9 12"15 
being  late)  nor  to  any  plan  for  securing  such  a  restoration.     That 
Yahweh  loved  his  people,  and  had  manifested  this  love  on  many 
occasions  of  great  national  importance,  was  evident.     This  love 
was  indeed  the  basis  in  some  measure  of  the  ethical  develop 
ment  thus  far  wrought  out.     But  although  this  love  was  already 
recognized,  there  remained,  in  view  of  the  emphasis  which  Amos 
lays  on  universal  law,  another  problem  to  be  solved,   viz.,  "  to 
prove   in    God   so   great  and    new  a  mercy  as  was  capable   of 
matching  that  law,"  J  in  other  words,  it  is  necessary  for  a  prophet 
"  to  arise  with  as  keen  a  conscience  of  law  as  Amos  himself,  and 
yet  affirm  that  love  was  greater  still ;   to  admit  that  Israel  was 
doomed,  and  yet  "  (not  "  promise  their  redemption,"  but)  show 
that  redemption,  i.e.  repentance,  is  possible;  and  that  the  basis 

*  A  later  writer  (12^)  includes  also  the  maintaining  of  true  love  and  justice,  and 
the  waiting  continually  on  God.  t  GAS.  I.  227  ff.  J  GAS.  I.  229. 


Cxlviii  INTRODUCTION 

of  this  redemption  is  as  fundamental  as  is  the  basis  of  law  itself, 
This  was  what  Hosea  had  to  do ;  and  in  doing  it  he  is  marking 
out  the  lines  (v.s.)  of  all  subsequent  prophecy.  31"4  (v.5  being  late) 
clearly  involves  (a)  Israel's  continued  relationship  with  Yahweh, 
(fr)  her  days  of  punishment  for  the  sake  of  discipline,  (c)  her 
acquisition  of  a  new  spirit  and  her  return  or  redemption ;  but, 
while  (a)  and  (fr)  are  definitely  expressed,  (c)  is  only  implied.  This 
was  left  so,  because  the  means  and  method  were  outside  of  Hosea's 
vision ;  not  so,  however,  the  fact  and  its  philosophy. 

4.  The  circumstances  of  Hosea's  earlier  life  were  practically 
the  same  as  those  under  which  Amos  worked.     But  in  the  later 
period  of  his  ministry  everything  had  changed  (v.s.).     We  are 
not  to  suppose,  however,  that  the  popular  feeling  (pp.  ex  ff.)  on 
fundamental  questions  had  been  greatly  altered.      Hosea  takes 
cognizance  of  certain  phases  of  this  opinion  which  Amos  seems 
not  to  have  noticed,  e.g.  image-worship,  the  platforms  of  the  two 
great  political  parties,  the  national  feeling  as  to  the  past  history 
of  the  nation.      These  and  other  subjects  constituting  the  popular 
usage  or  opinion  which  Hosea  opposed  will  be  taken  up  briefly  in 
connection  with  the  statement  of  his  convictions  (zu.). 

5.  Hosea,  when  compared  with  Amos,  is  found  to  deal  very 
differently  with  the  same  question.      While  Amos  was  broader, 
Hosea  goes   deeper;  Amos  is  controlled  solely  by  the  ethical 
spirit,    Hosea    by   the    religious    spirit.      The   more    important 
details  are  the  following  :  — 

(i)  The  god  of  Hosea  was  omnipotent  as  truly  as  was  that  of 
Amos ;  but  this  idea  of  power  occupies  no  such  place  in  Hosea's 
thought  as  in  that  of  Amos. 

(#)  Yahweh's  power  over  nature  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  not  Baal,  but  Yahweh, 
had  been  the  giver  of  Israel's  gifts  (28),  in  the  affliction  which  the  land  and 
the  beasts  thereof  are  soon  to  suffer  (43  92),  as  well  as  in  the  control  of  Sheol 
itself  (i314).  In  history  his  hand  has  wrought  many  wonderful  things  which 
have  occurred  in  Israel's  own  life  as  a  nation  {e.g.  the  deliverance  from  Egypt, 
ill  I29  i34-5;  tender  guidance  in  their  early  history,  n3-4;  the  sending  of 
prophets,  I210);  but  Hosea  exhibits  no  interest  in  the  work  of  Yahweh 
outside  of  Israel. 

(b)  Was  Hosea  more  truly  a  monotheist  than  was  Amos?  It 
cannot  be  said  that  Hosea  has  a  narrower  conception  of  the 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  HOSEA  cxlix 

deity ;  but  for  him,  as  for  his  predecessor,  Yahweh  is  a  national 
god  (34  93  i34),  especially  concerned  with  a  single  nation.  His 
representation  of  this  god,  now  as  the  light  (65),  again  as  a  lion 
(514  T37)>  or  a  gnawing  worm  (512),  vividly  expresses  the  writer's 
conception  of  the  divine  attitude  and  power.  The  anthropomor 
phism  is  strong  and  startling.  Yahweh  is  always  represented  as 
speaking,  there  being  only  a  single  case  in  chaps.  4-14  of  an  in 
troductory  formula  (41).  The  representations  of  love  on  Yahweh's 
part  (especially  those  of  the  father  and  the  husband),  and  those 
also  of  indignation  and  threatened  destruction  (5mi4f-  i214  13™) 
bespeak  a  poetic  nature,  but  at  the  same  time  present  ideas  of  the 
deity  of  a  peculiarly  fundamental  character  (v.s.). 

(c)  The  image-worship  of  these  times,  passed  over  in  silence 
by  Elijah,  Elisha,  and  Amos  (p.  cxvi),  is  the  subject  of  "  incessant 
polemic  "  on  the  part  of  Hosea  (85>  6  \  cf.  i  K.  1 228  Ex.  3  24- 5).  This 
idea,  not  altogether  new  (cf.  the  decalogues,  pp.  Iviii  ff.),  plays  a 
large  part  in  Hosea's  conception.  Hosea,  looking  deeper  than 
those  who  preceded,  sees  in  the  traditional  Yahweh-worship  of 
his  times  what  he  believes  to  be  the  worship  of  other  gods  (31 ;  v.s.), 
Yahweh  regards  it  as  sinful  to  make  idols  or  to  worship  them  (i32), 
and  all  this  applies  to  the  calf- worship  of  Hosea's  times.  Why 
was  it  Hosea  rather  than  Amos  who  took  this  position?  Because, 
as  W.  Robertson  Smith  has  suggested,*  while  Amos  looked  at  the 
national  practices  from  the  ethical  point  of  view  and  that  of  the 
administration  of  justice,  Hosea  thought  of  them  rather  as  they 
affected  the  personal  relation  of  the  nation  to  Yahweh  himself. 
Israel,  in  idol-worship,  shows  no  true  conception  of  the  love  due 
Yahweh.  She  is,  in  fact,  an  adulteress.  The  worship  given  the 
calves  is  morally  false,  and  therefore  inadequate  and  injurious  (zu.). 

(2)  The  fundamental  idea  of  Hosea  is  his  conception  of  Yahweh 
as  a  god of 'love  (31  1 11"4).  The  word  "ton  love,  kindness,  "  leal  love  " 
(never  found  in  Amos),  represents  an  act  or  feeling  of  dutiful  or 
loyal  affection  (64  6  io12).  There  is  a  relationship  (67)  between 
Yahweh  and  Israel  which  calls  upon  both  to  exercise  this  feeling 
toward  each  other.  The  obligation  is  not  merely  a  legal  one ;  it 
is  likewise  moral.  We  may  not  overlook  the  fact  that,  although 

*  Proph.  176  fc 


Cl  INTRODUCTION 

this  relationship  is  in  one  sense  multiform  (viz.  grace  on  the  part 
of  Yahweh  to  Israel,  piety  on  the  part  of  Israel  to  Yahweh,  and  love 
[equivalent  to  humanity]  on  the  part  of  one  Israelite  to  another), 
this  multiformity  was  lost  in  the  unity  of  the  conception.  Yahweh 
is  not  only  the  head  of  a  state  demanding  justice,  he  is  the  head 
(i.e.  the  father)  of  a  family,  for  which  he  has  a  deep  and  never 
ending  love.  This  love  is  the  basis  and  the  principal  factor  of 
religion.  Because  Yahweh  loves  Israel,  Israel  should  be  true  to 
him,  i.e.  moral.* 

(3)  His  most  bitter  complaint  against  his  people  is  that  they  do 
not  know  Yahweh  (2*  4*- 6>  5*  66  82 ;  cf.  in  loc.).-\  In  brief,  we  are 
to  take  know  as  meaning  not  only  knowledge,  but  also  the  practical 
application  which  knowledge  calls  for.  It  is  understanding,  or 
comprehension,  but  more ;  for  to  know  God  is  to  feel  the  force 
of  the  deity  and  to  act  accordingly,  i.e.  to  have  the  feeling  (of 
love,  or  duty,  or  whatever  else)  which  a  knowledge  of  God  implies. 
To  come  to  know  God,  then,  means  to  come  into  a  new  state  of 
mind.  Now,  (a)  Hosea  is  not  asking  Israel  to  accept  knowledge 
which  the  nation  once  possessed,  but  has  lost;  it  is  something 
really  new  in  religion  which  he  is  holding  out  to  them,  although 
in  i36  this  ignorance  is  rhetorically  styled  forgetfulness ;  more 
over,  (&)  he  clearly  indicates  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their 
reaching  up  to  this  new  knowledge,  viz.  their  evil  life  (41  ff>)  and 
the  failure  of  the  religious  leaders,  priests  and  prophets,  to  do 
their  duty  (46ff-  5lff-)  ;  but  (c)  if  these  difficulties  should  be  removed, 
how  might  Israel  gain  this  true  knowledge  of  Yahweh  ?  {  Through 
the  many  deeds  in  which  Yahweh  has  made  manifestations  of 
himself  in  history  (#.j.) ;  through  the  prosperity  and  abundance 
with  which  she  has  been  blessed  (28) ;  and,  still  further,  through 
the  laws  or  teachings  which  have  already  taken  formal  shape  (46) ; 
but,  so  hardened  and  insensible  has  Israel  become  to  these  and 
all  similar  influences,  that  Yahweh  will  be  compelled  to  come 
upon  them  in  violence  and  with  disaster,  in  order  to  make  im 
pression  on  their  minds.  This  is  the  doom  of  the  immediate 
future  (i316). 

*  Cf.  WRS.  Proph.  160  ff. ;  GAS.  I.  346  ff. ;  Now.  9  f. ;  Marti,  5  f. 
t  An  admirable  discussion  of  the  full  meaning  of  know,  as  it  is  here  used,  will 
be  found  in  GAS.  I.  320  ff.  +  Cf.  GAS.  I.  326  f. 


THE  MESSAGE  OF  HOSEA  cli 

(4)  While  the  exact  relation  of  Yahweh  to  Israel,*  represented 
under  the  various  figures  described  above,  is  that  of  a  covenant 
(67),  or  a  marriage  (22ff-  3lff-),  or  that  of  father  and  son  (nlff-), 
what  does  Hosea  understand  his  relation  to  be  to  the  outside 
nations?     To  this  question  no  definite  answer  can  be  given.     As 
has  been  noted,  Hosea  concerns  himself  little  with  the  world 
outside.     He  realizes  that  there  is  such  a  world ;  he  teaches  that 
Egypt  and  Assyria  will  be  used  in  the  chastisement  of  Israel ;  he 
gives,  therefore,  a  place  of  superiority  to  Yahweh  over  the  nations 
and  over  their  gods.     Further  than  this  he  does  not  go.     This  is 
in  accord  with  the  general  fact  that  Hosea,  unlike  Amos,  is  not 
interested  in  state  or  nation  history.     He  thinks  of  Israel,  not  as 
a  state,  but  as  a  family ;  not  so  much  as  a  government,  but  as  an 
individual,  either  child  or  wife.      It  is  everywhere  the  personal 
attitude  that  is  made  most  of. 

(5)  The  substance  of  Hosea's  message  on  the  cultus  (413f-  66  811'13, 
10  throughout,  i31£)  is  the  same  as  that  of  Amos  (p.  cxix),  and  need 
not  be  dwelt  upon.f     It  is  only  to  be  noted,  as  above,  that  because 
so  much  emphasis  is  placed  upon  the  personal  element,  the  faith 
lessness  of  Israel  in  the  matter  of  acts  of  worship  appears  all  the 
greater.     The  physical  and  sensual  character  of  the  cultus,  taken 
over  from  the  Canaanitish  worship  of  the  Baalim,  was  wholly  foreign 
and  repugnant  to  Hosea's  conception  of  the  truly  spiritual  relation 
of  Yahweh  to  his  people.     His  opposition  to  the  calf-worship  in 
particular  was  in  large  part  due  to  its  carnal  tendencies.     These 
things  were  fundamentally  antagonistic  to  the  new  conception  of 
Yahweh  for  which  Hosea  stood ;  hence  it  is  that  the  denunciation 
of  the  cultus  occupies  a  much  larger  place  in  the  utterances  of 
Hosea  than  in  those  of  Amos. 

(6)  The  immorality  of  Israel  is  pictured  even  more  vividly  by 
Hosea  than  by  Amos.     The  situation  was  the  darkest  possible 
(v.s.) ;  for  the  land  is  full  of  "  harlotry  "  and  "  adultery."     The 
fact  that  this  general  immorality  is  in  part  due  to  the  Canaanitish 
influence  makes  the  prophet's  case  all  the  stronger  from  his  point 
of  view.      His  lamentation  is  frequently  and  strongly  expressed 

*  Cf.  WRS.  Proph.  161,  162. 

tCf.  GAS.  I.  286  ff.;  WRS.  Proph.  175  f. ;  HPS.  O.  T.  Hist.  222;  Sm.  Rel. 
207  f. ;  Duhm,  Theol.  128  f. 


Clii  INTRODUCTION 

(48  5L1°-1S  64  ii12).  A  heinous  thing  is  the  fact  that  the  leaders, 
particularly  the  priests,  encourage  this  immorality  for  the  gain 
which  they  derive  from  it  (cf.  46).  The  sanctuaries,  he  declares, 
are  dens  of  thieves ;  while  the  priests  are  the  actual  leaders  in 
crime  (69).  Against  all  this  Hosea  (a)  utters  scathing  rebuke, 
(b)  makes  earnest  effort  to  stir  the  public  conscience,  and  (<r) 
preaches  *iDn,  which  means  just  as  truly  love  to  man,  as  love  of 
God  or  love  to  God.  The  strange  thing  is  that  he  finds  in  religion 
itself  the  responsibility  for  the  situation. 

(7)  The  political  situation*  at  home  and  abroad  is  treated  in 
much  detail.  Hosea  is  convinced  (a)  that  Israel's  home  policy 
from  the  beginning  has  been  wrong.  Israel's  kings,  as  distin 
guished  from  those  of  Judah  (84),  are  not  of  divine  appointment. 
In  other  words,  the  schism  is  condemned,  and  while  he  does  not 
"  yearn  for  the  healing  of  the  schism  by  a  Davidic  king  "  (Cheyne),t 
he  sees  no  future  for  a  kingdom  whose  religion  is  represented  by 
calves  (85-6).  Moreover,  while  84  may  refer  to  the  original  schism, 
it  is  general  enough  to  include  the  kings  who  come  one  after  another 
in  his  own  day.  His  attack  upon  the  anarchy  and  confusion  of 
his  day  (cf.  84"13)  is  most  violent  (io3ff-  71'7  87ff-).  He  declares 
that  society  is  a  "  cake  not  turned  "  (7®),  i.e.  half  raw,  half  baked 
to  a  cinder  ;  j  that  Israel  has  no  leaders  worthy  of  the  name  ;  that 
the  strength  of  the  people  is  worn  out ;  that  they  are  actually  held 
in  contempt  by  the  outside  nations.  This  was  the  natural  outcome 
of  (b}  their  foreign  policy,  which  was  one  of  vacillation  between 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  one  of  half-hearted  substitution  of  other 
gods  for  Yahweh,  the  result  of  which  is  seen  in  the  actual  deposi 
tion  of  their  kings  and  the  appointment  of  Assyrian  vicegerents  on 
the  Israelitish  throne.  §  But  another  political  party  will  not  accept 
Assyrian  supremacy  and  turns  to  Egypt.  Thus  they  are  divided 
among  themselves ;  and,  whatever  unity  might  have  gained,  all  is 
lost  in  this  conflict  of  interests. 


*  GAS.  I.  269-289;  Che.  25  f.  ;  WRS.  Proph.  183  f. ;  HPS.  O.  T.  Hist.  224  f. ; 
We.  Prol.  417. 

t  35  is  not  from  Hosea.  +  GAS. 

\  Menahem  held  his  throne  as  a  vassal  of  Assyria  (2  K.  1517-20 ;  Tiglathpileser's 
Annals,  1.  150),  while  Hoshea  seems  to  have  been  an  Assyrian  appointee  (Tig 
lathpileser's  small  Inscription,  col.  I.,  Is.  15  ff.;  cf.  KAT?  264  f.). 


THE   MESSAGE  OF  HOSEA  cliii 

(8)  Hosea's   mind   dwells   minutely  on  Israel's   past   history, 
which  he  interprets  in  the  light  of  the  situation  of  his  own  days.* 
This  interpretation  was  carried  forward,  and  became  the  basis  of 
all  later  treatment  of  the  past.     This  fact  is  one  of  the  most  sig 
nificant  in  connection  with  Hosea's  career ;  and  in  the  influence 
thus  exerted  he  proved  himself,  perhaps,  the  greatest  of  Israel's 
prophets.     We   have  four  great  interpretations  of  Israel's  early 
history,  that  of  JE,  which,  after  all,  is  hardly  an  interpretation  in 
the  sense  in  which  we  now  use  that  term  ;  that  of  Hosea ;  and,  after 
him,  that  of  the  Deuteronomist  and  that  of  the  priestly  guild.    Just  as 
Israel  is  about  to  die,  "  Hosea  sees  the  tenderness  and  the  romance 
of  the  early  history."  f     Did  Yahweh  select  Egypt  or  Assyria  or 
Phoenicia,  all  great  nations?      No;  but   Israel  (n1).      Yet  her 
whole  career  from  the  "  days  of  Gibeah  "  has  been  one  of  con 
spiracy   and   bloodshed    (i4  513   ^  io9)    and   rebellion   against 
Yahweh  (7l3ff<).     The  purity  of  the  early  days  has  been  lost  (910). 
Yea,  from  the  very  beginning  the   tendency  to   evil  manifested 
itself  (i23a)  ;  while  Yahweh  has  never  ceased  sending  his  mes 
sengers  with  the  call  to  repentance  (i29f-).     The  prophet's  point 
of  view  is  clear ;  how  can  Israel,  after  the  great  favors  shown  her, 
exhibit  to  Yahweh  such  ingratitude  ? 

(9)  Israel's  immediate  future  is  one  of  doom.     Hosea  has  no 
bright  message,  for  I41'8  is  surely  late,  j     If  we  could  assure  our 
selves  that  such  passages  as  I10_21-14-16-18-23  ^  n10f-  were  genuine, 
the  case  would  be  entirely  different.     Hosea  saw  more   clearly 
than  did  Amos ;  and  his  hope  for  the  future  of  Israel,  based  upon 
the  divine  love,  was  more  tangible  and  definite ;  but  he  promised 
nothing.     He  contributed  a  conception  of  Yahweh  which  made 
such  a  future  not  only  possible,  but,  indeed,  probable  ;  whether  he 
supposed  Northern  Israel  might  still  enjoy  the  divine  favor  is  a 
question,  yet  it  is  just  as  questionable  whether  he  transferred  the 
hope  to  Judah.     He  taught  the  possibility  of  repentance  and  the 
true  nature  of  repentance  if  it  would  be  availing  (22  54  66  io12)  ; 
but  would  Israel,  accustomed  to  a  fitful  repentance,  ever  enjoy 
the  true  experience  ?     Hosea  scarcely  expected  Israel's  deliver- 

*  WRS.  Proph.  183  ff.  f  GAS.  1 .  290. 

1  Cf.  Meinhold's  attempt  to  separate  the  work  of  Hosea  into  two  periods,  in  the 
latter  of  which  predictions  of  exile  and  return  may  be  found,  e.g.  n8-n  141-8. 


Cliv  INTRODUCTION 

ance  from  Assyria's  hand.  It  was  too  late.  There  was  a  pos 
sibility,  but  it  was  only  a  possibility.  Israel  would  not  lift  herself 
from  the  depths  of  degradation  into  which  she  had  fallen.  The 
future  is  altogether  dark.*  While  Yahweh's  heart  was  filled  with 
love,  it  nevertheless  burns  now  with  indignation ;  so  let  the  worst 
come  !  "  Shall  I  deliver  them  from  the  hand  of  Sheol  ?  Shall  I  re 
deem  them  from  death  ?  Where  are  (i.e.  come  with)  thy  plagues, 
O  death  ?  Where  (i.e.  come  with)  thy  destruction,  O  Sheol  ? 
Repentance  is  hid  from  my  eyes"  (13"). 

6.  Hosea  was  more  intimately  acquainted  with  the  nation's 
past  than  was  Amos.     At  all  events  he  makes  larger  use  of  it. 
On  what  authority  did  he  depend  ?     The  documents  J  and  E 
were  already  in  existence  (§§  8,  9),  and  Hosea  must  be  supposed 
to  have  known   them.      812  presupposes   his   acquaintance  with 
written  laws  such  as  the  Decalogue  and  the  Book  of  the  Covenant, 
while  the  allusions  in  9106  i23a  might  well  be  based  upon  the  nar 
ratives  of  J  and  E,  though  the  possibility  of  oral  tradition  as  the 
source  is  not  excluded  here,|  and  is  probably  to  be  accepted 
in  the  case  of  813  9al0a  io9  n1-5  i34t>.     That  he  was  in  possession 
of  information  not  contained  in  any  documents  now  existing  is  clear 
from  n8,  and  his  independence  of  judgment  concerning  the  past 
appears  in  i4  io5. 

7.  The  character  of  Hosea's  message  has  already  been  indi 
cated  in  the  character  of  the  man  himself.     Whatever  one  was, 
that,  also,  was  the  other.     Was  the  man  a  typical  Israelite  ?     The 
message,  as  we  have  seen,  was  likewise  a  truly  national  expres 
sion,  since  its  content  is  the  basis  of  all  succeeding  Israelitish 
thought.     If  Amos's  message  was  universal,  Hosea's  was  more 
narrowly  national ;  if  Amos's  was  ethical,  Hosea's  was  religious. 
There  is  no  lack  of  the  tender  and  the  spiritual  element.     "  The 
two  men  are  types  of  a  contrast  which  runs  through  the  whole 
history  of  religious  thought  and  life  down  to  our  own  days.     The 
religious  world  has  always  been  divided  into  men  who  look  at  the 
questions  of  faith  from  the  standpoint  of  universal  ethics,  and  men 
by  whom  moral  truths  are  habitually  approached  from  a  personal 


*  Cf.  WRS.  and  Marti,  EB.  2125  f. 

f  Cf.  Dr.  LOTf>  123;  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  Hex.  i.  107. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF   HOSEA  civ 

sense  of  the  grace  of  God.  Too  frequently  this  diversity  of  stand 
point  has  led  to  an  antagonism  of  parties  in  the  church.  Men 
of  the  type  of  Amos  are  condemned  as  rationalists  and  cold 
moderates  ;  or,  on  the  other  hand,  the  school  of  Hosea  are  looked 
upon  as  enthusiasts  and  impractical  mystics.  But  Yahweh  chose 
his  prophets  from  men  of  both  types,  and  preached  the  same 
lesson  to  Israel  through  both."  * 

§  1 8.    THE  MINISTRY  OF  HOSEA. 

In  an  examination  of  Hosea's  ministry  let  us  prepare  ourselves 
for  something  as  different  as  possible  from  that  of  Amos.  It  will 
be  the  ministry  of  a  poet,  not  a  philosopher ;  of  a  man  dealing 
with  his  own  home  and  country,  not  a  foreigner ;  of  a  man  living 
and  working  largely  in  privacy,  rather  than  in  connection  with 
rulers ;  of  a  mystic,  not  a  moralist. 

i.  His  call,  together  with  the  message  which  he  was  to  preach, 
came  not  in  a  vision,  but  in  an  experience,  one  of  the  saddest 
known  in  life.f  As  in  most  cases,  long  years  were  occupied  in 
the  communication  of  the  truth  which  he  was  ultimately  to  preach. 
The  experience  was  historical  and  psychological :  historical  in  the 
sense  that  it  had  to  do  with  external  facts ;  psychological  in  that 
it  was  more  largely  an  operation  of  mind  or  soul,  since  both 
call  and  message  were  in  reality  a  spiritualizing  of  an  ordinary 
event,  and  an  old  tradition.  We  cannot  be  certain  that  Hosea 
did  not  have  a  vision  of  the  ecstatic  order ;  but  there  is  no  testi 
mony  which  favors  this,  and  all  the  facts  are  explicable  without  it. 

*  WRS.  Prop  A.  163  f. 

f  To  the  suggestion  (cf.  A.  B.  Davidson  in  DB.}  that  Hosea  was  already  a 
prophet  when  the  first  child  was  born  (as  indicated  by  the  name  Jezreel) ,  and  that 
at  this  time  he  had  no  knowledge  of  his  wife's  infidelity,  and  that  consequently  the 
experience  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  call,  it  may  be  replied:  (i)  Unquestionably 
the  prophet's  knowledge  of  Israel's  faithlessness  and  of  Yahweh's  goodness  was  a 
matter  of  historical  observation ;  likewise,  the  relationship  of  Yahweh  as  husband 
was  an  old  Semitic  idea;  but  (2)  Hosea's  prophetic  mission  (including  his  call) 
was  not  merely  to  foretell  a  coming  disaster  (Amos  had  done  this)  ;  it  was  much 
more  than  this,  viz.  to  picture  Israel's  wicked  ingratitude  over  against  the  love  of 
Yahweh,  which  had  been  manifested  through  centuries  in  spite  of  this  ingratitude ; 
(3)  the  call  to  preach  this  message  was  one  which  only  years  of  experience  and 
reflection  made  certain  and  definite. 


Clvi  INTRODUCTION 

As  the  crushing  force  of  the  home  tragedy  begins  to  touch  this 
man,  possessed  of  a  deeply  emotional  and  religious  nature,  he 
feels,  in  the  very  touch,  a  voice  saying,  "  This  experience  of  your 
married  life  is  a  reflection  of  Yahweh's  experience  with  Israel " ; 
and  the  voice  that  speaks  is  Yahweh's  voice.  It  did  not  come 
in  a  single  day,  nor  in  a  year ;  but  extended  itself  over  many 
years,  becoming  more  and  more  distinct  until  he  no  longer 
doubted  its  tone  or  its  truth. 

2.  He  seems  to  have  presented  his  message  in  the  ordinary 
way.  Three  or  four  details  in  the  method  employed  may  be 
noted :  (i)  He  gives  his  children  symbolical  names,  each  of 
which  conveys  (to  all  who  hear  it)  a  significant  teaching.  In  this 
method,  as  in  many  other  points,  Isaiah  followed  closely  in  his 
track. 

(2)  He  makes  public  recital  of  his  disgrace  and  sorrow,  not  for 
the  sake  of  sympathy  nor  with  sensational  motive,  but  because  in 
no  other  way  could  he  present  his  message.     He  thus  employs 
a  story  (personal  to  be  sure)  through  which  to  teach  his  fellow- 
countrymen.     The  unique  thing  is  not  the  event  itself,  which  is 
too  usual,  nor  the  story  of  the  event,  which  in  another's  mouth 
would  have  been  ordinary  scandal ;  but  the  telling  of  it  by  him 
who  was  the  victim  of  the  situation  described.     That  this  pro 
duced  a  profound  impression  is  beyond  any  question,  and  this,  we 
may  well  suppose,  was  the  motive  of  the  prophet  in  narrating  it. 
Perhaps  he  wishes  to  explain  just  how  he  came  into  possession  of 
the  message  (v.s.) ;  but  this,  after  all,  was  only  to  make  the  mes 
sage  itself  more  definite  and  more  authoritative. 

(3)  He  preaches,  as  did  Amos,  discourses  (in  all  thirteen)  which 
were  intended  to  persuade  the  people  to  accept  the  new  point  of 
view  which  he,  at  bitter  cost,  had  attained.     These  discourses 
(zu.),  though  modified  by  later  insertions,  yet  more  greatly  by 
corruption  of  the  text,  still  show  the  evidence  of  passion  in  their 
delivery. 

(4)  Still  another  method  of  presentation  was  adopted  after  the 
example  of  Amos,  when  the  prophet  committed  his  addresses  to 
writing,  and  thus  secured  their  preservation  for  all  time  (v.i.). 
The  suggestion  of  Marti  that  these  prophecies  were  never  spoken 
in  public,  but  were  originally  written  and  intended  for  private 


THE   MINISTRY  OF  HOSEA  civil* 

reading  among  the  people,  lays  too  much  emphasis  upon  their 
present  form,  and,  in  any  case,  finds  insufficient  basis  in  the  mere 
fact  that  they  consist  of  "  poems  which  do  not  give  the  impression 
of  having  been  popular  addresses."  Poetry  was  the  most  popular 
form  of  address  before  an  Oriental  audience. 

3.  Hosea  falls  in  with  Amos  in  the  new  policy  of  political 
action.      He  holds  no  office,  exercises  no  direct  control.     But 
more  than  this,  he,  like  Micah,  lives  in  an  atmosphere  more  retired 
than  that  of  Amos  or  Isaiah.     The  latter  came  into  direct  contact 
with  the  royal  power,  while  the  relations  of  the  former  were,  at 
least,  indirect.     It  was,  in  other  words,  a  private  rather  than  a 
public  ministry,     (i)   His  political  views  (p.  clii)  were  more  defi 
nite,  perhaps,  than  those  of  Amos,  and  they  had  to  do  more 
distinctly  with  home  affairs.      This  fact,  together  with  the  un 
pleasant  prominence  given  him  by  his  domestic  relations,  and 
especially  the  political  character  of  the  period  (pp.  cxli  f.),  made 
his  work  one  of  peculiar  difficulty.     The  prophet  must  still  have 
been  accorded  large  freedom  to  have  been  permitted  to  speak  so 
freely  in  times  of  such  political  confusion.     (2)   Hosea's  readiness 
to  differ  from  the  prophets  of  earlier  days,  in  reference  to  political 
matters,  is  noteworthy.     To  differ  from  Elijah  and  Elisha  in  con 
nection  with  the  Jehu  episode  was  a  daring  thing  to  do,  but  it 
was  even  more  remarkable  that  he  should  go  back  and  pass  an 
opposing  judgment  as  to  the  division  of  the  kingdom  (zu.).     His 
political  ministry  thus  passes  in  review  the  national  history  of  two 
centuries.    Time  has  shown  the  wisdom  of  his  position.     (3)    His 
attitude  toward  the  prophetic  policy  of  the  past  is  no  more  severe 
than  that  which  he  holds  toward  the  priests  and  prophets  of  his 
own  times  (97).     (4)    With  his  political  attitude  toward  Judah  is 
involved  the  question  of  the  Judaistic  references  now  generally 
assigned  to  a  later  date  (p.  clix). 

4.  The  chronological  order  of  the  various  stages  in  the  ministry 
of  Hosea  is  not  even  as  clear  as  in  the  case  of  Amos,  since  neither 
the  structure  of  the  book  nor  the  external  events  make  contribu 
tions  of  a  very  definite  nature. 

(i)  At  the  time  of  his  marriage  (750  B.C.?)  he  was  presumably 
a  young  man,  and,  if  his  occupation  was  that  of  a  priest  (p.  cxlii), 
his  mind  had  been  dwelling  on  sacred  things  for  many  years.  At 


clviii  INTRODUCTION 

first  hand  he  gained  his  knowledge  of  the  evil  practices  of  his 
fellow-priests,  and  their  close  associates,  the  prophets. 

(2)  Within  two  or  three  years  (747  B.C.)  he  has  satisfied  him 
self  as  to  the  doom  of  Jehu's  dynasty ;  this  is  announced  in  con 
nection  with  the  birth  of  his  son  (Jezreel).    He,  doubtless,  expected 
Israel's  collapse  to  be  contemporaneous. 

(3)  Within  six  or  seven  years  the  tragedy  of  his  life  has  been 
enacted ;  the  real  call  to  preach  has  come  ;  the  great  message  has 
been  received ;  Jeroboam  has  died,  and  anarchy  has  set  in ;  im 
portant  announcements  concerning  the  future  have  been  made  (in 
the  symbolic  names  given  to  the  three  children  of  his  wife). 

(4)  During  the  next  six  or  seven  years  (742-735  B.C.),  with  his 
wife  put  away  (for  he  cannot  now  live  with  her,  however  much  he 
loves  her),  he  preaches  his  impassioned  sermons,  breathing  into 
them  all  the  warmth  and  all  the  pain  of  an  agonizing  heart. 
These  are  the  years  of  revolution  and  vacillation,  of  decay  ap 
proaching  close  to  death,  —  years  without  any  hope,  yet  with  a 
faith  in  Yahweh  that  is  strong  and  steadfast. 

(5)  What  next  ?    We  do  not  know.     It  is  improbable  that,  like 
Amos,  he  left  home  and  went  to  Judah,  there  to  put  his  writings 
into  form,  and  to  include  the  Judaistic  references  which  are  in  the 
present  book.*     It  is  probable  that  he  was  spared  the  worst  agony 
of  all,  that  of  seeing  Samaria  in  ruins  and  Israel  carried  captive. 
We  have  nothing  from  his  lips  or  pen  later  than  735  B.C.  (v.s.). 

5.  The  efficiency  of  Hosea's  ministry  is  even  more  clearly  per 
ceived  than  was  that  of  Amos.  The  fact  stated  above  (p.  cliv)  that 
Hosea's  teaching  forms  the  basis  of  subsequent  Hebrew  prophecy, 
the  fact  that  these  utterances  produced  so  great  an  impression  as 
to  find  preservation,  the  additional  fact  that  they  were  so  strongly 
felt  as  to  require  for  their  elucidation  and  interpretation  the  com 
ments  and  amendments  of  later  generations,  prove  an  efficiency 
of  service  and  a  permanency  of  character  of  the  highest  order. 

§  19.  THE  LITERARY  FORM  OF  HOSEA. 

The  corrupt  state  of  the  text  of  Hosea  makes  the  study  of  its 
literary  problems  both  difficult  and  unsatisfactory. 

*  Umb.,  Ew. 


THE  LITERARY  FORM  OF  HOSEA  clix 

1.  The  table  on  p.  clx  exhibits  a  view  of  the  book  as  we  now 
have  it,  with  (a)  the  larger  divisions,*  and  (^)  a  separation  of  the 
original  and  secondary  elements. 

2.  The  secondary  passages  t  in  the  following  table  fall  into  four 
groups  :  (i)  References  in  Hosea  to  Judah  are  for  the  most  part  the 
work  of  a  Judaistic  editor.     The  basis  for  this  decision  is  found  \ 
in  the  fact  that  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  no  sufficient  motive 
can  be  discovered  to  explain  their  Hoseanic  origin,  while  the 
motive  of  the  later  editor  is  clearly  evident ;  besides,  these  pas 
sages   in  nearly  every  case  contain  phrases  which   are  late,  or 
interfere  with  the  rhythmic  structure.     The  principal  cases  are 
the  following :   i7,  exempting  Judah  from  the  coming  destruction 
(p.  213),  the  change  of  "Israel"  to  Judah  in  510.12.13.1454  I0ii* 
I23(2)  .  £ii  <^  threatening  Judah  with  judgment  (p.  291)  ;  814,  coup 
ling  Judah  with  Israel  in  transgression  (p.  324)  ;    i216    (nm), 
contrasting  Judah's  faithfulness  with  Israel's  treachery  (pp.  376  f.). 
While  Kuenen  is  certainly  too  conservative  in  his  treatment  of  the 
Judaistic  passages,  we  cannot  agree  with  Marti  (p.  8)  that  Hosea 
never  in  a  single  case  referred  to  Judah ;  one  can  scarcely  con 
ceive  the  possibility  of  such  a  thing.     In  415  and  55  there  is  noth 
ing  which  demands  a  later  origin. 

(2)  It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  with  Hosea's  situation  and 
declarations  certain  passages  referring  to  Israel's  future,  the  so- 
called  Messianic  allusions.  The  prophet  plainly  represents  Isra 
el's  ruin  as  close  at  hand  (#./.).  Moreover,  it  is  apparently  an 
irretrievable  disaster  (i39)  which  is  threatened.  In  any  case 
death  and  Sheol  are  first  to  do  their  work  (i314),  nor  is  Yahweh 
a  man  to  repent  (n9  i314).  These  passages,  therefore,  are  en 
tirely  inconsistent  with  Hosea's  point  of  view,  and  directly  contra - 

*  There  is  no  ground  for  the  suggestion  of  Gratz  (Gesck.  II.  93  ff.,  214  ff.,  439  ff.) 
that  there  are  two  Hoseas  (chs.  1-3  and  4-14)  with  an  interval  of  fifty  years,  for  the 
great  changes  between  the  times  of  Jeroboam  II.  and  those  which  immediately 
followed  are  entirely  sufficient  to  explain  the  differences.  Cf.  Kue.  Einl.  II. 
324,  who  gives  a  brief  list  of  expressions  common  to  both  divisions. 

t  The  integrity  of  the  Book  of  Hosea  was  first  impeached  by  Stuck  (1828), 
who  regarded  97~9  as  displaced.  Redslob  (1842)  rejected  46-774-10;  Gratz  (^53) 
made  chaps.  4-14  late;  while  Sta.  GVI.  I.  577,  prepared  the  way  for  Co.,  We., 
Che.,  Now.,  and  others. 

1  Cf.  We.  Prol.  417  ;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  577;  GAS.  I.  224-226;  Co.  ZAW.  VII.  285- 
289;  on  the  contrary  Kue.  Einl.  II.  322  f. 


clx 


INTRODUCTION 


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THE  LITERARY   FORM   OF  HOSEA 

diet  the  representations  which  are  fundamental  in  his  preaching ; 
nor  can  it  be  shown  that  they  are  spoken,  either,  to  a  different 
audience  (viz.  the  faithful  for  their  encouragement),  or  at  a  later 
time  in  Hosea's  ministry.*  Besides,  they  interrupt  the  logical 
development  of  the  thought  in  particular  passages  (v.  in  loc^ 
and  show  a  definite  connection  with  the  thought  of  later  prophecy. 
This  material  is  unquestionably  from  exilic  times. 

The  more  important  pieces  are  the  following:  21'3  (i10-21),  promising  res 
toration  to  Yahweh's  favor,  great  increase  of  population,  and  the  reunion  of 
Israel  and  Judah  under  one  king  (pp.  245  f.)  ;  28- 9  (6-  7-)  describing  the  discipli 
nary  measures  adopted  by  Yahweh  to  restore  Israel  to  her  senses  (p.  236) ; 
216-18(14-16)^  setting  forth  Yahweh's  purpose  to  restore  Israel  to  the  purity  and 
joy  of  her  first  love  (p.  238)  ;  220'25  (18-23),  picturing  the  universal  harmony  and 
prosperity  that  will  prevail  when  Yahweh  again  betroths  Israel  to  himself 
(pp.  241,  244) ;  3s,  announcing  Israel's  return  to  Yahweh  and  the  Messianic 
King  in  the  days  to  come  (pp.  216,  223);  u86- 9o- 106-  n,  giving  the  assurance 
that  Yahweh's  anger  is  appeased  and  that  he  will  recall  the  exiles  from  Egypt 
and  Assyria  (p.  372);  i42-9(1-fi),  containing  a  call  to  repentance  followed  by 
a  description  of  the  great  prosperity  and  peace  consequent  upon  the  restoration 
to  Yahweh's  favor  (pp.  408  f.). 

(3)  A  third  group  includes,  as  in  the  case  of  Amos  (p.  cxxxiv), 
phrases  and  sentences  of  a  technical,  archaeological,  or  historical 
character,  inserted  by  way  of  expansion  and  explanation. 

Here  belong,  e.g.  413d,  "  for  good  is  its  shade";  56,  "  with  their  flocks  and 
their  herds";  7*,  the  comparison  of  the  princes  to  an  oven  and  a  baker  kin 
dling  the  fire;  716c,  "this  their  scorn";  886,  "as  a  vessel  wherein  none 
delighteth";  916,  "corn";  9°",  "as  in  the  days  of  Gibeah";  910,  "in  its 
first  season  " ;  io5,  "  on  account  of  his  glory  because  it  has  gone  into  exile 
from  him";  io146,  "as  Shalman  spoiled  Betharbel  in  the  day  of  battle"; 
I214(13>,  magnifying  the  prophetic  phase  of  Moses's  work;  I346'7,  presenting 
Jacob  in  a  favorable  light. 

(4)  The  fourth  group  will  include  miscellaneous  glosses  and 
interpolations   for   which,    perhaps,  no    special    motive    may   be 
discovered.     As  examples  of  the  kind  may  be  cited  :    84,  "  that 
they  may  be  cut  off" ;  85,  "  how  long  will  they  be  incapable  of 


clxii  INTRODUCTION 

punishment";  S10-1^1';  98-,  "with  my  God  "  ;  9",  "  enmity." 
(5)  Ch.  i41()  stands  by  itself,  and  is  a  product  of  the  later  wisdom 
period  (pp.  416  f.).* 

3.  The  internal  history  of  the  Book  of  Hosea  was  perhaps  as 
follows  :  — 

(i)  Hosea  himself  prepared  the  collection  of  sermons  (v.s.), 
together  with  the  introduction  explaining  his  call  to  preach.  In 
this  case  the  explanation  of  the  call  comes  at  the  beginning  (rather 
than,  as  in  Amos,  after  the  sermons  of  chaps.  3-6,  or  in  Isaiah, 
after  the  sermons  of  chaps.  2-5)  either  because  it  was  only  a  part 
of  the  book  and  had  never  been  preached  or  made  public,  or  be 
cause  it  was  thought  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  what 
followed.  (2)  The  fulfilment  of  Hosea's  threats  in  the  fall  of 
Samaria  (721  B.C.)  must  have  given  great  prominence  to  the  book 
in  Judah ;  in  any  case  it  was  known  to  Isaiah,  who  follows  Hosea  t 
in  using  the  words  b'Sa  fW  (Ho.  511  =  Is.  s*9),  the  thought  of 
Ho.  io8  in  the  refrain  of  his  terrible  prophecy  on  the  day  of  judg 
ment  (Is.  210-21),  and  the  phrase  D'-no  emto  (Ho.  915,  Is.  i23). 

(3)  At  some  time,  the  book  was  worked  over  in  a  kind  of  Judaistic 
revision.     This  was  not  preexilic,  occurring  in  the  days  of  Josiah,  I 
but  post-exilic  ;  §  because  (a)  i7  is  apparently  inserted  with  refer 
ence  to  the  deliverance  from  Sennacherib,  and  its  point  of  view 
presupposes   the   lapse   of  considerable    time   since   that   event, 
(b)  the  inclusion  of  Judah  in  814  reflects  the  disaster  of  the  exile. 

(4)  At  a  later  time,  following  Ezekiel  and  Deutero-Isaiah,  the 
Messianic  insertions  (v.s.)  were  made  which  entirely  changed  the 
character  and  function   of  the  book.       (5)    From  time   to   time 
during  all  these  periods  modifications  of  a  less  important  charac 
ter  were  incorporated  ;  and  the  book  did  not  take  its  present  form 
until  the  Greek  period,  since  14™  was  probably  not  a  part  of  it 
until  that  time. 

4.  The  general  structure  ||  of  the  book  as  understood  by  the 


*  Cf.  <S's  addition  to  13*  (p.  392).  f  Marti,  p.  io. 

J  Oort,  Th  T.,  1890,  pp.  345  ff. 

\  Marti. 

||  Cf.  Marti,  who  denies  the  usual  division  between  1-3  and  4-14  on  the  ground 
that  (a)  1-3  are  not  from  an  earlier  period  than  4-14,  (b)  chap.  3  was  not  a  part  of 
the  original  book,  (c)  chap.  2  has  more  in  common  with  4-14  than  with  i  and  3. 


THE   LITERARY   FORM   OF   HOSEA  clxiii 

present  writer  has  been  presented  essentially  above.     It  includes 
three  or  four  propositions  :  — 

(1)  i2"9  31"4  is  a  story,,  briefly  and  simply  told,  of  the  prophet's 
own  family  experience,  narrated  in  part  to  make  known  how  he 
came  to  see  the  message  which  he  was  to  deliver  to  his  people. 

(2)  2*~7- 10~14>  18- 19  is    the    prophet's    suggestion  of  the  meaning, 
obtained  in  the  light  of  his  own  experience,  in  its  explanation  of 
Israel's  situation. 

(3)  Discourses  uttered  from  time  to  time,  put  together  without 
chronological  or  logical  relationship,*  —  a  group  of  thirteen,  pre 
senting,  under  varying  circumstances,  the  double  thought  of  guilt 
and  inevitable  punishment  (41-i41). 

5.  The  external  history  of  the  Book  of  Hosea  may  be  briefly 
traced,  (i)  On  its  connection  with  other  prophetic  books,  v. 
pp.  cxlvii  f. ;  and  on  its  more  direct  influence  on  prophetic 
thought,  v.  p.  cxlvi.  (2)  In  the  apocryphal  literature,  Ecclus. 
4910  mentions  the  "  twelve  prophets,"  and  it  is  quite  certain  that 
Hosea  constituted  one  of  the  twelve.  (3)  Philo  quotes  Ho.  14® 
and  i410,  while  Josephus  f  speaks  of  Isaiah  and  "  the  others  which 
were  twelve  in  number,"  undoubtedly  referring  to  the  existing  book 
of  the  twelve  prophets.  (4)  In  the  New  Testament :  Ho.  2^  is 
quoted  in  Rom.  g25*-  (where  the  prophet  is  mentioned  by  name) ; 
66  in  Mat.  913  1 27 ;  io8  in  Luke  2330,  Rev.  616 ;  1 11  in  Mat.  215 ;  and 
i314  in  i  Cor.  i555.  (5)  Its  place  in  the  Canon  at  the  head  of  the 
Book  of  the  Twelve  is  probably  due  to  its  comparatively  large  vol 
ume.  J  Its  right  to  a  place  in  the  Canon  has  never  been  questioned. 

*  GAS.  I.  222  (following  Hi.  and  Kue.  Rinl.  II.  319)  exaggerates  this  charac 
teristic  when  he  says,  "  It  is  impossible  to  separate  the  section,  long  as  it  is,  into 
subsections,  or  into  oracles,  strophes,  or  periods."  Cf.  Ew.'s  division  (for  detailed 
refutation  v.  Sim.  30  ff.)  into  three  parts,  (a)  4-611 «,  God's  arraignment  of  Israel ; 
(£>')  6116~99,  Israel's  punishment;  (c)  910-I410,  review  of  early  history, with  words  of 
warning  and  comfort.  Also  Dr.'s  arrangement,  (a)  4-8,  dealing  with  Israel's  guilt ; 
(b)  9-n11,  threatening  punishment;  (c]  H12-i410,  a  fusion  of  the  two  preceding 
thoughts  with  a  promise  of  hope.  f  Ant.  X.  2,  §  2. 

%  Cf.  the  Babylonian  Gemara,  Baba  Bathra,io\.  14 £-15 a:  "The  order  of  the 
prophetical  books  is  Jos.,  Ju.,  Sa.,  Ki.,  Je.,  Ez.,  Is.,  the  Twelve.  Inasmuch  as  Hosea 
was  the  first,  as  it  is  written,  '  the  beginning  of  the  word  of  the  Lord  by  Hosea ' 
(Ho.  i2),  we  should  expect  the  book  of  Hosea  to  occupy  the  first  place,  at  least  of 
the  four  contemporary  prophets,  Ho.,  Is.,  Am.,  Mi.  But  because  his  prophecy  is 
written  together  with  those  of  the  latest  prophets,  Hg.,  Zc.,  and  Mai.,  he  is  counted 
with  them"  (Wildeboer's  translation  in  Origin  of  the  Canon  of  the  O.  T.,  p.  13). 


clxiv  INTRODUCTION 

E.    AMOS  AND   HOSEA. 
§  20.     THE  POETICAL  FORM  OF  AMOS  AND  HOSEA. 

1.  The  analogy  of  other  ancient  literature  should  have  sug 
gested  long  ago  the  probability  that  Israel's  early  prophetic  litera 
ture   was  poetry,  and   that  its   particular  form  was  one  adapted 
to  its  peculiar  purpose  and  function.     Its  efficiency  was  deter 
mined  in  no  small  measure  by  its  capability  of  transmission.     If 
we  keep  in  mind  not  only  the  character  of  early  literary  effort 
among  other  nations,*  but  also  the  wonderful  series  of  poetical 
pieces  in  the  O.  T.,  beginning  with  Deborah's  song  (Ju.  5),  we  may 
not  doubt  that  the  old  oracle-form  would  be  followed  by  some 
thing  of  the  same  kind,  but  higher  in  art,  as  well  as  in  thought. 
One  will  expect  a  much  larger  freedom  in  form  in  pieces  which 
were  spoken   rather  than  sung,   and   likewise  a   greater  variety. 
This  it  is  that  occasions  the  chief  difference  between  prophetic 
poetry  and  psalm  poetry. f 

2.  As  far  back  as   1813   a  beginning  was  made  by  Kosters  J 
in  pointing  out  the  indications  of  strophic  formation.     In  1840 
Ewald  §  used  the  word  "  strophe  "  in  describing  the  divisions  of 
a  chapter  or  piece  of  prophetic  diction.     In  1847  Baur  recognized 
the  presence  of  strophes  in  Amos,  chaps.  1-4.     Schlottmann,  in 
1884,  presented  a  treatise  on  the  strophic  structure  in  Hebrew 
poetry;  and  in  1887,  Charles  A.  Briggs,  in  a  series  of  articles,  || 
opened  up  the  subject  more  widely  to  the  English-speaking  world. 
The  publication   of  Miiller's  Die  Propheten  in   Hirer  ursprung- 
lichen  Form  (1895)^"  aroused  a  new  interest  in  the  subject.      He 
recognized  the   existence   of  strophes  as   divisions   according  to 

*  The  poetic  character  of  ancient  literature  is  illustrated  by  the  Gilgamesh  epic 
of  the  Babylonians  and  the  Homeric  poems  of  Greece. 

f  Sievers,  Metrische  Studien,  I.  93. 

j  Das  Buck  Hiob  und  der  Predlger  Salomos  nach  ihrer  strophischen  Anordnung 
iibcrsetzt  (1813). 

§  In  Die  Propheten  des  Alien  Bundes  (ist  ed.  1840). 

||  Hebraica,  IV.  i6iff.,  201  ff.,  being  a  development  of  the  chapter  on  Hebrew 
Poetry  in  his  Biblical  Study  (1883). 

U  Followed  in  1898  by  his  Strophenbau  und  Responsion,  in  the  preface  of  which 
Zenner  (Chorgesange  im  Buche  der  Psalmen,  1896)  is  charged  with  appropriating 
the  idea  and  the  terminology  first  used  by  Miiller. 


THE  POETICAL  FORM   OF  AMOS  AND   HOSEA         clxv 

the  thought,  but  maintained  further  that  a  new  element  existed 
which  bound  the  strophes  together  in  a  discourse,  just  as  parallel 
ism  bound  together  lines  in  a  verse.  This  he  called  Responsion* 
Before  seeing  Miiller's  work,  and  Zenner's  (1896)  somewhat 
similar  arrangement  of  Am.  i2-216,  the  present  writer  had  pre 
pared  and  given  to  his  classes  the  scheme  of  strophic  structure 
(for  Amos)  presented  in  this  commentary.  The  first  chapters 
were  published  in  January,  1897,  and  later  the  entire  book  in 
August,  September,  October,  1 898.1  The  structure  of  Hosea  as 
here  presented,  although  finished  in  1898,  was  first  published  in 
part  in  October,  1900.  \ 

Contributions  to  the  structure  of  Amos  came  very  frequently  in  and  after 
1900.  (i)  Elhorst  (1900),  supposing  the  book  to  have  originated  between 
638  and  621  B.C.,  advanced  the  view  that  it  was  written  in  two  parallel  col 
umns,  the  strophes  alternating  between  the  columns.  Since  both  of  his 
premises  are  wrong,  the  results  do  not  prove  satisfactory.  The  theory  as  to 
the  date  presupposes  the  essential  unity  of  the  book,  and  no  additions  are 
recognized.  The  column  theory  involves  many  transpositions,  few  of  which 
improve  the  present  connection,  while  some  are  distinctly  inferior.  In  ad 
dition,  irregularity  in  the  length  of  lines  is  a  marked  feature  of  the  arrange- 

*  "  In  a  case  of  responsion  completely  carried  out  every  line  of  one  strophe 
corresponds  to  its  fellow  in  the  next  strophe  either  with  verbal  exactness  or  in 
thought,  as  a  parallel  or  an  antithesis"  (Miiller,  Die  Propheten,  I.  191).  "Along 
two  lines  the  thought  endeavored  to  modify  the  form ;  on  the  one  hand  in  that 
responsion  appears  only  partly  made  evident,  though  always  in  the  same  position, 
i.e.  in  corresponding  lines ;  on  the  other,  in  that  it  exhibits  itself  not  in  parallel 
fashion  and  in  like  words,  but  through  antithesis  and  through  like-sounding  or 
similar  words,  which  re-emphasize  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  same  or  similar 
thoughts"  {ibid.  1.192).  While  this  theory,  which  has  failed  to  gain  general 
recognition,  contains  much  that  is  interesting,  and,  in  some  cases,  may  really  cover 
the  facts,  two  serious  difficulties  oppose  the  acceptance  of  it  as  a  widely  prevailing 
feature  of  the  early  poetry,  viz.  (i)  the  arbitrary  measure  assumed  for  lines,  the 
line  in  each  case  being  made  as  long  or  as  short  as  the  theory  demands,  e.g.  in 
one  strophe  (Am.  39"12)  are  found  heptameters,  hexameters,  and  trimeters;  in 
another  (Am.  77"9)  are  found  hexameters,  pentameters,  trimeters,  and  dimeters ; 
(2)  the  utter  indifference  of  the  author  to  the  universally  acknowledged  results 
of  lower  and  especially  higher  criticism. 

tSee  AJT.  I.  (January,  1897),  The  Biblical  World,  XII.  (1898),  and  the 
entire  text  with  a  parallel  translation  in  my  Structure  of  the  Text  of  the  Book  of 
Amos  (Decennial  Publications  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  1904). 

t  AJSL.  XVII.  1-15;  the  remainder  of  the  text  (chaps.  4-14)  may  be  found  in 
AJSL.  XX.  85-94,  XXI.  i-2i ;  and  the  corresponding  translation  in  Biblical 
World,  December,  1904. 


Clxvi  INTRODUCTION 

ment.  (2)  Lohr  (1901)  presents  a  scheme  which  has  much  in  common 
with  that  of  this  commentary  (cf.  e.g.  the  two  treatments  of  i3-23  and 
710"17).  But  his  fundamental  premise  that  the  original  order  of  the  book  has 
been  much  broken  into  and  disturbed  seems  unwarranted.  The  transpositions 
suggested  do  not  justify  themselves  (cf.  e.g.  his  third  address  31"15  4>3  84-14 
91-40).  (3)  Sievers  (1901)*  gives  a  treatment  of  Hosea  1-2  and  Amos  1-3, 
which  brings  out  the  possibilities  of  the  poetic  form  in  so  far  as  this  concerns 
the  metre,  i.e.  the  tone-phrase,  the  line,  and  the  period.  He  practically 
ignores  the  strophic  structure,  although  recognizing  its  existence  (pp.  I23ff.). 
This  treatment  is  peculiarly  defective  in  its  failure  to  take  into  account  even 
the  most  commonly  accepted  modifications  of  the  text.  (4)  Condamin  (July, 
1901)  adopts  Zenner's  choral  system,  and  arranges  the  text  of  Amos  (with 
the  exception  of  26-4n  68-717)  in  a  series  of  strophes  occurring  constantly  in 
the  order :  strophe,  antistrophe,  alternate  strophe,  supposed  to  have  been 
chanted  by  two  choirs  alternately.  In  addition  to  the  self-evident  defects  of 
the  theory  per  se,  Condamin  gives  no  attention  to  the  results  of  historical 
criticism,  and  shows  an  indifference  to  keen  logical  analysis  ;  e.g.  51-6  cannot 
be  brought  into  close  relation  with  57.10-15.  (5)  Baumann  (1903)  proceeds, 
upon  Lohr's  theory  of  the  present  disorder  of  the  Amos  text,  to  reorganize  it 
into  five  addresses  (v.s.}.  Aside  from  the  unnecessary  transpositions  involved 
in  the  arrangement,  this  work  is  characterized  by  its  careful  application  to 
the  entire  text  of  Amos  of  the  metrical  principles  worked  out  by  Sievers. 
(6)  Marti  (1903)  bases  his  commentary  on  the  strophic  structure  of  the 
book,  but  has  such  frequent  recourse  to  glosses  and  interpolations  as  to 
render  his  poetical  structure  very  uncertain.  The  shattering  of  31-614  into 
fourteen  fragments  of  addresses,  and  the  treatment  of  the  visions  and  the 
historical  episode  as  mere  prose,  can  certainly  not  be  justified.  (7)  Nowack 
(August,  1903),  in  the  second  edition  of  the  Hand-Kommentar  adopts  Bau- 
mann's  presentation,  but  makes  no  practical  use  of  the  structure  in  his  com 
mentary. 

Contributions  to  the  structure  of  Hosea  have  not  been  so  numerous.  On 
Miiller  (DH.),f  Sievers  (1901)4  Condamin  (July,  1902), §  and  Marti  (1903), 
the  same  general  statement  may  be  made  as  that  already  presented  concerning 
their  respective  treatments  of  Amos  (y.s.}.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  only  Miiller 
and  Marti  have  really  given  any  adequate  consideration  to  this  question. 

3.  The  standard  unit  in  the  system  of  Hebrew  Poetry,  as  it  is 
now  most  generally  understood,  may  be  called  the  foot,  or  tone- 
phrase,  i.e.  a  word  or  combination  of  words  having  a  single  beat 

*  See  his  Studien  zur  Hebraischen  Metrik,  pp.  467-71,  473-9. 

t  Cf.  Die  Prophcten  (1896),  chaps.  5,  6,  10;  Strophenbau  (1898),  chaps.  2,  4,  7. 

\  Op.  cit.,  pp.  466-70,  where  chaps,  i  and  2  are  treated. 

§  Revue  Biblique,  XI.  386-91,  a  rearrangement  of  chap.  2. 


THE  POETICAL   FORM   OF  AMOS  AND   HOSEA       clxvii 

or  accent.  The  possible  varieties  of  the  tone-phrase  are  four, 
viz. :  a  word  (accented)  of  one  syllable,  thus,  .^,  tfK  (i4)  ;*  one 
or  two  words  making  two  syllables  with  the  second  accented,  thus, 
_^,  ia«  (i3)  or  D^-DU  (i5);  one  or  more  words  making  three 
syllables,  with  the  second  or  third  accented,  thus,  _  _/_  _  or 

/.,  *?nan  (i3),  "nn~p  (i4)  ;    one   or   more   words   making 

four  (or   more)   syllables,  with   the   third   or   fourth   accented, 

thus, ^_  or ./,  -pr6*rn*npb,  narnaira  (i14). 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  (i)  the  essential  thing  is  the  tone,  the 
number  of  syllables  being  a  matter  of  no  consequence.  (2)  The 
Maqqeph  plays  an  important  part  in  combining  two  or  even  three 
words  into  one.  (3)  In  any  effort  to  express  the  rhythmic  move 
ment  of  a  line,  much  care  must  be  given  to  a  consideration  of  the 
details  connected,  e.g.  with  Segholate  forms  (in  which  the  helping 
vowel  does  not  count  in  forming  a  syllable)  ;  the  use  of  Sewa, 
which  may  or  may  not  count  as  a  vowel  and  thus  form  a  syllable ; 
the  treatment  of  particles  (prepositions,  conjunctions,  adverbs, 
negatives,  pronouns,  etc.)  as  proclitics  and  enclitics  ;  the  recession 
of  the  accent  for  various  reasons ;  the  pausal  forms. 

4.  The  line,  in  Hebrew  poetry,  is  usually  a  combination  of 
two  or  more  tone-phrases.     The  possibilities  of  line-structure  are 
numerous.     Those  most  frequently  found  in  Amos  and  Hosea  are 
(a)   the  dimeter,  made  up  of  two  tone-phrases,  e.g.   i6e-76  614c. 
The  dimeter  is  found,  for  the  most  part,  either  as  a  shortened 
{i.e.  brachycatalectic)  trimeter  (i145  28d),  or  in  a  combination  of 
two  dimeters,  thus  making  a  tetrameter  (27c<d  4lc'd),  or  in  the 
Qinah-measure   (,j2».d.3c.e.4&.c^      ^    By  far  tne   most   common 

movement  is  that  of  the  trimeter,  consisting  of  three  tone-phrases, 
e.g.  !TVp  DIK'Dtf  1^1  (i5d),  TOB1  ^KrVS  IKS  (44a),  m^Kl  mtfi  Itm 
(514a)-  00  Rarer  combinations  of  tone-phrases  are  of  four,  i.e. 
tetrameter,  with  a  caesural  pause  after  the  second  (^2d  ^25a)  ; 
five,  i.e.  pentameter  (29c),  in  most  cases  to  be  taken  rather  as  a 
combination  of  3  +  2  or  2  -f  3  ;  six,  i.e.  hexameter  (v.i.),  which 
is  either  4  +  2,  2  +  4,  or  2  +  2  +  2  (519i). 

5.  The  poetical  period  (ordinarily  called  parallelism)  consists 
of  two  or  more  closely  connected  lines.    We  find  a  variety  of  com- 

*  The  examples  cited  are  from  Amos,  unless  otherwise  indicated. 


Clxviii  INTRODUCTION 

binations;  e.g.  (a)  The  most  common  period  is  the  bi-trimeter, 
i.e.  double  trimeter  (i2  44),  which,  in  some  cases,  may  easily  be 
reckoned  an  hexameter  (34>s).  (V)  Much  rarer  is  the  bi-tetrame- 
ter,  i.e.  double  tetrameter  (4lc-d  7146-c).  (c)  Quite  frequently 
there  is  used  the  combination  of  3  +  2,  rarely  2  +  3.  This  is  the 
so-called  Qinah-measure  (pp.  108  f.).  (d)  Other  combinations 
are  that  of  4  +  3  (s150'6),  rarely  3  +  4  (613),  4  +  2  (68c-d),  as  well 
as  3  x  2  (i.e.  triple  dimeter)  (614c). 

6.  The  strophe  is  a  combination  of  periods,  or  of  periods  and 
lines,  which,  in  every  case,  constitutes  a  logical  unit.*     A  variety 
of  combinations  occurs  :    (a)   Groups,  consisting  only  of  periods, 
of  which  there  may  be  two  (34-5  5*),  three  (5 18-°°-  21~24-  25~27),  four 
(Ho.  24ft),  five  (57- iff.  12-14. 15-17^  or  six  (Ha  4i-3  ^      (^   Groups, 
consisting  of  periods  and  independent  lines,  in  various  combina 
tions,  e.g.  bi-trimeter  and  trimeter,  i.e.  3  +  3  and   3   (i4  5a)  or 
bi-trimeter  and  dimeter,  i.e.  3  +  3  and  2  (i15),  or  three  bi-trime- 
ters  and  a  trimeter  (Ho.  1 15"7,  etc.).     (c}  Groups,  consisting  of  lines 
and  periods,  in  combinations  like  those  given  above,  e.g.  a  trime 
ter  and  five  bi-trimeters  (Ho.  91"4),  a  trimeter  and  a  bi-trimeter 
(Am.  7"). 

It  is  to  be  noted  further  concerning  strophes,  (i)  that  in 
Amos  the  six-line  strophe  occurs  most  frequently,  while  the  four- 
line  strophe  is  next  in  order  of  frequency,  and  no  strophe  exceeds 
ten  lines.  In  Hosea,  on  the  other  hand,  the  strophes  are,  as  a 
rule,  longer  than  in  Amos,  twelve  lines  being  not  an  uncommon 
length,  while  eight-,  nine-,  and  ten-line  strophes  are  of  frequent 
occurrence.  (2)  In  a  few  cases  the  strophes  are  indicated  by 
external  signs,  e.g.  Am.  i  and  2  by  the  recurrence  of  certain 
introductory  and  closing  formulas  ;  in  Am.  44"13  by  the  recurrence 
of  the  refrain ;  but  in  the  remaining  cases  the  thought  is  usually 
so  distinct  and  separate  as  to  render  the  strophic  division  com 
paratively  certain. 

7.  The  many  introductory  and  concluding  expressions  must  be 
considered,  each  on  its  own  merits.  —  (a)   It  is  frequently  a  ques 
tion  whether  the  introductory  words  relating  to  the  utterance^ 

*  Cf.  Sievers,  pp.  134  f.,  who,  however,  lays  greater  emphasis  upon  the  necessity 
of  formal  resemblance. 

t  Eg.  IDKM  (Ho.  i*  3!),  ">  IDN  nu  (Am.  i»  580). 


THE  POETICAL  FORM  OF  AMOS   AND   HOSEA        clxix 

should  be  treated  as  a  part  of  the  poetical  form,  and  consequently 
as  one  of  the  lines,  or  tone-phrases.  It  does  not  seem  possible  to 
lay  down  an  absolute  rule,  as  is  done  by  Baumann.*  In  Am. 
jS.6. 9.11. 13  2i.4.6  jt  matters  little  whether  these  words  are  counted 
or  not.  In  Ho.  i2-4-6-8  they  stand  outside  of  the  strophe.  In 
Am.  311-12  7io-n-12-14-17  they  can  scarcely  be  omitted,  (b)  There 
is  the  same  question  in  the  case  of  such  introductory  phrases  as 
"  Behold,  the  days  are  coming  "  (8lla  913),  "  hear  this  word,  etc. " 
(31  41  51  84).  (c}  The  same  question  arises  concerning  similar 
phrases  at  the  end.  Some  omit  them  entirely,!  as  in  i5-8  216 
3i3.  is  43  89  Others  retain  them.  J 

8.  A  splendid  example  of  the  refrain  occurs  in  Am.  44"13,  in 
which  five  strophes  close  with  the  words,  "  But  ye  did  not  return 
unto  me  —  it  is  the  oracle  of  Yahweh."     Cf.  Is.  98-io4  (which  was 
probably  modelled  after  Amos)  ;  also  Ps.  396-12  426-12  435  46(4)  8- 12 
4913'21  576'12  596'12'18-      Something  approaching  to  a  refrain  is  seen 
in  Ho.  53  610,  "Thou,  O  Ephraim,  hast  committed  harlotry,  and 
Israel  is  defiled." 

9.  Textual  criticism  has  found  a  great  ally  in  this  new  work 
of  metrical  and  strophic  structure.  §     Evidence  of  this  appears 
in  every  recently  published  commentary.     A  new  criticism  has 
arisen,  distinct  from  the  textual  (or  lower)  and  from  the  historical 
(or  higher).     We  may  call  this  the  strophic  (including  metrical) 
criticism.     By  the  application  of  this  criticism,   (a)  introductory 
and  concluding  formulas  will  be   thrown  out,  e.g.  i5-8  216  315<13; 
(b)    glosses  and  variants  are  detected,  while  repetitious  phrases 
and   unnecessary    adjectives    are    given   their   proper   place,  e.g. 
52378a82a.i3.   ^  lacunae  are  recognized,  e.g.  2m  13  f  ^ ll  5°  f  81 ; 
(</)    additions   made   merely   for  explanation  or  by  way  of  ex 
pansion   are  separated  from  the  original   text,  e.g.   i14d  212c  31<9e 
4s.7a.76.8a.io5  ^i6e .  ^\^\Q  (^  as  the  most  important  service  of  all, 
the  great  divisions  of  thought  are  clearly  marked  (v.s.}.     This 
criticism,  while  "  lower "   (having  to  do  with  the   form)   is   also 
"  higher,"  since  it  is  largely  a  logical  criticism. 


*  Following  Sievers,  §§  240-246.  f  Sievers,  Baumann. 

J  Miiller,  Condamin,  Lohr. 

§  Cf.  Sievers,  §§  240-246;  Da.  O.  T.  Proph.  242  f. 


clxx  INTRODUCTION 


§  21.  THE  LANGUAGE  AND  STYLE  OF  AMOS  AND  HOSEA. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  character  of  the  lan 
guage  of  these  earliest  prophets,  as  also  to  certain  alleged  Aramai- 
cisms  in  Amos  (p.  cxxxviii),  and  in  Hosea  (p.  cxl).  The  general 
characteristics  of  the  style  of  Amos  have  been  noted  (pp.  cxxxix  f.). 
It  is  entirely  in  accord  with  the  sentiment  of  modern  scholarship  to 
designate  the  language  of  both  Amos  and  Hosea  as  classic  Hebrew. 
This  becomes  much  more  clear  in  Hosea's  case,  when  one  separates 
from  the  original  Hosea  the  secondary  material  that  belongs  to  a 
later  age ;  and  especially  when  the  original  text  of  the  separate 
pieces  appears  in  its  clearness  and  logical  unity,  after  excluding 
the  elements  which,  by  their  interpolation,  have  given  an  entirely 
wrong  conception,  as  against  the  straightforwardness  and  lucidity 
of  Hosea's  method  of  expression.* 

i.  Concerning  Amos,  in  particular,  certain  facts  of  a  linguistic 
character  deserve  consideration.  Among  these  are  :  — 

(1)  Those    elements   which    point    to   a  fully   developed,   and,   indeed, 
thoroughly  artistic  style,  viz. :   (rt)  the  rhythmical  flow  of  the  language,  which 
moves  on  easily  and  smoothly  in  stately  periods;    this  rhythmic  factor  is  very 
marked  and  furnishes  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  for  the  poetic  character 
of  the  book;    (6)  the  use  of  chiasm,  e.g.  26- 14  47  55.10. 24  68.12  79.11  312  9!. 
(<:)  the  occurrence  of  paronomasia,  e.g.  55  82  710;   (</)  the  employment  of 
assonance,  e.g.  2165  41  67  91. 

(2)  Those  instances  of  phraseology  or  syntax  which  are  either  rare  or  very 
frequent,  viz. :    (a)    rare  phrases  and  constructions  are  seen  in  the  use  of 
the  accusatives  en?  (312)  and  o'jnfl  (4®) ;   the  construction  of  the  numerals 
in  53;    the  sequence  of  tenses  in  ^mtODm  and  "racx  (47°),  SDJO  (49),  and 
nSoNi  (y4) ;  the  various  usages  of  S  in  ytrsS  mn  (44),  nwhvh  .  .  .  npaS  (44), 
not^i  (84),  and  "m  ptopnS  (85);  the  adverbial  use  of  >p  in  Dip1"  ID  (72>5);  the 
use  of  S  with  the  direct  object  as  in  Aramaic  (63  89) ;    the  use  of  3  with 
nnN  in  521  (only  here  and  Ex.  3O38  Lv.  2631;  in  Is.  1 13  probably  a  dittograph); 
and  the  phrase  S  HN^HD  in  527  (only  here  and  Je.  2219  Gn.  3521). 

(£)  Among  the  favorite  phrases  and  constructions  are  the  following :  The 
use  of  the  participle  is  frequent,  especially  in  descriptions,  where  it  furnishes 

*  Cf.  on  the  one  side,  the  clearness  and  smoothness  of  is1"11,  which  has  preserved 
its  original  form  with  only  slight  corruption  ;  and  on  the  other,  the  confusion  of 
chap.  12,  as  found  in  jflSS,  and  the  obscurity  of  chap,  n,  due  to  its  corrupt  text. 


LANGUAGE  AND   STYLE  OF  AMOS  AND   HOSEA        clxxi 

a  convenient  substitute  for  a  relative  clause,  e.g.  27  310- 12  41-11  53.7.10.12.18 
51. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.  is  g4. 14  gi .  elsewhere  it  is  used  as  a  vivid  substitute  for  a  perfect 
or  imperfect,  e.g.  213  51  68- 14  f- 8- 16.  The  idiom  -nj?  rpDiN  N>L>  occurs  in  78- 13  82 
(cf.  52  814).  The  rhetorical  question  is  made  use  of  in  ^- 8  520-  25  612- 13  88  97; 
and  conciseness  is  attained  by  the  use  of  the  circumstantial  clause  with  px 
in  34-552.6. 

(<:)  Examples  of  words,  or  usages  of  words,  which  are  rare  or  frequent,  e.g. : 
(a)  words  found  only  in  Amos*:  D>Sj?j,  26  86  (in  dual);  p>pn  and  pipe,  213; 
*na  and  P#cn,  312;  nns  (used  of  women),  41;  rnxxnn  (in  this  form),  41; 
nux  and  run,  42;  nrpo  (fern,  pi.),  42;  \-i,  516;  SON,  520;  nnxy  (in  pi.),  521; 
awon,  65;  ipn?D  (used  of  wine),  66;  D^O'Di,  611;  t^pSn,  71;  -px,  77;  oSia, 
714;  npptw  (in  Niph.),  88;  o»V3,  97  (pi.  of  this  form  only  here).  To  these 
may  be  added  words  found  in  Amos,  and  only  once  elsewhere :  anpj,  714  (i1) 
2  K.  3*;  pon,  29  Is.  i31;  >3  ap;*,  41'2  2  S.  I210;  is,  511  (86)  Ps.  7216  (elsewhere 
-a);  onjon,  63  Is.  665;  nnr,  67  Je.  i65;  o^pa,  611  Is.  229;  <aj,  71  Na.  317; 
aiS^,  81-2  Je.  527;  DJ7X3,  91  Jo.  28  (in  similar  sense);  and  also  words  found  in 
Amos,  and  only  two  or  three  times  elsewhere :  nixnn,  i3  Is.  2827  41 15  Jb.  4i22; 
-\^y,  213  Mi.  412  Je.  921  Zc.  12°;  nroj,  310  (in  fern.  sg.  only  here  and  Is.  5914; 
in  fern.  pi.  Is.  2610  3O10) ;  o^ir,  312  (only  occurrence  outside  of  P) ;  jpNa,  410 
Is.  343  Jo.  220;  iis,  411  Is.  7*  Zc.  32;  j^Sac,  59  (ptcp.  only  here;  cf.  Jb.  927 
io20  Ps.  3914);  D^wnc,  518  (ptcp.  only  here  and  Pr.  I34  Nu.  u34);  o<rnD,  64-7 
Ez.  176  2315  Ex.  2613;  pane,  64  i  S.  28-4  Je.  4621  Mai.  320;  MJ,  71  Dt.  i84 
Jb.  31^  Ps.  726;  pr\v*  for  pnr,  79-16  Je.  3326  Ps.  IO59;  njoSynn,  813  (in  Hithp. 
only  here  and  Jon.  48  Gn.  3814) ;  8>n3,  93  (in  mythological  sense,  also  Is.  271 
Jb.  2613);  nyptr,  95  (in  Qal  only  here  and  Je.  5i64  Nu.  n2);  D^ntfVp,  97  (this 
form  of  pi.  only  here  and  Gn.  io14  i  Ch.  I410). 

()3)  Favorite  words  and  ideas  are  the  following:  Expressions  for  the 
poor  and  needy,  viz.  p"ON,  26  512  84-6;  a-1*?!,  264X  511  8°;  DMJJ?,  27  4X84.  Words 
fa*  justice,  righteousness,  viz.  oe^c,  57-i5.24  512.  npiy,  57-  24  612.  Expressions 
for  destruction,  viz.  "send  fire  upon,"  i4,  etc.;  "kindle  a  fire,"  i14;  "cast  fire 
on,"  56;  "break  the  bar,"  I5;  "cut  off  inhabitants,  etc.,"  I5-8  23;  "go  into 
exile,"  i5-15  5s-27  67  yii-17;  "turn  my  hand  against,"  I8;  "slay,"  23  410;  "visit 
upon,"  32-14;  "the  sword,"  4™  79.11.17  9!;  "famine,"  811;  "end  is  come,"  82; 
" groan,"  213;  "smite,"  315  49  611  91;  "taken  with  hooks,"  42;  "send  pesti 
lence,"  410;  "  overthrow,"  411;  "  hurl  down,"  52;  "  pass  through  the  midst  of," 
517;  "day  of  calamity,"  63;  "deliver  up,"  68;  "crush,"  614;  "lay  waste,"  7°; 
"  darken  the  earth,"  89;  "  put  mine  eye  on  them  for  evil,"  9*;  "  destroy,"  9* 
Titles  of  the  Deity,  viz.  Yahweh  (33  times),  Lord  Yahweh  (15  times), 
Yahweh  God  of  hosts  (413  s14- 15- 27  686- 146),  the  Lord  (f-*b  9!),  thy  God  (412), 
God  (411). 

2.  Concerning  Hosea,  in  particular,  notice  may  be  taken  of 
the  following  phenomena  :  (i)  Certain  characteristics  of  linguistic 

*  Cf.  Carrier,  Hebraica,  V.  135  f. 


clxxii  INTRODUCTION 

usage  that  indicate  his  possession  of  a  mature  and  well-formed 
literary  style  :  (a)  While  the  rhythm  of  Hosea  is  on  the  whole 
inferior  to  that  of  Amos,  there  being  many  passages  in  which  the 
movement  is  halting  and  broken,  yet  there  are  portions  of  which 
the  rhythm  is  as  marked  and  fine  as  that  of  Amos,  e.g.  91"8  I31'9. 

(£)  Chiasm  is  of  comparatively  rare  occurrence,  but  is  definitely  recog 
nized  and  employed,  e.g.  44-9.i3d.e  53a.&  yT&.e  IOHa.6. 

(c]  A  number  of  cases  of  paronomasia  occur,  e.g.  SNJHP  (l4),  px  n>a  (415  io5), 
j?3B>  "isaa  lyaari  Sxi  (416),  Nia  and  anax  (89),  na  and  onax  (916),  xna*1  and 
nnex  (i315),  oa^  and  as>  (93),  aw  in  two  senses  (ii5),  ^jS;  and  o'Sj  (i212), 
NX£  in  two  senses  (i29). 

(rf)  Assonance  appears  in  27  (repetition  of  suffix  •*),  3*  41  (repetition  of 
I^N),  416a  51  (HBSD  ...  no  na>na  nan,  also  o^iyn  nns'),  S76  966  (aispn  onxo 
a-opn  *ic),  lo1-2  (niaxc  and  ninarc),  915  (omo  onn&>). 

(2)  Syntactical  usage,  phraseology,  and  vocabulary :  (a)  Rare 
and  irregular  constructions  are  common  in  the  Massoretic  text 
of  Hosea,  but  many  of  them  disappear  when  the  text  is  properly 
corrected  (pp.  clxxvi  f.). 

Among  those  still  remaining  are :  the  ellipses  before  moa1?  (211)  and 
nSjji  (72),  the  omission  of  the  object  of  urn  (54),  the  force  of  p  in  DID  nap? 
(68),  the  construction  of  nnnj  (69),  the  force  of  S  in  NisinS  (913),  use  of  h  with 
direct  object  (io12  u3),  the  force  of  a  in  -pr^a  (i39),  the  construct  followed 
by  relative  clause  with  relative  omitted  (i2),  the  gender  of  HPIN  (419),  ^Va 
with  a  participle  (y8),  use  of  S  expressing  time  at  which  (95),  and  the  use 
of  the  jussive  HDi^  (915)- 

(b}  Among  the  favorite  constructions  of  Hosea  are  his  use  of  asyndeton 
(more  frequent  than  in  any  other  O.T.  book),  e.g.  213- 14  46e-  7- 10-  »• 18  56- 8- J0-  "• 15 
6-3.10  7i2.ic  9fl.7.9.is  I0i.26.6.nt.i3  „*.  the  frequent  introduction  of  clauses  by 
nr>,  e.g.  416  57  f  83-136  io2a  I32;  verbal  apposition,  i6  5"- 15  64,  and  the  fre 
quent  use  of  p«  (especially  with  the  meaning  without)  >  33- 4  41  52- 14  f- u  87  I34. 

(f)  Hosea's  vocabulary  is  extensive  and  varied  ;  though  speaking 
almost  continually  upon  the  same  subject,  he  is  ever  finding  new 
words  in  which  to  express  his  thought.  Hence  the  number  of 
"  favorite  "  words  is  comparatively  small. 

Among  those  most  frequently  occurring  are  :  crjur  (i2  24  412  5*),  njr  (i2  27  38 

410.  11.  12.  13.  14.  18  53  610  91)}  npfl  (,4  216  49.  14  gl3  97- 9  I23),  yv  (210  53' 4- 9  63  f 
82.4  92.7  Il3  I24.5^  Dy^  ^\  53.8^  ^NJ  (3!  42. 13. 14)>  n^  (215  46  gl*  136),  NOT 
(47  811  I29  I32),  HXOT  (48  97-9  I09  I312))  ?v  (48  56  7!  g!8  c)7.  9  IQ10  I29  ,312^ 

DOX  (415  515  io2  13!  14!),  NDW  (53  610  93-4),  non  (41  6s-6  io12). 


TEXT  AND   VERSIONS   OF  AMOS   AND   HOSE  A     clxxiii 

Among  the  rarer  words  and  forms  in  Hosea  may  be  noticed  those  that 
occur  nowhere  else,  viz.:  -jnS  (32),  n>sosj  (24),  runs  (214),  nmSn  (215),  nr^aj 
(212),  nnjp  (513),  napy  (68,  in  this  sense),  SSiarr  (y8,  in  this  form),  np-\r  (7*, 
intransitive),  -VP  (y13,  as  particle  of  denunciation),  aoatt-  (86),  onan  (813), 
(98),  ppa  (ic1,  intransitive),  mw  on1?  (92),  «pjp  (io2,  in  this  sense), 
(ii3,  in  this  form),  nina?  (ii4,  in  this  form),  nm  (I31),  nnsSn  (i36), 
•WD  (138),  om  (i314),  snfl'  (i315),  on«S  (;5,  in  this  form),  -na»  (io2,  in  Po.), 
Sow  (n4,  in  Hiph.),  IT  (716),  unn  and  un>  (89),  trip>  (98),  o'pox  (914),  vnvnn 


Of  words  that  occur  not  more  than  three  times  outside  of  Hosea  there  are  : 
wv*  (31  Ct.  25f-  2  S.  619  i  Ch.  i63  Is.  i67),  max  (32  Jb.  627  4O30  Dt.  26), 
«ipe>  (27  Ps.  102™  Pr.  38),  D\jur  (i2  24-6  412  54  Ez.  2311-29  2  K.  922  Na.  34), 
ap-i  (512,  in  this  sense,  Jb.  I328),  mtn  (513  Je.  3O13),  ^aS>  (414  Pr.  io8-  10), 
nmnyiB'  (610  Je.  i813),  nnifl  (y11  Jb.  52),  moa  (44  io5  Zp.  i4  2  K.  236),  pn 
(ii8  Gn.  i420  Pr.  49),  apj;  (i24«-8  Je.  93  Gn.  2736),  onnnn  (i215  Je.  6™  3i16), 
nis  (9"  2  K.  I93  Is.  373  Je.  I321),  laJS'D  (i313  Is.  373  2  K.  I93),  atop  (i313 
Is.  282  Dt.  3224  Ps.  9i6),  inx  (13^  Gn.  4i2-18  Jb.  811),  n>j  (io12  Je.  43),  n^j 
(io12  Je.  42  Pr.  I323),  nttr  (io14  Is.  33!,  in  Hoph.). 

Of  other  uncommon  or  poetical  forms  may  be  cited  :  the  archaic  ending  fi 
(9ie  IX2  I32)^  ,j^n.y,  (515  63)t  nnfl1D  (g7),  isiT  (83),  sScN  (48),  Mnarw  (io11), 
DNp  (io14),  IDD  (74  812  i37),  ni^N  (io4). 

It  cannot  be  maintained  that  the  peculiarities  of  Hosea  furnish 
any  considerable  data  toward  the  hypothesis  of  a  Northern  dialect 
as  distinguished  from  the  Southern. 


§  22.  TEXT  AND  VERSIONS  OF  AMOS  AND  HOSEA. 

i.  The  text  of  Amos  is  as  well  preserved  as  perhaps  any  text  in 
the  Hebrew  Bible,  the  number  of  unintelligible  passages  being 
remarkably  small  (cf.  310  49  5"  61-2  f). 

The  text  of  Hosea,  however,  is  one  of  the  most  corrupt  in  the 
O.  T.,  the  number  of  passages  which  almost  defy  interpretation 
being  extremely  large.  Among  these  are  418  52-8-11-15  63-5-9  f-G-l2c-16 

g5a.l06  98.13   j  Q5.  9.  10    ^2.3.7.96.10    j  ^.  12    ^1.9.10.15    ^36.        RoSCa'S    TCpU- 

tation  for  obscurity  is  due  in  large  measure  to  the  corrupt  form  in 
which  the  text  of  his  message  has  reached  us.  That  this  corrup 
tion  began  at  a  comparatively  early  date  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  some  of  the  errors  of  iJH(E  appear  already  in  (&,  e.g.  712c, 
17ttty?,  eV  rfj  aKoy  ;  716,  bv  *b,  €19  ovOcv ;  II9,  TU?  K13K,  eiVeAevo-o/xai 
ets  7ToA.ii/.  For  the  restoration  of  the  original  text  much  help  may 


Clxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

be  derived  from  the  versions,  but  in  many  cases  resort  must  be 
had  to  critical  conjecture. 


(i)  In  the  correction  of  fH^T,  (!!  is  most  helpful.  That  the  textual  basis 
of  (§  is  different  from  £B2T  appears  from  the  large  number  of  cases  in  which 
the  reading  of  @  cannot  have  come  from  f$l&,  e.g.  Am.  I16,  Nin,  ol  iepets 
ai>T&v  =  wr\3;  2U,  D^pN,  t  Xa/3o  p  =  n[3N;  Ho.  217,  nipn,  fftiveaiv  avrys  =  nji3n(?); 
810,  Ntt'DD,  rou  xpt€LV  —  n'J'DC;  418,  DtoD  ^D,  yptTurev  Xavavatovs.  <J|'s  render 
ing  was  evidently  made  before  JH&  had  become  the  standard  text.  The 
character  of  (§'s  rendering  is  in  general  the  same  in  Amos  and  Hosea  as 
elsewhere.*  The  translation  of  Hosea  seems  to  be  inferior  to  that  of  Amos, 
but  this  is  probably  due,  in  large  measure,  to  the  greater  difficulty  of  the  text. 
Sometimes  ©  is  very  free,  e.g.  Am.  38-10.1^  PIJDIN,  x^Pai>  521>  '*>'3  nn«  N^, 
ov  /J.T]  cxrtypavdG)  dvo~las  fv  rcus  Travrjyvpeo'iv  v/j.u>v;  Ho.  27,  "lptt>,  iravra  8o~a  fwi 
Kad^Ket;  513,  rbv^,  Kal  airto-TeiXev  Trpto-peis;  in  other  cases  excessive  literal- 
ness  is  aimed  at,  e.g.  in  Am.  72-5  the  synonyms  nSo  and  *?-<n  are  differentiated; 
518,  nr  nnS,  Iva.  rL  avrrj;  Ho.  21,  itt'N  DipC3,  tv  ry  rdirtf  o£;  the  idiom  N*? 
'Ui  t^DiN  is  regularly  rendered,  ov  /J.TJ  irpoffd-fiaw,  K.T.\.,  e.g.  Ho.  I6  915  I32,  etc. 
Inaccurate  renderings  are  of  common  occurrence,  e.g.  Am.  61,  O'jjNr,  t£ov6e- 
vovfft;  312,  ntDD  PND2,  KartvavTi  TTJS  0uX^s;  Ho.  910,  ."niD^r,  o>s  CTKOTT^V;  713, 
111',  Se^Xatot;  511,  S'Nin,  ^p^aro;  76,  |"'%  VTTVOU  tvcTrXriaOr). 

Occasionally  ignorance  of  the  meaning  is  shown  by  resort  to  transliteration, 
e.g.  Am.  I1,  onpja,  ei>  '  AKKapeifj.;  and,  perhaps,  312,  an;',  te/3e?s. 


When  due  allowance  is  made  for  the  errors  of  (d,  there  still 
remain  many  passages  in  which  its  text  is  preferable  to  fH2L 
In  this  commentary  (§  has  suggested  corrections  of  $&$l  in 
Am.  27-156  35-9  43-10  s9-26  8116  Ho.  28  44-  10-  19  5  8-1L15  61-8-5-9  y1-6-12'-14  812 

g2.9.13.  14  IQ5.  12.  136.  15    jj2.  3.7    j  22-  3-  9    r  -2.  4.  5.  6.  7.  9.  10.  14    j^.g^ 

(2)  The  remaining  Greek  versions  present  the  same  characteristics  in 
Amos  and  Hosea  as  elsewhere.f  (a)  Aquila's  pedantic  literalness  is  illus 
trated  by  Am.  I2,  /Spuxiyo-ercu,  JNE>  ;  cf.  @  t<j}dty£aTo  ;  216,  Kal  6  Kaprepbs 
Kapdiav  avTov  tv  Surarots  yvfjivbs  0e^erat  ;  Ho.  218,  exwv  /xe  =  iS^3  ;  518, 
diKa.a6fji.evov  =  m*  ;  813,  6vaias  (ptpe  <ptpe  —  on^n  ^n3T.  His  fondness  for 
transliteration  is  frequently  indulged,  e.g.  Am.  523,  vafiX&v  (rou,  "\'h^  ;  71,  T^S 
s,  'en  VJ;  212,  Nafapafous,  onvj  ;  cf.  @  ^ytaav^j'ous;  610, 
on;  Ho.  99  and  io10,  where  njnjn  is  transliterated,  though 
@  translates  it  in  both  cases.  'A.  also  translates  many  proper  names,  cf.  e.g. 
Ho.  415  58-13  913  io6-14.  His  etymological  tendency  crops  out  often,  e.g. 
Am.  310,  6p66T7]Ta,  HHDJ  ;  71,  6^t/ios,  jypS.  The  rendering  of  Aquila  presup- 


*  See  especially  Swete,  Introduction  to  the  O.  T.  in  Greek,  315-41. 
f  See  Swete,  Introduction,  29-58. 


TEXT  AND  VERSIONS  OF  AMOS  AND  HOSEA       clxxv 


poses  a  text  different  from  ff(2T  in  very  few  cases,  e.g.  Am.  I3,  vjro  for  xin; 
410,  'DN3  for  'DN31  ;  83,  at  0-77)601776?  —  nrvs,  fifl^T  niTtr  ;  88,  <r/ce7ra(r^?j(7erat 
for  nnSy  ;  Ho.  11"  I25-9  I31.  The  version  of  Aquila  is  thus  of  little  value  for 
the  correction  of  iftflST.  Readings  of  Aquila  have  been  adopted  only  in  two 
cases,  Am.  410  (omission  of  i  in  DJDJOI)  and  Ho.  n7  (V  for  ^  of  fSUE),  both 
of  which  have  the  support  of  other  versions. 

(b'}  The  version  of  Symmachus  is  the  very  opposite  of  Aquila's  in  that 
it  strives  after  an  expression  of  the  idea  in  pure  and  graceful  language  rather 
than  an  exact  and  literal  reproduction  of  the  Hebrew.  Examples  of  this 
freedom  may  be  found  in  Am.  I3  41  51-.  While  using  1H2T  as  a  basis,  S. 
shows  familiarity  with  ©,  'A.,  and  especially  G.  He  exhibits,  however,  a 
certain  amount  of  independence.  His  rendering  involves  a  different  textual 
basis  from  fH^C  in  Am.  I14  410  88  (all  agreeing  with  'A.,  v.s.};  5°,  NO"1  for 
NU>  ;  523,  nro  for  n-irD  ;  61,  3Oj??n  for  opj  ;  and  Ho.  31  y15  8<J  1  14-  7  I25-  12  13--  «. 
Readings  of  S.  have  been  adopted  in  Am.  410  $2>  61  Ho.  ii7  (two),  in  only 
one  of  which,  viz.  Ho.  n7,  •inN-ni;;,  is  any  independence  of  other  versions 
exhibited. 

(<r)  Theodotion's  version  is  a  revision  of  ©,  and  of  practically  no  inde 
pendent  value  for  the  correction  of  £H2u  That  he  had  the  Hebrew  text 
before  him  is  evident  from  his  frequent  transliterations,  e.g.  Am.  I1,  fV  vwKedei/j., 
D'npj:)  ;  y7,  aSwrat,  'JTN.  In  no  case  does  he  furnish  a  text  independent 
of  both  <§  and  fH9T.  He  supports  the  readings  adopted  in  Ho.  913,  ivn; 
io5,  ^r:^  ;  u7,1?;. 

(3)  The  fragments  of  the  Old  Latin  version  are  of  much  value   for  the 
correction  of  <J|.     The  version  is  on  the  whole  a  literal  translation  of  (d,  but 
presents  many  variations  in  agreement  with  the  recension  of  Lucian.    Its  most 
significant  departure  from  JH2T  and  ©  is  in  Am.  I1  (q.v.~}.     Little  use  of  it 
has  been  made  in  this  commentary,  since  it  was  not  accessible  till  the  textual 
work  was  practically  finished  and  much  of  it  in  type. 

(4)  The   Syriac   furnishes  a   fairly  careful    and    accurate    rendering.      In 
general  it  follows  ©,  but  shows  frequent  independence,  e.g.  Am.  I11  follows 
1H9T  ;   i15  takes  3Dso  as  proper  name  ;   Ho.  3*  210-  2°  4*  513  610.     It  presupposes 
a  different  text  *  from  £E&  and  (g,  e.g.  in  Am.  I11-  14  28-  10-  16  f-  r>-  »•  ™  $>•  <J  516 

61.  «".  7  yo  gl.  3.  4  J  Jo.   I6  32  4*.  '•  12.  18  ,j4.  7  (ft.  10  76.  8.  11  g6  9!   IO7-  W  I  i4.  8  j  2l.  2.  5.  10.  12 

^i.  10.  is.  its  readings  have  been  adopted  in  preference  to  £HC  or  ©  in 
Am.  i11  311  516  61  Ho.  47.i2r.i9  51  f  86  91  ii4  12---  1:». 

(5)  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  is  a  paraphrase  rather  than  a  translation, 
and  is  characterized  by  its  adherence  to  the  letter   of  the  text,  and   by  its 
theological  point  of  view,  e.g.  all  anthropomorphisms  are  carefully  removed. 
Consonantal  departures  from  J51ST  are  of  rare  occurrence,  variations  from  the 
vocalization  of  fH9T  being  more  frequent.     No  emendation  has  been  adopted 
on  the  J>asis  of  tZT  independently  of  <JI  and  other  versions. 

(6)  The  Vulgate  follows  JHE  very  closely,  but  sometimes  borrows  Greek 

*  For  details  see  textual  treatment  in  commentary. 
m 


Clxxvi  INTRODUCTION 

renderings.  The  literalness  of  'A.  is  sought  after  at  times,  but,  as  a  rule,  the 
translation  is  made  with  considerable  freedom,  and  this,  together  with  Jerome's 
imperfect  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  which  not  infrequently  caused  him  to  err 
(e.g.  Am.  5'24,  revelabitur,  ^r] ;  6",  factio,  nnn),  and  the  uncertain  state  of 
U's  own  text,  renders  U  an  unsafe  guide  to  the  original  text.  No  readings 
have  been  adopted  here  on  £T's  authority  uncorroborated  by  that  of  other 
versions. 

2.  The    following   transpositions  have   been   made:     (i)    In   Amos:    22, 
aNic  pNS'a  Pen,  follows  -ntr1?  (21);   27  follows  28,  and  29  follows  210;   2116  fol 
lows  212;  215,  Dion  am,  exchanges  places  with  on?  in  216;   216a  follows  aSo^  N1? 
in  2156;  315  follows  3";  58a  follows  51;   53c,  Sane"  noV,  follows  HND  nNXvm; 
55c  follows  54;   5"  precedes  510;    58,  ici?  mrp  is  placed  at  beginning  of  verse; 
686  follows  67;   6146  follows  14c;   83  follows  S9. 

(2)  In  Hosea:  21()- n  are  connected  with  2";  214  follows  211;  213  precedes 
215.  219  is  joined  to  215;  414ti  follows  44;  412a- 6  precedes  411;  712c  precedes 
yii.  S56  precedes  8~ja;  93  comes  between  94and5;  916  follows  911;  912c  follows 
915;  io7  comes  between  io8aand86;  I213  is  connected  with  I216;  I215  comes 
between  i2lland12;  I44c  follows  I43. 

3.  The    errors   of  fH3T   may  be    classified  as  follows:     (i)  Changes  in 
vocalization:    Am.  27  84,  o^flNirn   for   DNDNB'?;    215a,  ta^p'  for  tajs'.;   526,  n-irp 
for  Pro;   61,  op;  for  oojasn ;   83,  nn^  for  nnc;,  and  ^Sirn  for  ^Srn;    910, 
^>jn  for  K'jn,  and  o^ipn  for  OI^P;   Ho.  511,  pv^  for  P^>,  and  yixn  for  yxn; 
513>  n-!?^  f°r  n;!??'';   63,  nyi  for  nn>;   y6,  onrx  for  ansst;   712c,  Dn;D^N  for  D^N; 
714,  n-ioj  for  -nio;;    84,  -it'>;  for  ^t^;   86,  ooatf  ^  for  ooac'r;   811,  ^n-yn  for 
^nn^n;  98,  nnif  for  nok;   99,  .inner  for  inrw;   io2,  pSn  for  pSn;    io5,  n^J^S  for 
SrjS,  and  ?5V;  for  ^3*^;    io9,  PN^n  for  n&nn,  and  S^  for  ^y;   n2,  •IN^I'J  for  ^N^I^J 
ii4,  ^nns?  for  annr,  and  taxi  for  ONI;   1 17,  S^  for  Sj?,  and  -inNinp>  for  •viNnp.j; 
I22,  nsi;  for  -ian*,  and  Sav  for  -iSa'";    I29,  ig».n  for  v^r,  and  Nipn  for  x^n; 
I3l,  Nt*j  for  N^rj;   132,  ^nat  for  o^nai;   I36,  -ij;p^  for  j^air;   I37,  ~WN  for  ^I^N; 
13°,  ripnr  for  ^nnr;   I315,  a^nN  for  -ins,  and  &y)  for  ra^i,  and  -^N  for  -I^N; 
I43,  one  for  nip. 

(2)  The  consonantal  corrections  may  be  grouped  under:  (#)  Incorrect 
division  of  words:  Am.  612,  onpaa  for  a"  ipaa;  72,  ^^3  c^  n>m  for  xn  •>n>> 
nS^D;  Ho.  44,  ^anca  nopi  for  vioaa  -»np;  52,  a^^  nantfi  for  O^BZTI  nne»i; 
63,  INXO  paj  intra  for  IHNXDJ  p  mnc»a;  65,  -\IN  •i^tootra  for  11*0  wow;  81,  n^ja 
for  nti>j  ID;  86,  o^aac*  ^  for  o^aaira;  n2,  on^ao  for  an  IJDD;  I22-3,  am  Sav 
for  an  iSav. 

(^)  Dittography  and  haplography:  Am.  56,  trxa  for  £'X,  and  n^a  for  n^aa; 
58,  r\^  for  nSn*?;  511,  DDD^ia  for  DDDia;  62,  aaSajn  nSiaj  for  aaSaj  oSiaj?:; 
77,  *]JN  PDin  for  nnin;  83,  on  fhurn  for  "jV^n;  811,  nai  for  nan;  Ho.  33,  '•JN  for 
^^N;  45,  avn  for  acr;  418,  ian  ianx  for  lanx;  419,  DPinarr  for  'TDD;  58,  no  for 
noa;  8lla,  NonS  added;  91,  pi  dittog.  of  pji;  9*,  cnS  for  DDn1?;  913,  J-\n  SN 
for  nj-\nS;  ii3,  vnynr  for  •'Pjnnr;  n4,  *y  for  Spo;  I29,  py  for  ppS;  I212,  onw 
for  Dna'S;  132,  •'na?  for  on»S  o^nai  oy;  I39,  o  for  OJN  ;  I48,  *w  for  laifM, 
and  vn>  for  vmi. 


TEXT  AND   VERSIONS  OF  AMOS  AND   HOSEA    clxxvii 

(c~)  Confusion  of  i  and  i:  Am.  27,  niyjn  for  rnyjn;  516,  ^IN  for  p"w; 
Ho.  418,  ax3D  ID  for  D'1X3D  ID;  j2,  ii;:xi  for  IIDJ?>;  712c,  omyS  for  onixS;  714, 
mui-p  for  mum;  92,  ajrv  for  ojrv;  913,  iixS  for  TxS;  io13,  pii3  for  13313; 
I21'2,  anw  for  an^S;  I35,  TnyT  for  Tn^i. 

(V)  Confusion  of  x  and  y.  Am.  68,  axnn  for  ajjnn;  Ho.  53,  nnp  for  nnx; 
72,  IIDX>  for  liny. 

(<?)  Confusion  of  x  and  c>:  Am.  56,  nSx11  for  nStt";   Ho.  511,  ix  for  xia». 

(/)   Confusion  of  c*  and  r:  Am.  21,  TfrS  for  nirS;   Ho.  5'2,  a>C3fe'  for 
912c,  i  life' a  for  m&;3. 

(£•)  Confusion  of  i  and  •> :  Am.  59,  X131*  for  x>3">;  Ho.  913,  nxS  for 
I310,  1'BBan  for  -])Bfljy>);   I29  and  14°,  ^S  for  i1?. 

(A)  Transposition:  Am.  312,  Si3  for  -aS;   Ho.  52,  IJXT  for  pxi;   73, 
for  in^n^;    io9,  m1?;*  for  nSiy  ;   I310-14,  •'nx  for  n^x. 

(z)  Confusion  of  3  and  3;   Ho.  y1,  >xci3  for  txo-\3;   712c,  ynj^a  for 
94,  my  for  i3ij;\ 

(y)  Omission  or  insertion  of  x;  Ho.  46,  "JXDXDXI  for  "JDXDXI;  515,  lOPX"1  for 
ice'"1;  85,  njr  for  ruts;  io15,  nry  for  ntyyx;  n3,  anp  for  onpx. 

(/£)  Confusion  of  suffixes;  Ho.  28,  ~|3m  for  H3"n;  412c,  njjnn  for  Di;nn;  S7, 
1*7  for  nS;  92,  na  for  D3;  I25,  unp  for  my. 

(/)  Omission  or  insertion  of  copula:  Ho.  45,  >rPDt  for  'ni;  61,  l^  for  T*i; 
86,  xim  for  -n;  810,  ana>  for  'tt'i;  I22,  nnai  for  '-13;  I23,  npflSi  for  feh;  I246, 
1J1X31  for  'X3. 

(ni)  Theological  change:    Ho.  716,  hy  xS  for  S^aSj  910,  nu>3  for  hyi. 

(n}  Miscellaneous  corruptions:  Am.  22,  nDi  for  nnn;  35,  no  for  >JD;  49, 
main  for  ^nainn;  59,  i^  for  i3a>;  512,  D3^nxton  for  D3>xton;  910,  unya  for  UHJJ; 
Ho.  i9,  ODS  for  DD^nSx;  47,  I^DX  for  won;  410,  ixifli  for  isin>;  58,  tnnx  for 
nnnn;  69,  ian  for  ix3n;  610,  'xS  nur  for  'x  n>:T;  72,  B331?1?  for  'Sa;  76,  taip 
for  nj73;  714,  ani33^D  for  amn3Tc;  810,  iVnM  for  iSnm,  and  XIPDD  for  P^DD;  96, 
vsSn  for  wS^,  and  ia>D  for  iitrx,  and  'aS  icna  for  '3  nnnD;  97,  nxwnn  omitted; 
913,  nSintt'  for  mtt';  io1,  niB"  for  xij%^i;  io5  iS^J11  for  iS^n1;  io6,  nja»3  for  ntt»3; 
io12,  ^fiS  for  naS,  and  HUM  for  no;  n2,  >J3S  for  na;  u5,  xS  for  iS;  n6, 
Dn^nwpnn  for  nnns3D3;  n7,  <-n3i^Di?  D^xiSn  for  vnawna  >jxSn,  and  vh  nm 
onn>  for  iDniS  Snn  xin;  n9,  xi3x  for  anx;  n10,  nnx  i>y3  for  nx3  "W;  I22, 
1^1  for  xitt'i;  i25,  Sx  for  nx;  I28,  ptPi'S  for  apyS;  I212,  ij;1?^  ax  for  'Sja,  and  vn 
for  vvy;  I32,  ajiana  for  aruiDro;  13°,  o  for  >D;  i310,  iny  ^33  for  in^  Sai; 
I315,  a>nx  pa  for  inx  B>D  paa;  I48,  pi  for  pa  vin. 

4.  The  more  important  special  studies  on  the  text  of  Amos  and  Hosea  are: 
Vollers,  "Das  Dodekapropheton  der  Alexandriner,"  ZAW.  III.  (1883), 
219-72 ;  Zeydner,  "  Bijdragen  tot  de  textkritiek  op  het  O.  T.,"  ThSt.  IV. 
(1886),  196-207  ;  Sebok,  Die  syrische  Uebersetzung d.  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten 
und  ihr  Verhaltniss  zu  dem  massoretischen  Text  und  zu  den  alter  en  Ueber- 
setzungen,  namentlich  den  LXX.  und  dem  Targum  (1887);  Treitel,  Die 
Alexandrinische  Uebersetzung  des  Buches  Hosea  (1887;  only  chaps.  1-3); 
Idem,  "  Die  Septuaginta  zu  Hosea,"  Monatsschrift  fur  Geschichte  und  Wissen- 
schaft  de s  Judcnthum s,  1898;  Schuurmans  Stekhoven,  De  Alex.  Vertalingvan 


Clxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

het  Dodekapropheton  (1887);  Patterson,  "The  Septuagint  Text  of  Hosea 
Compared  with  the  Massoretic  Text,"  ffebraica,Vll.  (1891),  190-221  ;  H. 
Graetz,  Emendationes  in  plerosque  sacrae  Scripturae  Veteris  Testamenti  libros, 
secunduni  veteruni  versiones  nee  non  auxiliis  criticis  caeteris  adhibitis.  Fasci 
culus  secundus  Ezechielis  et  diwdecim  prophetarum  libros  etc.  continent  (1893)  '•> 
Bachmann,  "Zur  Textkritik  des  Propheten  Hosea  I.-VII.,"  Alttestamentliche 
Untersuchungen  (1894),  1-37;  Loftman,  Kritisk  undersokning  af  den  Maso- 
retiska  te*ten  till  prof,  Hoseas  bok  (1894);  Torrey,  "On  the  text  of  Am.  5'2C 
61--  72,"  JBL.  XIII.  (1894),  61-63;  J'k»i>  "Notes  on  Am.  2~  610  83  98-10," 
ibid.,  XV.  (1896),  151-154;  Ruben,  Critical  Remarks  upon  Some  Passages 
of  the  Old  Testament  (1896) ;  Oort,  Textus  Hebraici  Emendationes  quibus  in 
Vetere  Testamento  Neerlandice  vertendo  usi  sunt  A.  Kuerten,  J.  Hooykaas, 
W.  II.  Rosters,  II.  Oort;  edidit  II.  Oort  (1900)  ;  W.  R.  W.  Gardner,  "  Notes 
on  Certain  Passages  in  Hosea,"  AJSL.  XVIII.  (1902),  178-83;  Bewer, 
"Text-critical  Suggestions"  (Ho.  I21  44-8,  etc.),  JBL.  XXI.  (1902),  108-14; 
Idem,  "Critical  Notes  on  Am.  27  84,"  AJSL.  XIX.  (1903),  u6f.;  Hirscht, 
"Textkritische  Untersuchungen  iiber  das  Buch  Amos,"  ZwTh.  XLIV.  (1903), 
11-73;  Miiller,  "Textkritische  Studien  zum  Buche  Hosea,"  SIC.  1904, 
pp.  124-26;  and  W.  O.  E.  Oesterley,  Studies  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  Ver 
sions  of  the  Book  of  Amos  (1902)  ;  Idem,  "The  Old  Latin  Texts  of  the  Minor 
Prophets,  I."  (Hosea),  Journal  of  Theological  Studies,  V.  (Oct.  1903),  76-88. 
These  last  two  studies  are  of  especial  value  in  the  effort  to  determine  the 
original  text  of  <&,  but  were  not  received  in  time  to  .be  of  material  assistance 
in  the  preparation  of  this  volume. 

§  23.    LITERATURE  ON  AMOS  AND  HOSEA. 

Of  the  older  commentaries  the  more  important  are  those  of 
Jerome  (|  420  A.D.),  Aben  Ezra  (t  1167),  Kimchi  (f  1230),  Luther, 
Calvin,  Pococke  (on  Hosea,  1685),  Mercerus  (1698),  Gebhard 
(1737),  Harenberg  (Amos,  1763),  Manger  (on  Hosea,  1782),  Vater 
(Amos,  1810);  Stuck,  Hoseas  Propheta  (1828);  Maurer  (1836) ; 
Hitzig  (1838  ;  3d  ed.  1863)  ;  Ewald  (1840)  ;  and  Umbreit  (1844). 

From  1845  to  1880  may  be  mentioned:  Baur,  Der  Prophet 
Amos  erklart  (1847)  \  Diisterdieck,  "  Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  des 
Propheten  Amos,"  SK.,  1849,  pp.  869-914  ;  Simson,  Der  Prophet 
Hosea  erklart  u.  iibersetzt  (1851);  Kurtz,  Die  Ehe  d.  Propheten 
Hosea  (1859);  Linder,  "  Bemerkungen  iiber  einige  Stellen  im 
Propheten  Hosea,"  SK.,  1860,  pp.  739-49;  Pusey,  Minor  Prophets, 
I.  (1861)  ;  Lowe,  Beitrage  zum  Verstandniss  des  Propheten  Hoseas 
(1863) ;  Ewald,  Propheten  d.  Alien  Bundes  (2d  ed.  1867  ;  English, 
1875)  ;  Wiinsche,  Der  Prophet  Hosea  ubersetzt  und  erklart  mit 


LITERATURE  ON  AMOS  AND   HOSEA  clxxix 

Benutzung  der  Targumim  u.  der  judischen  Ausleger  (1868)  ;  Hen 
derson,  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  (1868)  ;  Schmoller, 
Exposition  of  Hosea  and  Amos  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk  (1872; 
English  translation  of  Hosea  by  J.  F.  McCurdy,  of  Amos  by 
T.  W.  Chambers,  1874)  ;  Duhm,  Die  Theologie  der  Propheten 
(1875),  109-41;  Houtsma,  "  Bijdrage  tot  de  kritiek  en  verkla- 
ring  van  Hozea,"  ThT.  IX.  (1875),  55-75  ;  Hermann,  "  Exege- 
tisch-kritische  Bemerkungen  zu  einigen  Stellen  aus  Hosea,"  SK. 
III.  (1879),  515-7  ;  A.  B.  Davidson,  "The  Prophet  Hosea,"  Exp.1 
IX.  (1879),  241-64;  Tottermann,  Die  Weissagungen  Hoseas  bis 
zur  ersten  assyrischen  Deportation  erlautert  (1879). 

During  the  last  twenty-five  years  much  attention  has  been 
given  to  the  Minor  Prophets  in  general,  and  more  to  Amos  and 
Hosea  in  particular.  The  list  of  works  includes :  Oort,  "  De 
profeet  Amos,"  ThT.  XIV.  (1880),  114-59;  Nowack,  Der  Pro 
phet  Hosea  erklart  (1880)  ;  Buhl,  "Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  des 
Propheten  Hosea,"  ZKW.  1881,  pp.  227-35  ;  w-  R-  Smith,  art. 
"  Hosea,"  Enc.  Br.XII.  (1881)  ;  Keil,  Minor  Prophets,  in  Keiland 
Delitzsch's  Biblische  Commentary  I.  (1866;  2d  ed.  1873;  transl. 
1880,  2d  ed.  1888)  ;  Hitzig-Steiner,  Die  zwolf  kleinen  Propheten 
erklart  (4th  ed.  of  Hitzig's  Commentary,  by  Steiner,  1881)  ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel  (1882  ;  new  edition,  with  Introduction  by 
Cheyne,  1895 )  \  Scholz,  Commentar  zum  Buche  des  Propheten  Hosea 
(1882)  ;  Hoffmann,  " Versuche  zu  Amos,"  ZAW.  III.  (1883)  87- 
126  ;  Briill,  "  Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  des  Buches  Hosea,"  Jahrb. 
/.  jud.  Geschichte  u.  Litteratur,  1883,  pp.  1-62  ;  Cheyne,  Hosea, 
with  Notes  and  Introduction  (Cambridge  Bible,  1884)  ;  Sharpe, 
Notes  and  Dissertations  upon  the  Prophecy  of  Hosea  (1884); 
Gunning,  De  Godspraken  van  Amos  (1885);  Zeydner,  "  Het 
Vaderland  van  Amos,"  Stemmen  voor  Waarheid  en  Vrede,  1886, 
pp.  548-53;  de  Visser,  Hosea  de  Man  des  Geestes  (1886); 
Cornill,  "Hosea  I21,"  ZAW.  VII.  (1887),  285-9;  A.  B.  David 
son,  "The  Prophet  Amos,"  Exp.2  V.  (1887),  161-79;  VI.  161- 
73;  Mitchell,  "The  Idea  of  God  in  Amos,"  JBL.,  Dec.  1887, 
PP-  33-42;  Orelli,  Die  z-wolf  kleinen  Propheten  (1888;  transl. 
by  J.  S.  Banks,  1893);  Schuurmans  Stekhoven,  "Het  Vader 
land  van  Amos,"  ThSt.  VII.  (1889),  222-8;  Sayce,  "The 
Book  of  Hosea  in  the  Light  of  Assyrian  Research,"  JQR. 


Clxxx  INTRODUCTION 

1889,  pp.  162-72;  Bachmann,  Praeparationen  zu  den  kleinen 
Propheten(i%<)Q)i  Zeydner,  "  Nog  lets  over  den  prefect  Amos," 
Stemmen  voor  Waarheid  en  Vrede,  1890,  pp.  613-34;  Oort, 
"Hozea,"  ThT.  XXIV.  (1890),  345-64,  480-505;  Idem,  "  Het 
Vaderland  van  Amos,"  ThT.  XXV.  (1891),  121-6;  Kirkpatrick, 
Doctrine  of  the  Prophets  (1892;  3d  ed.  1901),  83-142;  Well- 
hausen,  Die  kleinen  Propheten  ilbersetzt  und  erkldrt  (1892  ;  3d  ed. 
1898)  ;  Lagrange,  "La  nouvelle  histoire  d'Israel  et  le  prophete 
Osee,"  Revue  biblique,  I.  (1892),  203-38  ;  Smend,  Lehrbuch  der 
alttestamentlichen  Religionsgeschichte  (1893;  2d  ed.  1899),  179- 
86,  204-18;  Michelet,  Amos  oversat  (1893);  Mitchell,  Amos, 
an  Essay  in  Exegesis  (1893;  2d  ed.  1900)  ;  Billeb,  Die  wich- 
tigsten  Satze  d.  alttestamentlichen  Kritik  vom  Standpunkt  der 
Propheten  Amos  und  Hosea  aus  betrachtet  (1893)  ;  Driver,  art. 
"Amos,"  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (2d  ed.  1893);  Kirk 
patrick,  art.  "Hosea,"  ibid.;  Beer,  "Zu  Hosea  XII.,"  ZAW. 
XIII.  (1893),  281-93;  Boehrner,  "Die  Eigenart  des  Heilspre- 
digt  des  Amos,"  SK.,  1893,  pp.  35  ff. ;  Guthe,  Translation  and 
notes  in  Kautzsch's  Heilige  Schrift  d.  A.  T.  (1894  ;  2d  ed.  1896); 
Valeton,  Amos  en  Hosea.  Een  hoofdstuk  uit  de  geschiedenis  van 
Israels  gods  dienst  (1894;  German,  1898)  ;  N.  Schmidt,  "On  the 
Text  and  Interpretation  of  Am.  s25"27,"  JBL.  XIII.  (1894),  1-15  ; 
Paton,  "  Did  Amos  Approve  the  Calf- Worship  at  Bethel  ?  "  ibid., 
80-91  ;  Cornill,  Isr.  Prophetismus  (1894  ;  English,  1898),  37-55  ; 
Skipwith,  "Note  on  the  Order  of  the  Text  in  Hosea  1-3,"  JQR. 
VII.  (1895),  480  ff.;  Oettli,  "Der  Kultus  bei  Amos  und  Hosea," 
Greifswalder  Studien  (1895),  pp.  1-34  ;  Tesch,  Setzt  der  Prophet 
Amos  autoritatives  Gesetz  voraus  ?  (1895)  j  Paton, "  Notes  on  Ho- 
sea's  Marriage,"  JBL.  XV.  (1896),  9-18;  George  Adam  Smith, 
The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  I.  (1896)  ;  Loftman,  Kom- 
mentar  till  prof.  Hoseas  bok  (1896)  ;  Nowack,  Die  kleinen  Pro 
pheten  itbersetzt  und  erklart  (1897;  2d  ed.  1903);  Cheyne, 
"Notes  on  Obscure  Passages  of  the  Prophets,"  Exp?  V.  (1897), 
41-51  ;  Idem,  "A  New  German  Commentary  on  the  Minor  Proph 
ets,"  ibid.,  VI.  (1897),  361-71  ;  Volz,  Die  vorexilische  Jahwepro- 
phetie  und  der  Messias  (1897)  ;  Budde,  "Die  Uberschrift  des 
Buches  Amos  und  des  Propheten  Heimat,"  in  Semitic  Studies  in 
Memory  of  Rev.  Dr.  Alexander  Kohut  (1897),  106-10  ;  Driver, 


LITERATURE  ON  AMOS  AND   HOSEA  clxxxi 

Joel  and  Amos  (Cambridge  Bible,  1897) ;  Seesemann,  Israel  und 
Juda  bei  Amos  und  Hosea,  nebst  einem  Exkurs  uber  Ho.  i-J 
(1898)  ;  Hartung,  Der  Prophet  Amos  nach  dem  Grundtexte  erklart 
(1898)  ;  Volz,  "  Die  Ehegeschichte  Hosea's,"Zze/7%.  1898,  pp.  321- 
35  ;  Taylor,  art.  "  Amos,"  DB.  I.  (1898) ;  Cheyne,  art.  "Amos," 
EB.  I.  (1899)  ;  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  "Hosea,"  DB.  II.  (1899); 
Vetter,  "Die  Zeugnisse  der  vorexilischen  Propheten  liber  den 
Pentateuch  ;  I.  Amos,"  Theologische  Quartalschrift,  1899,  pp.  512- 
52  ;  Vienney,  Amos  de  Tekoa,  son  epoque  et  son  livre  (Dissertation, 
1899) ;  Elhorst,  De  Prophetie  van  Amos  (1900)  ;  Giesebrecht,  Die 
Geschichtlichkeit  des  Sinaibundes  untersucht  (1900)  ;  Muss-Arnolt, 
"Amos  5^(21-27);'  Exp*  II.  (1900),  414-28;  Houtsma,  ThT. 
XXXIV.  (1900),  429  ff.  (review  of  Elhorst);  W.  R.  Smith  and 
K.  Marti,  art.  "  Hosea,"  EB.  II.  (1901)  ;  Procksch,  Die  Geschichts- 
betrachtung  bei  Amos,  Hosea  und  Jesaia  (1901)  ;  Budde,  art. 
"  Amos,"y<?w.  Enc.  (1901)  ;  Oettli,  Amos  und  Hosea,  zwei  Zeugen 
gegen  die  Anwendung  der  Evolutionstheorie  auf  die  Religion  Isra 
els  (Beitrage  zur  Forderung  christlicher  Theologie,  Jahrgang  5, 
Heft  4,  1901)  ;  Grimm,  Liturgical  Appendixes  in  the  Old  Testa 
ment  (1901),  60-78,  88-93;  Day  and  Chapin,  "Is  the  Book  of 
Amos  Post-Exilic?  "  AJSL.  XVIII.  (1902),  65-93  ;  Nowack,  "  Die 
ZukunftshofTnungen  Israels  in  der  Assyrischen  Zeit,"  in  Theolo 
gische  Abhandlungen  (Festgabe  fur  H.  J.  Holtzmann,  1902),  33- 
59  ;  Riedel,  Alttestamentliche  Untersudmngen,  Heft  I.  (1902), 
1-36 ;  Boehmer,  "  Die  Grundgedanken  der  Predigt  Hosea's," 
ZwTh.  XLV.  (1902),  1-24;  Halevy,  "Le  livre  d'Osee,"  Revue 
Semitiqiic,  X.  (1902),  1-12,  97-133,  193-212,  289-304;  Idem, 
"  Le  livre  d'Amos,"  ibid.,  XI.  (1903),  1-31,  97-121,  193-209, 
289-300  ;  XII.  (1904),  1-18  ;  Meinhold,  Studien  zur  israelitischen 
Religionsgescliichtc,  I.  Der  heilige  Rest  (1903),  33-88;  Cheyne, 
Critic  a  Bib  lie  a,  II.  (1903);  Marti,  Dodckapropheton  (Kurzer 
Hand-Commentar  z.  A.T.,  1903);  J.  A.  Montgomery,  "Notes  on 
Amos,"  JBL.  XXIII.  (1904),  94-96  ;  R.  F.  Horton,  The  Minor 
Prophets,  Hosea-Micah  (The  New-Century  Bible,  1904);  von 
Ryssel,  art.  "  Hosea,"  Jew.  Enc.  (1904). 

Literature  on  the  poetical  form  and  the  text  is  given  in  con 
nection  with  §§20  and  22,  pp.  clxv  f.,  clxxvii  f. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  OF   ISRAELITISH   LIFE  AND 
THOUGHT   DURING  THE   DIVIDED   KINGDOM 

ISRAEL'S  HERITAGE  FROM  CENTURIES  PRECEDING  933  B.C. 


PRE-PROPHETIC  RELIGIOUS 
ACTIVITY 


EXTRA  PRE-PROPHETIC  RELIGIOUS 

ACTIVITY 


The  Song  of  Deborah  (Ju.  5). 
Nathan's  Parable  (2  S.  121-4). 
The  Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gn.  49). 
The  Oracles  of  Balaam  (Nu.  23,  24). 
The  Stories  of  Creation,  the  Deluge,  etc. 
The  Song  of  the  Exodus  (Ex.  15,  earliest 

form). 

The  Patriarchal  Traditions. 
Traditions  of  the  Conquest. 
State  Annals. 
Traditional  Customs. 
The  Order  of  Seers. 
The  Nebhi'im. 
The  Xazirites. 

The  Institution  of  the  Kingdom. 
The  National,  or  Patriotic,  Spirit. 
The  Life  and  Work  of  Samuel. 
The  Prophet  Nathan. 
Gad,  the  Seer. 
The  Oracle,  Ephod,  Teraphim. 


The  Book  of  Jasher  (Jos.  1013;  2  S.  I18). 
The  Book  of  the  Wars  of  Yahweh  (Nu. 

2114  '•). 

Jotham's  Fable  (Ju.  97  r-). 
David's  Lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan 

(2  S.  I17  "•)• 

David's  Lament  over  Abner  (2  S.  333  r-). 
Early  Proverbs  (1  S.  10"  r-;  2413). 
Popular  Riddles  (Ju.  1414-18;  1518). 
Ancient  Folk-lore. 
Ancient  Legends  and  Songs — e.g.: 

Lamech's  Song  (Gn.  4*  f-). 

Song  of  the  Well  (Nu.  2 117  f-). 
Ancient  Laws  (e.g.  1  S.  3024  '•). 
Religious  Institutions — e.g.: 

Sacrifice. 

Feasts. 

The  Sabbath. 

Clean  and  Unclean. 

Circumcision. 

The  Ark. 

The  Priesthood. 

Local  Sanctuaries. 

The  Temple. 


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A   COMMENTARY   ON   THE    BOOK   OF 
AMOS. 


§  1.  The  superscription :  Occupation  and  residence  of  Amos; 
date  of  his  work.  i1. 

The  superscription  contains  the  title,  the  author's  name,  his 
occupation,  his  home,  the  subject  treated,  and  the  date ;  the  last 
in  two  forms.*  This  is  the  most  exact  and  complete  of  all  the 
superscriptions  to  prophetic  utterances,  f  Although  it  may  well 
be  supposed  that  Amos  prepared,  perhaps  in  Jerusalem,  the 
edition  of  his  sermons,  which,  with  some  modifications  has  been 
handed  down  to  us,  it  is  improbable  that  so  early  an  author  would 
have  prepared  such  an  elaborate  superscription ;  it  is  better  to 
understand  that  it  comes  from  a  post-exilic  period.  \  The  editor 
evidently  makes  Amos  precede  Hosea,  since  only  Uzziah  is  men 
tioned  among  the  kings  of  Judah.  It  is  important  to  note  that, 
whatever  may  be  the  age  of  the  superscription,  it  is  entirely  con- 


*  Uhland,  Annotationes,  3-30;  Juynboll,  Disputatio  de  Amos,  1-8,  11-18,  27-32; 
Ba.  38-110;  Oort,  "De  Profeet  Amos,"  ThT.  XIV.  122-7;  Matheson,  "Studies  in 
the  Minor  Prophs.,"  Exp.  III.  (1882),  342-4;  WRS.,  Prophs.  120 ff.,  395;  Sta. 
GVL  I.  562-75;  Da.  Exp.  V.  (1887),  161-79;  Stekhoven,  "  Het  vaderland  van 
Amos,"  ThSt.  1889,  222-8;  Mit.  1-22;  Gun.  13  ff. ;  Now.  121  ff.;  GAS.  I.  67  f. ; 
Che.  EB.  I.  147  ff. ;  Dr.  93  ff.,  125  ff. 

f  Ho.  gives  title,  author,  parentage,  date;  Mi.,  title, author,  country,  date,  sub 
ject;  Na.,  title,  subject,  author,  country;  Zp.,  title,  author,  parentage  (fully),  date; 
Hb.,  title,  author,  occupation  (prophet) ;  Hg.,  no  proper  superscription,  the  first 
verse  contains  date  (to  the  day),  title,  author,  occupation  (prophet),  those  to  whom 
his  message  was  addressed ;  Zc.,  date,  title,  parentage,  occupation  (prophet) ; 
Mai.,  title,  subject  (to  Israel),  author ;  Ob.,  title,  author ;  Jo.  and  Jon.,  title,  author, 
parentage. 

J  So  Che.  EB. ;  Tay.  DB. ;  Bu.  Jew.  Enc.  •  Now. ;  Houtsma,  ThT.  1900,  p.  432. 
B  I 


2  AMOS 

sistent  with  the  contents  of  the  book  and  is  to  be  accepted  as 

historical. 

1.  onpja  run  ntp«]  a  gloss;  orig.  text,  words  of  Amos  of  Tekoa,  cf.  Ju.  I28 
[Bu.  in  Kohut's  Semitic  Studies  (1897),  106-10;  id.  Jew.  Enc.  I.  530; 
Now.;  Lohr,  3];  present  structure  very  awkward;  but  cf.  Or.  (fol.  De.)  who 
makes  jnpn  .  .  .  T^N  a  later  addition;  and  Oct.  (p.  65)  who  suggests  that  in 
this  case  ^prn  (2  S.  2326)  would  have  been  used,  onpja]  @  tv  '  AnKapcLfj., 
probably  for  ev  NaK/ca/>efyi,  initial  v  having  been  lost  after  tv  [so  Drusius, 
Grotius,  Vol.  Cf.  the  suggestion  of  Hirscht  (ZivTh.  XLIV.  45)  that  &  is 
based  on  a  marginal  gloss  anrx,  added  in  explanation  of  onpj] ;  cf. 
2  K.  34;  some  codd.  of  (JI  Ka/ncttfiapefyt;  'A.  7rot/xj'toTp60ois;  S.  rots  T 

(=  herdsmen};  Q.  vuKedel/j..  &  pru  i^r.  &  1|-2J,  merely  transliterating 
the  Heb.  SXT^]  (JH  'lepova-aXrj/j.,  probably  confusing  similar  abbreviations. 
&  sons  of  Israel.  Cf.  the  form  of  the  superscription  in  IL:  — sermoncs  Amos 
quos  vidit  super  Hierusalem. 

1  a.  The  words  of  Amos']  The  titles  of  the  prophetic  books  * 
generally  contain  some  reference  to  Yahweh,  as  the  author  of  the 
words  spoken,  or  some  technical  expression  which  implies  such 
authorship  (Na.  i1  Hb.  i1).  This  phrase  (Je.  i1  Hg.  i12)  con 
tains  no  allusion  to  a  specifically  active  human  element,f  since 
the  words  are  recognized  as  Yahweh's  words.  Nor  does  the 
plural  designate  the  writing  as  composed  of  distinct  prophecies,  \ 
since  every  book  is  similarly  made  up  of  distinct  prophecies. 
There  is  likewise  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  original  super 
scription  was  limited  to  these  words.  §  The  Amos  of  this  book 
has  sometimes  been  confounded  with  the  father  of  Isaiah,  ||  but 
for  the  most  part  tradition  has  rightly  distinguished  between  the 
two.  Concerning  Amos  see  Introduction  (§  12).  Who  had  been 
among  the  shepherds']  v.s.  That  is,  he  was  one  of  the  shep 
herds  in  Tekoa ;  not  with  the  distinctive  use  of  the  preposition, 
viz.  he  was  great  among  them.^f  Here  one  must  compare  714 

*  Cf.  (i)  the  similar  introduction  of  Je.;  (2)  "the  word  of  ">  "  of  Ho.,  Mi.,  Zp., 
and  Jo.;  (3)  "  the  burden  "  of  Na.  and  Hb. ;  (4)  "the  burden  of  the  word  of  '\" 
of  Mai.;  (5)  "the  vision"  of  Is.  and  Ob.;  (6)  the  introductory  formula  "and  it 
came  to  pass  "  of  Ez. ;  (7)  "  was  the  word  of  ">  by  Hg.  the  prophet" ;  (8)  "  was  the 
word  of  ">  unto  Z."  f  Cf.  Ba.  +  Geb.  $  Implied  by  Val.  79  ff. 

||  Clem,  of  Alex,  and  Pseudepiph  (see  Ba.). 

U  Ki.,  Ephraem ;  cf.  Bu.  (in  Kohut,  Semitic  Studies,  20,  io6ff.),  who  translates: 
who  had  been  among  the  sheep  breeders,  (a  man)  of  Tekoa ;  so  Che.  in  EB.  I. 
147 ;  but  in  Crit.  Bib.  he  treats  anpj  as  a  proper  name. 


in  which  Amos  calls  himself  a  herdsman  (but  see  p.  8).  Was 
Amos  an  owner  of  sheep,  and  wealthy?  So  most  Jewish  inter 
preters,  who  urge  that  this  is  implied  in  the  use  of  the  same  word 
of  the  King  of  Moab  (2  K.  34)  ;  and  that  if  a  slave  or  servant,  he 
could  not  have  left  his  work  for  an  excursion  of  this  kind  ;  but  the 
fuller  description  in  7",  in  which  reference  is  made  to  his  indigent 
circumstances,  the  etymology  of  the  word,  and  the  answer  made 
to  Amaziah  (715),  "Yahweh  took  me,  etc."  point  to  a  simple 
shepherd.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  a  slave.* 
—  From  Tekod\  This  was  certainly  in  Judah,  although  it  has  been 
placed  in  Zebulon,f  in  Asher,  \  in  the  south  of  Palestine,  but 
belonging  to  Ephraim,  §  (i.e.  the  ten  tribes).  ||  In  favor  of 
Judah  are  (i)  the  evidences  elsewhere  found  that  Amos  was 
of  Judah,  e.g.,  the  command  of  the  priest  (712)  to  Amos  to  flee  to 
Judah ;  likewise  "  the  exact  scenery  of  his  visions  "  which  is  seen 
from  Tekoa  ;t  (2)  the  references  in  2  S.  if  2326  Je.  61  2  Ch.  2O20 
i  Mace.  g33.  The  place  lies  six  miles  south  of  Bethlehem  (twelve 
miles  south  of  Jerusalem)  .**  The  hill,  four  or  five  acres,  is  broad 
at  the  top  and  not  steep.  The  surrounding  country  is  sterile  and 
rocky,  but  rich  in  pasturage.  The  wilderness  of  Tekoa  (2  Ch.  2020) 
is  part  of  the  wilderness  of  Judah.jf  The  preposition  "  from  " 
indicates  that,  like  other  shepherds,  Amos  came  from  Tekoa,  but 
remained  in  the  wilderness  or  vicinity.  JJ  While  the  Jewish  fancy 
that  Amos  was  wealthy  has  no  basis,  it  is  just  as  unfounded  to 
say  §§  that  Tekoa  is  mentioned  as  especially  poor  to  show  God's 
ability  to  confound  the  rich  with  the  poor.  Was  Tekoa  too  high  for 
the  cultivation  of  sycamores?  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
reference  is  to  some  low  lying  district  in  the  Shephelah  owned  by 
Amos  ||  ||  at  some  distance  perhaps  from  Tekoa.  —  Which  he  saw] 
This  word  originally  marked  the  method  of  reception  of  the 


*  F.  Ba.         f  Pseudepiph.  de  vitis  prophetarum,  245.         %  Ki.         §  Cyril. 

||  Cf.  Har.  45-9,  who  locates  it  on  Carmel ;  Graetz,  Gesch.  I.  403,  who  identifies 
it  with  Eltekeh  of  Jos.  ig44,  making  Amos  a  Danite;  Oort,  ThT.  XXV.  121-6,  who 
makes  him  belong  to  the  ten  tribes.  H  GAS.  HG.  315. 

**  Its  ruins,  "  extensive,  but  uninteresting,"  still  remain,  bearing  the  name  ol 

Teku'a  (c«JL>).     PEF.  1874,  p.  27. 

ttSee  also  Ba.;  Rob.  BR?  I.  486 f . ;  Stickel,  Das  Buck  Hiob,  269-77;  K.ue. 
HCO?  II.  355  f.  H  Hi.  §§  Gal.,  Us.  ||||  Che.  EB. 


4  AMOS 

divine  communication  as  by  vision.  The  vision  may  have  been 
merely  a  dream,  a  vision  of  the  night,  or  a  half-sleeping,  half- 
waking  condition,  as  with  the  Syrian  monks  of  the  present  day ; 
or  the  ecstasy  or  trance.  It  is  impossible,  in  the  majority  of 
cases,  to  distinguish  between  these  forms.  Such  visions  came  to 
non-prophets  (i  K.  3*  i  S.  288ff-)  as  well  as  to  prophets  (i  K.  ig6 
i  S.  a1'14)- 

An  earlier  and  a  later  usage  may  be  noticed:  (i)  In  the  earlier  period 
nm  (as  well  as  nxt  of  which  it  is  often  the  poetic  equiv.)  marks  the 
reception  of  the  message,  which  is  seen  as  well  as  heard  (cf.  ^rpfco  Am.  91 
Is.  61;  '•JNin  Am.  jl  4-7  81  2  Ki.  810-13;  this  is  in  accordance  with  the  Arab. 
i<\Uif  used  of  clairvoyants,  soothsayers,  those  who  can  foretell  the  future 
(cf.  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  92  f.).  At  this  time  *o:n  had  reference  to  the  speaking 
or  impartatiou  of  the  communication  to  others.  N*OJ  is  not  (a)  a  passive 

formation  from  a  root  toj  =  J73J  to  bubble  forth;    Arab.  *AJ  to  well  forth 

(Redslob,  Der  Begriff  des  Nabi  (1839);  and  Ho.  J^10,  p.  30;  Ke.  on  Gn.  2O7; 
Kue.  Proph.  42;  Maybaum,  Die  Entwickelung  des  isr.  Prophetenthunis,  113; 
Baud.  EinL  314);  nor  (b}  a  noun,  designating  an  ordinary  speaker  from  NOJ, 

cf.  Arab.  LxJ  utter  a  low  sound,  Assyr.  Nm  nabu,  name,  call  (Or.  Proph.  II  f.; 
K6.  II.  i,  pp.  133,  407;  BDB.;  cf.  WRS.  Proph.  390 f.);  but  (c}  as  is  seen 
from  the  use  of  the  Niph'al  to  prophesy,  an  involuntary  speaker,  one  who 
speaks  under  compulsion  that  which  has  been  communicated  to  him 
(Hoffm.;  Arab.  Lo  raise  up,  speak  softly,  hence  s'Lo  soft  wine).  Per 
haps  it  is  an  active  transitive  (cf.  Son;  j^DN;  S>*?fl;  Tpc;  ^rv)  its  object 
being  DSJ,  which  he  apprehends  quietly  but  imparts  vehemently  with  deep 
breaths,  cf.  Bewer,  AJSL.  XVIII.  120.  (2)  In  the  later  period,  the  distinc 
tion  between  rim  (also  n&o)  and  toaj  is  broken  down,  the  former,  as  well 
as  the  latter,  meaning  to  utter  or  announce  prophecy  (Is.  21  Mi.  i1  (rim), 
Is.  2911  2 12).  In  this  verse,  n?n  has  its  later  usage;  and  since  the  distinc 
tion  between  revelations  "heard"  and  "seen"  is  made  by  the  compiler  of 
the  book  (cf.  chaps.  1-6  with  7-9),  the  date  of  the  expression  would  seem  to 
be  still  later  than  the  compilation.  (Ba.,  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  95.) 

1  b.  Concerning  Israel^  The  words  of  Amos  were  intended  for 
the  North,  viz.  Israel,  not  the  South.  The  Northern  Kingdom,  there 
fore,  seems  to  have  been  regarded  by  him  as  Israel  proper,  of  which 
Judah  was  a  fragment  (i  K.  n29-39  2  K.  i718).*  His  utterances 

*  See  Seesemann,  Israel  und  Juda  bei  Amos  und  Hosea  (1898),  pp.  1-17,  in 
which  it  is  shown  that  Amos  always  means  Ephraim  when  he  uses  the  name  Israel, 
thus  following  the  usage  of  the  old  sources  of  the  historical  books,  e.g.  K  in 


concerning  foreign  nations,  Syria,  Moab,  etc.,  like  the  similar 
utterances  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel,  were  intended  for  the 
ear  of  Israel.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  outside 
nations  ever  heard  them.  In  a  true  sense,  however,  even  these 
utterances  were  concerning  Israel,  since  the  attitude  of  God 
therein  depicted  was  the  same  as  that  assumed  by  him  toward 
Israel  and  Judah ;  and  the  affairs  of  Israel  were  so  closely  woven 
with  those  of  the  nations  named  as  to  make  everything  concerning 
them  related  in  some  way  also  to  Israel.  The  fact  that  so  much 
of  the  prophetic  material  has  to  do  with  the  outside  nations, 
coupled  with  the  probability  that  no  part  of  this  material  was 
given  to  them,  points  indisputably  to  the  opinion  here  expressed, 
and  justifies  and  explains  the  use  of  the  phrase  —  concerning  Israel. 
In  the  days  of  Uzziah  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  Jeroboam~\  In  corrobora- 
tion  of  this  statement  may  be  cited  (i)  the  plain  historical  narra 
tive  (79ff)  in  which  Jeroboam  plays  an  important  part;  (2)  the 
consistency  between  the  representation  made  in  2  K.  i425  as  to 
the  extent  of  Israel's  kingdom  and  the  allusions  in  Am.  614  (the 
borders  of  Ephraim)  and  62  (the  destruction  of  Hamath)  ;  (3)  the 
consistency  between  the  situation  which  forms  the  background  of 
the  discourses  of  Amos  and  that  which,  as  gathered  from  other 
sources,  existed  in  the  days  of  Jeroboam.  The  work  of  Amos 
would  fall  between  765  and  7503.0.*  (see  Introduction,  §  12,2). 
Uzziah~\  The  long  reign  of  Uzziah,f  during  which  there  was 
co-regency  with  Amaziah  at  the  beginning  and  with  Jotham  at  the 
end,  was,  in  general,  a  period  of  comparative  peace,  and  of  great 
political  prosperity.  Judah  was  probably  in  a  certain  kind  of  sub 
ordination  to  Israel ;  J  the  Philistines  were  severely  defeated  and 

I  K.  I218ff-.  Though  certainly  familiar  with  the  broader  significance  of  the  name 
Israel,  he  probably  refrained  from  thus  using  it  because  of  Ephraim's  unwillingness 
to  allow  Judah  to  share  it,  and  because  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  ordinary 
usage  limited  the  use  of  the  name  Israel  to  the  North,  the  South  being  called 
Judah. 

*  For  a  presentation  of  the  view  that  the  Book  of  Amos  is  really  post-exilic,  see 
AJSL.  Jan.  1902,  an  article  by  Edward  Day  and  Walter  H.  Chapin. 

f  According  to  the  old  chronology  B.C.  810-758 ;  but  791-740,  Schra. ;  783(7)- 
737,  Kit.  Hist.  1 1.  239  f. ;  767-716,  Sta.  GVI.  I.  559;  79o(?)~74O,  Marti,  EB.  1.795; 
790-739,  KAT*.  I.  320;  783-738,  HPM.  III.  435. 

t  Kit  Hist.  II.  331;  Gu.  EB.  II.  2242;  Paton,  Hist.  205,  225  ff.;  cf.  KA  T*.  I. 
262  f. 


6  AMOS 

their  fortifications  at  Gath,  Jabneh,  and  Ashdod  destroyed  ;  in  the 
south  the  Arabs  and  Maonites  were  defeated ;  the  walls  of  Jerusa 
lem  were  strengthened.  Uzziah  probably  accompanied  Jeroboam 
in  his  campaigns  against  Syria  and  after  Jeroboam's  death  made 
an  independent  expedition  there.*  He  appears  about  738  B.C. 
as  head  of  a  coalition  of  Syrian  states  against  Tiglathpileser  IH.f 
His  name  in  the  Book  of  Kings  and  in  the  Tiglathpileser  inscrip 
tions  is  Azariah.  Religiously  Judah,  while  zealous  for  the  temple 
ceremonial,  was  to  a  large  extent  under  the  influence  of  Israel 
and  the  outside  nations.  The  power  of  the  priests  was  increas 
ing,  and  it  is  probable  that  Uzziah  was  brought  into  conflict  with 
them  and  that  the  mysterious  incident  (2  Ch.  2616~25)  really  means 
that  Uzziah  was  deposed  and  isolated  by  the  priestly  faction.  \ 
Jeroboam~\  The  reign  of  Jeroboam  §  lasted  about  forty  years  and 
was  marked  by  great  political  prosperity.  While  many  wars  were 
waged,  peace  existed  during  a  large  part  of  his  reign.  In  the 
wars  with  Syria  much  northern  territory  (the  district  east  of  the 
Jordan)  was  recovered.  This  was  accomplished  the  more  easily 
because  the  Syrians  were  weakened  by  wars  with  Assyria.  The 
limits  of  the  kingdom  assumed  the  widest  extent  (2  K.  i425ff'), 
though  the  statement  that  his  dominion  extended  to  Hamath  is 
thought  to  be  an  exaggeration.  ||  The  calf- worship  was  zealously 
observed  at  Bethel  and  Dan^f  and  a  similar  worship  at  other 
places.  While  this  worship  was  conducted  in  the  name  of  Yahweh, 
it  was  largely  corrupt,  including  Teraphim,  Masseboth,  the  Ephod, 
and  the  Asherah.**  The  prophets  of  the  period  tell  us  tt that  this 


•Kit.  Hist.  II.  335  f. 

fill  R.  pi.  9,  II,  Is.  3, 4,  and  III,  Is.  23,  31.  But  this  identification  of  Azriya'u  of 
Ya'udi  with  Uzziah  of  Judah  is  called  in  question  by  an  increasing  number  of  schol 
ars  who  maintain  that  the  Ya'udi  of  Tiglathpileser's  narrative  is  a  district  in  Northern 
Syria  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  recently  discovered  at  Sinjirli.  So,  e.g.  Wkl. 
Forsch.  I.  1-23  ;  Id.  KA  T*.  I.  262 ;  W.  E.  Barnes,  DB.  II.  512 ;  Paton,  Hist.  233  f. ; 
Gu.  Gesch.  188  f. ;  Horn.  Trad.  319;  Kit.  Konige,  263;  Benz.  Konige,  166;  G.  S. 
Goodspeed,  History  of  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  (1902),  230  f. ;  Smith,  O.  T.  Hist. 
(1903) ,  226 f. ;  but  v.  McCurdy,  HPM.  I.  413  f.  J  Kit.  Hist.  II.  331. 

§  According  to  the  old  chronology  825-784;  but  790-749,  Schra. ;  781-741,  Sta. 
GVI.  I.  559;  781-740,  Kit.  Hist.  11.240;  783-743,  HPM.  §262;  785-745, 
I.  262;  784-744,  Paton,  Hist.  223,  231.  ||  Sta.  GVI.  I.  570. 

U  Ho.  8-5.  6  i05  Am.  814.  **  Kit.  Hist.  II.  305  f. ;  Ho.  a**  17  3*  10*. 

ft  Am.  26  ff-  316  41  57. 10  ff  63  ff  84  ff.  Ho.  4!  f-  n  ff-  6«  f-  la?  *. 


LI  7 

reign  was  characterized  by  gross  immorality,  inordinate  luxury  of 
the  rich,  and  by  oppression  and  injustice  toward  the  poor.  Two 
years  before  the  earthquake^  This  phrase,  contrary  to  Keil,  is 
intended  to  mark  a  date.  Since  earthquakes  (the  view  which 
makes  it  a  civil  commotion  is  untenable)  are  not  infrequent  in 
Palestine,*  as  may  be  gathered  from  their  frequent  mention  in 
poetic  descriptions,  this  must  have  been  an  especially  severe  one. 
Reference  is  made  to  it  certainly  in  Zc.  14*,  possibly  also  in  Am. 
88-9  (an  interpolation)  and  Mi.  i2~4.f  Tradition,  according  to 
Josephus,  I  connects  it  with  Uzziah's  attempt  to  act  as  priest 
(2  Ch.  2616)  and  with  a  shattering  of  the  temple  in  the  year  of 
Uzziah's  death  (Is.  64).  On  closer  examination,  however,  we 
may  ask,  Does  the  editor  mean  to  imply  that  this  earthquake  was 
a  beginning  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction  of  Amos  ?  §  Had 
there,  in  other  words,  been  an  interval  of  two  years,  a  period  of 
repentance,  between  the  last  words  of  warning  and  this  the  first 
flash  of  the  lightning  which  consumed  them?  ||  Does  this  chrono 
logical  statement  carry  with  it  the  implication  that  his  work  was  of 
short  duration,  limited,  perhaps,  to  the  one  year,  "  two  years  before 
the  earthquake, "1"  or  may  it  be  inferred  with  Pusey  from  7*°  211-12 
that  he  had  a  long  ministry,  and  that  the  discourses  were  written 
out  only  after  a  period  of  at  least  two  years?  The  answers  to  these 
questions  depend  partly  on  one's  conception  of  prophecy,  but  more 
largely  upon  data  which  are  not  at  hand.  Jerusalem  itself  seems 
seldom  to  have  been  affected  by  earthquakes,  and  this  may  account 
for  the  lack  of  reference  to  specific  earthquakes  by  O.  T.  writers, 
this  being  the  only  case  mentioned  in  O.  T.  literature.** 

Dicy]  Only  in  this  book,  i1  78-  10-  14  82.  <&  'A/ic6s  which  stands  also  for 
VIDN;  proper  names  of  the  same  form  are  piD>?,  Ne.  i27-20;  fcx,  2  K.  2i18ff-; 
fiDN,  Is.  I1;  pi"*,  2  K.  I533;  rnjr,  Jos.  I53*;  -IIDJ?,  Jos.  724;  the  original  vowels 
are  not  a  —  u  (Lag.  BN.  28 f.),  but  a  —  d  (Earth.  NB.  41,  cf.  59;  Lag.  BN. 
69  f.).  This  form  is  found  in  adjectives  (cf.  Si-u,  great}>  abstract  substantives 
(cf.  tfhw,  peace}  ;  with  active  significance  (cf.  piry,  oppressor ;  fin  =  jp)  ;  per 
haps  never  as  passive.  The  etymologies  suggested  may  be  classified  :  (i)  ov  and 

*  V.  Pu.  I.  286;  Dr.  172;  Che.  EB.  II.  1150  f.;  E.  Hull,  DB.  I.634f. 

f  Cf.  also  Jo.  2!°.          +  Ant.  IX.  10*.          $  Cal.          ||  Pu.         If  Bl.  EM.  363. 

**  Hoffm.  (ZA  W.  III.  123)  regards  this  case  as  an  exegetical  inference  from  y3  6 
(cf.  78  82),  the  thought  being  that  Israel's  punishment  is  twice  postponed,  for  a  year 
each  time;  so  Che.  EB.  I.  149;  and  Marti,  EB.  I.  776. 


8  AMOS 

ir-io  a  people  put  away,  populus  avulsus  (Jer.;  cf.  Ba.),  (2)  connection  with 
the  Egyptian  Amasis  or  Amosis  (Ges.  Thes.  1044),  (3)  for  DID?,  carried  (in 
the  bosom}  or  for  Dpi?,  carrying,  burden-bearer,  related  to  VDJ?  (MV.;  cf. 
Jer.  in  introd.  to  Jo.),  (4)  a  hard  or  heavy  people  (Jer.  in  introd.  to  Is.),  or 
heavy  -tongued,  lisping  (Jer.  on  Am.),  used  of  Am.,  who  according  to  the 
Rabbins  used  D^3  (y14)  for  is^a,  cf.  Ju.  I26.  Of  these  (i)  and  (2)  are 

absurd,  (3)  and  (4)  uncertain.  The  root  (cf.  jj*4-ft,  to  be  oppressed  ;  Phoen. 
Day,  to  burden,  v.  Levy,  Phon.  Wort.  38),  means  (a}  to  lift  and  carry,  Is.  46*, 
(£)  to  load  an  animal,  Gn.  4413.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  the  word  is  a 
simple  adjective  meaning  heavy  (Ba.).  —  onpju  run]  =  np_j  rvn,  cf.  SINC;  DJH 
DW3»,  Is  Saul  also  among  (one  of)  the  prophets  ?  (i  S.  lo11),  also  2  S.  1531 
Ps.  n87;  cf.  the  tv  of  'A.  and  S.  v.s.  The  word  onpj  is  of  interest  from 
every  point  of  view:  (i)  ipiu  of  71*  is  probably  a  corruption  of  it;  (2)  the 
Hebrew  forms  from  the  same  stem,  viz.  TV*,  punctured,  rnpj,  point,  c^^, 
bread-crumbs,  indicate  a  root  (not  occurring  as  such  in  Hebrew)  meaning 
puncture;  (3)  the  cognate  forms,  Ass.  n&kidu  (Dl.  Pr.  47  and  HWB.  479; 


Muss-Arnolt,  Z?eV/.  719;   Evans,  Essay  on  Assyriology,  74)  and  Arab. 

mean  shepherd,  the  latter  (Lane,  2837)   being  used  of  a  particular  kind  of 
^x- 

sheep,  viz.,  tX&3,  a  kind  having  short  legs  and   ugly  faces,  but   furnishing 

P      7 

the  best  kind  of  wool;  (4)  Syr.  |,~aJ,  shepherd,  and  Moabitish  -ipj  (Mesha 
stone,  1.  30  [reading  doubtful]  ;  v.  Dr.  Heb.  Text  of  Sam.  LXXXV.  ff  .  and  in 
Authority  and  Archaeology,  90;  Smend  and  Socin,  Die  Inschrift  des  Konigs 
Mesa  von  Moab  ;  Lidzbarski,  Handbuch  zur  Nord-Semitischen  Epigraphik, 
I.  415  ff.;  \V.  H.  Bennett,  DB.  III.  404  ff.),  cf.  2  K.  34;  (5)  suggestions  have 
been  made  :  (a)  from  a  root  meaning  pierce  (cf.  Jui3,  used  of  a  bird's  boring, 
and  of  the  bite  of  a  serpent)  from  which  is  developed  the  idea  distinguish, 

fix 

used  particularly  of  separating  good  money  from  bad;    hence  JJ&,  applied 

to  a  kind  of  sheep  distinguished  for  choice  wool  (v.s.');  hence  t>Uu 
—  "li?.!|J  (v.s.}  ;  (£)  from  a  root  meaning  ta  puncture  explained  by  "  stimulo 
hastae  utuntur,  pungentes  calcem  et  pedes  bovum  posteriores"  (Har.); 
(c)  shepherd,  so  called  because  many  of  his  sheep  are  "npj  (Ki.).  —  The 

idea   of  tfjn],  as   of  its    cognates   \ji+£\    (also  j£*C.\),  Aram.   yy^t  is  to 

shake,  tremble.  It  is  used,  therefore,  only  of  noises  which  are  connected  with 
a  trembling  or  shaking  movement,  e.g.  of  the  quivering  spear,  Jb.  4i21;  of 
the  thundering  rattle  of  horses'  hoofs,  Jb.  3924;  of  the  roll  of  wagon  wheels, 
Na.  32  Je.  473.  Very  appropriately,  therefore,  is  it  used  of  an  earthquake, 
i  K.  I9llf-  Is.  296  Zc.  I45.  Interestingly  enough  the  root  is  not  used  of 
earthquakes  in  the  other  Semitic  dialects,  which,  however,  employ  words  of 

t>     V 

similar  significance  (Aram.  «rr,  Syr.  p*ol  (from  JMT,  move  one's  self},  Arab. 

fQs 

from  Js-K>  move,  shake}. 


1.2  9 

§  2.  The  text  or  motto  of  the  book.  i2.  When  Yahweh  mani 
fests  his  power  and  majesty,  all  nature  feels  the  terrible  influence 
of  the  manifestation.  The  essence  of  the  teaching  of  Amos  seems 
to  be  presented  in  this  verse,  which  serves  as  an  introduction,  pre 
pared  either  by  himself  or  the  editor.  In  any  case  it  is  a  separate 
section  and  not  to  be  immediately  connected  with  what  follows.* 
The  verse  is  a  stanza  of  four  lines,  in  trimeter  movement.f  The 
parallelism  is  exact,  lines  i  and  2  being  synonymous,  3  and  4 
synonymous  ;  lines  i  and  2  synthetic  with  3  and  4.  The  rhythm 
of  the  verse  is  inimitable  :  — 

jvata  m,T 
jrr 

rn*tt 


For  an  interesting  theory  as  to  its  relation  to  the  following 
stanzas,  in  which  it  is  suggested  that  Amos  went  to  the  head 
quarters  of  the  Northern  King,  accompanied  by  a  chorus,  and 
that  the  entire  passage  (Chs.  1,2)  was  presented  in  strophe  and 
antistrophe,  v.  Miiller.  \  Against  the  authenticity  of  the  verse  may 
be  urged  :  (i)  the  phraseology  is  similar  to  that  found  in  Joel  and 
later  authors  (v.  p.  12)  ;  §  (2)  the  words  suit  the  context  better  in 
Joel  than  here  ;  (3)  the  tone  of  lamentation  seems  inconsistent  with 
the  severe  announcements  which  follow;  (4)  the  extremely  fin 
ished  and  artistic  character  of  the  verse  (zu.),  in  contrast  with  the 
spoken  addresses  which  follow  ;  ||  (5)  the  lack  of  point  in  making 
Jerusalem  so  prominent  in  an  address  delivered  to  the  citizens  of 
Northern  Israel;^  (6)  the  hostility,  implied  toward  the  high- 
places  of  the  North,  did  not  exist  until  after  Amos's  time.  It  is 

*  So  Dat.,  Ba.,  Reu.,  Gun.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.,  et  al. 

f  See  my  articles  in  AJT.  I.  (1897),  140-5,  and  BW.  XII.  (1898),  86-9,  179-82, 
251-6,  333-8- 

J  Die  Propheten  in  ihrer  ursprunglichen  Form  (1896)  ;  cf.  Lohr,  Untersuchungen 
zum  Buck  Amos  (1901),  p.  3  ;  K6.  Stilistik,  Rhetorik,  Poetik  (1900),  348  ff.  ;  Zenner, 
Die  Chorgesange  im  Buche  der  Psalmen,  I.  (1896),  5-8  ;  Sievers,  Metrische  Studies, 
I.  (1901),  134-41,  472-9;  Baumann,  Der  Aufbau  der  Amosreden  (1903)  ;  and  on 
Hebrew  Poetry  in  general,  Briggs,  General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Holy  Scrip' 
fure(iSgg},  355-426. 

§  Che.  in  Introd.  to  WRS.  Proph.  XV.  f.,  and  art.  "Amos,"  Efi. 

||  Seesemann,  p.  5.  U  Volz,  19  f.  ;  Bu.  art.  "  Amos,"  Jew.  Enc. 


10  AMOS 

not  enough  to  claim  that  Amos  uses  this  utterance  earlier,  because 
in  Joel  the  effect  of  Yahweh's  indignation  is  very  much  exaggerated 
as  compared  with  the  effect  described  by  Amos  ;  *  or  that  the 
passage  is  not  hostile  to  the  high-places  but  implies  merely  that 
Jerusalem  is  the  most  prominent  of  the  places  at  which  Yahweh  is 
worshipped.!  The  verse  introduces  the  entire  book  and  not  the 
first  chapters. 


2.  JNB»]  Greek  versions  variously:  6  tyBtytaTo;  'A.  S. 
6.  ipct&Tai;  while  2TE&  translate  as  future.  O'jnn  niNj]  ®  habitations  of 
Kings;  U  speciosa  pastorum  ;  &  oasis  inhabited  by  shepherds.  ^Dian  B>NI] 
T&  fortification  of  their  strongholds. 

2.  And  he  said]  This  phrase  is  used  after  "words"  of  i1  in 
stead  of  the  more  common  "  saying,"  because  of  the  number  of 
subordinate  sentences  intervening;  cf.  Ho.  i2.  Yahweh  roars 
from  Zion,  and  utters  his  voice  from  Jerusalem]  This  is  found 
in  Jo.  316,  but  in  a  different  connection.  The  verse  is  neither 
original  with  Amos  and,  with  what  follows,  a  reflection  of  his  shep 
herd-life  ;  borrowed  therefore  by  Joel  who,  in  this  case,  lived  later  ;  J 
nor  is  it  original  with  Joel  and  repeated,  somewhat  later,  by  Amos, 
because  though  still  unfulfilled  he  wishes  to  give  assurance  of 
fulfilment  ;  §  but  by  the  hand  of  a  post-exilic  editor  who  inserts 
it  here  from  Joel||  (v.s.).  The  "  roaring  "  is  that  of  the  lion,f  not 
that  of  thunder  (as  perhaps  in  Joel  and  Je.  2530)  nor  of  waves, 
though  this  is  found  elsewhere,  cf.  Is.  530  ;  the  phrase  "  utters  his 
voice  "  is  the  Hebraistic  expression  for  "  thundering  "  (Ps.  46® 
Jb-  374)  ;  the  idea  of  both  phrases  is  the  manifestation  of  majesty 
and  power.  Zion]  originally  applied  (a)  to  the  hill  Ophel, 
(b)  to  the  ridge  on  which  the  temple  stood,  and  later  (c)  to  the 
entire  city**  (so  here  and  in  61  and  Is.  2s),  and  Jerusalem]  of  the 

*  Mit.  f  Now. 

J  Cocceius,  quoted  by  Ba.  ;  We.  ;  Mit.  ;  Dr.  75  ;  Id.  art  "  Joel,"  EB.  ;  Now.  ; 
GAS.  ;  Elh.  137. 

§  Ba.  ;  Reu.;  Kirk.  Doct.  63  ff.  ;  G.  G.  Cameron,  DB.  II.  675. 

||  Volz,  19  f.;  Taylor,  DB.  I.  86;  Che.  EB.  I.  151;  Day  and  Chapin,  AJSL. 
XVIII.  72  f.;  Houtsma,  ThT.  1900,  p.  432;  cf.  Bu.  Jew.  Enc.  I.  532. 

IT  Ju.  I45  Am.  34-  8  Ps.  I0421  ;  so  Dr.  ;  et  al. 

**  Klaiber,  ZDPV.  III.  189  ff.,  IV.  18  ff.  ;  Riehm,  HBA.  II.  1839  ff.  ;  Starck,  Pal. 
u.  Syrien,  86  f.  ;  Smith's  DB*.  II.  1650  f.  ;  Miihlau,  art.  "  Zion  "  in  Riehm's  HBA.  ; 
BSZ.  s.v.  }vx. 


I.  2  II 

synonymous  parallelism,  are  too  local  to  be  understood  as  mean 
ing  the  mass  of  the  faithful  children  of  God.*  To  the  pure  and 
devout  worshippers  of  Yahweh,  at  the  time  of  this  utterance  (/.<?. 
after  the  exile),  the  place  represented  by  these  names  was  the  centre 
of  the  national  life,  as  well  as  of  the  theocracy.  The  pastures  of 
the  shepherds  mourn]  The  shepherd  life  of  the  author  (whoever 
he  was)  shows  itself  in  these  words,  which  stand  in  relation  of 
consequence  to  the  first  half.  The  Targumic  "  habitations  "  in 
stead  of  "  pastures  "  has  no  basis ;  nor  is  the  translation  "  perish  " 
instead  of  "  mourn  "  on  the  ground  of  the  parallel  "  wither  "  f  well 
taken.  The  present  tensej  presents  the  descriptive  idea  better 
than  the  future  "shall"  or  "will."  The  top  of  Carmcl~\%  does 
not  refer  to  the  Carmel  of  i  S.  25*  in  Southern  Palestine,  ||  the 
home  of  Nabal  which,  according  to  Eusebius  and  Theodoret,  was 
a  village  south  of  Jerusalem,  not  a  mountain  ;  nor  may  it  be  taken 
in  a  general  way,  "  the  best  of  cornfields,"  *  but  designates  the 
mountain  ordinarily  so  called  (cf.  93)  on  the  coast  of  Palestine, 
west  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  The  word,  being  originally  an 
appellative  meaning  the  garden,  like  certain  other  geographical 
terms,^[  has  the  article.  No  part  of  Palestine  was  more  beautiful 
or  fertile  than  the  ridge  of  Carmel  (S.E.  to  N.E.  12  miles,  1800  ft. 
high  at  the  S.E.,  500  ft.  high  at  the  N.W.)  .**  The  greatest  calam 
ity  imaginable  would  be  the  withering  of  Carmel,  Is.  339  Na.  i4. 
The  prophet  speaks  of  a  general  characteristic  of  Yahweh  with 
special  reference  to  an  impending  judgment.  In  semi-proverbial 
form  we  have  the  essence  of  the  prophetic  thought ;  the  verse 
serves  also,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  editor,  as  a  motto 
or  text.  The  chapters  which  follow  are  merely  the  expansion 
of  this  thought,  and  the  explanation  of  it.  There  will  be  locusts 
and  drought  (71-6)  ;  but  the  end  will  come  about  through  Assyria 
(f  7"). 

*  Geb.  f  Calv. 

t  So  We. ;  Or. ;  Gun. ;  GAS. ;  Now. ;  Elh. ;  but  cf.  Dr. 

§  Ba.  191-5;  WRS.  Sem.  156;  Badeker,  Pal*  259;  ZDPV.  VIII.  no;  Mit. 
55  f. ;  Starck,  Pal.  u.  Syrien,  103 ;  GAS.  HG.  150,  152-note,  337-41 ;  Buhl,  Geog.  23, 
163;  Jastrow,  JBL.  XI.  115.  For  the  city  Carmel  in  Judah,  cf.  BSZ.  387;  Rob. 
BR?  I.  495-8.  ' 

||  Jer.;  Mich.;  Justi ;  BSZ.  387.  f  E.g.  lySjn,  v.2 ;  Jtton,  4!. 

**  F.  R.  Conder  and  C.  R.  Conder,  Handbook,  209. 


12  AMOS 

2.  nin>]  the  position  of  this  word  makes  the  first  half  of  the  v.  subordinate 
to  the  second,  the  force  being,  "When  Yahweh  out  of  Zion  roars,  and 
from  Jerusalem  utters  his  voice,  the  pastures  of  the  shepherds  mourn,"  etc.; 
GK.  142 c\  Dr.  §  165;  H.  45,  3,  b.  The  other  alternative,  to  treat  m,-p  as 
emphatic,  is  scarcely  possible.  The  emphasis  rests  on  ?vx  and  oS^iT>  which 
stand  out  of  the  usual  order.  A  rhetorical  climax  is  seen  in  both  members, 
the  roar  of  the  lion  passing  into  that  of  thunder;  the  waste  of  Carmel's  top 
following  the  desolation  of  the  pasture-land.  If  we  omit  ICNM  the  first  word, 
and  pronounce  >JIN  for  nirp  and  nS  for  DT.,  we  find  that  21  of  the  28  vowels 
in  the  verse  are  long  (o  (7),  a  (6),  e  (3),  ^  (3),  £(2)),  in  other  words  the 
very  vowel  sounds  with  the  frequently  recurring  sibilants  (5)  and  liquids  (13) 
suggest  the  thunder  in  its  rollings,  jxiy,  jm]  @  uses  aorist  or  pf.  (v.s.~), 
WESb,  the  impf.,  the  former  adopting  the  gnomic,  the  latter  the  prophetic 
interpretation;  for  variation  in  other  Grk.  versions  v.s.  Likewise  in  the  case 
of  V?3Ni  and  co11!  the  same  variation  occurs.  The  use  of  the  present  expresses 
the  thought  as  generic.  H.  21,  3;  Dr.  §35;  GK.  107^-.  JNtt",  niNj,  iSa*n, 
COM]  The  usage  of  these  words  is  of  a  late  character;  SJN  is  used  figuratively 
as  in  Jo.  I10  Is.  244-7  339;  but  cf.  Ho.  43;  row  as  in  Jo.  I19f-  222;  vy  as  in 
Jo.  i12;  JSP  is  used  of  ">  only  in  Jb.  37*  Je.  2530  Ho.  n10  Jo.  416,  all  post- 
exilic  passages.  Note  further  the  similarity  of  v.26  to  Je.  99  23™  2537  Is.  33* 
Na.  i4,  all  post-exilic  except  the  first  (v.  Che.  EB.  I.  151,  n.  2). 

§  3.  Approaching  judgments  upon  the  surrounding  nations.* 

i3-25.  The  real  work  of  Amos  is  to  preach  to  Israel ;  he  begins  his 
work,  however,  by  announcing  the  judgment  which  is  to  fall  upon 
the  neighboring  nations.  In  this  he  has  a  threefold  purpose  :  — 
i)  To  gain  the  good- will  of  those  in  whose  welfare  he  is  inter 
ested,  and  to  whom  his  words  are  addressed.  In  this  is  seen  the 
art  of  the  prophetic  method.  2)  To  show  that  a  judgment  is 
coming,  which  is  to  include  all  nations ;  shall  Israel  be  omitted  ? 
3)  To  raise  the  question,  whether,  if  these  nations,  without  the 
truth  as  given  by  Yahweh's  prophets,  must  suffer,  Israel  shall  not 
suffer  most  of  all.  The  literary  work  of  Amos  (though  belonging 
to  the  earliest  period  of  written  prophecy)  exhibits  evidence  of 
the  highest  poetical  skill.  A  study  of  the  utterances  of  Amos,  with 
reference  to  their  original  form,  discloses  some  interesting  facts. 
Since  the  connection  of  thought  and,  in  many  cases,  the  very 
wording  of  the  text,  are  largely  dependent  upon  the  results  of  such 
study,  it  will  be  necessary  in  each  section,  or  closely  allied  group 

*Ba.  65-110;  Ew.  I.  151-5;  WRS.  Proph.  127  ff.;  We.  67-71?  Or.  109-12: 
Mit.  56-84 ;  DHM.  Die  Propheten,  1. 62-66 ;  McC.  HPM.  1. 337-46 ;  GAS.  1. 121  ff. 


I-  3-5  13 

of  sections,  to  present  a  reconstruction  of  the  text,  including 
divisions  into  strophes,  arrangement  in  lines,  transposition,  at 
times,  of  clauses  or  lines,  and  changes  in  the  reading  of  words. 

Chaps,  i3-  2s  constitute  a  literary  unit  and  present  the  char 
acteristics  of  Amos  as  clearly  as  any  other  portion  of  the 
book.* 

Its  divisions  are  : 


against  Damascus  and  Gaza,  Strophes  of  5,  3,  and  4  lines. 
!&-io.  11-12  against  Tyre  and  Edom,         Strophes  of  5  and  2  lines. 
I12-15  21"3  against  Ammon  and  Moab,    Strophes  of  5,  3,  and  3  lines. 
24~5  against  Judah,  Strophes  of  5  and  2  lines. 

The  symmetry  of  the  arrangement  is  not  only  striking,  but  sig 
nificant  The  significance  of  the  variation  in  form  in  divisions  II. 
and  IV.  will  be  considered  in  their  detailed  treatment.  The 
arrangement  of  Miiller  t  does  not  bring  out  all  the  facts,  and  his 
theory  of  the  poetical  form  of  Amos  requires  an  adjustment  of 
the  material  so  artificial  as  to  throw  the  greatest  doubt  upon  the 
whole  scheme. 

I.  3-5.  Judgment  upon  Syria.  —  In  his  forecast  of  impending 
national  catastrophes,  the  prophet  begins  with  Syria,  and  charges 
the  nation  with  sins,  as  a  punishment  for  which  Yahweh  will  send 
desolation  and  captivity. 

The  strophic  arrangement,  if  the  opening  and  closing  words,  "  thus  has 
Yahweh  said  "  and  "  said  Yahweh  "  are  included,  is  5,  3,  and  4  ;  the  clause 
"and  I  will  break,"  etc.  goes  with  strophe  2,  because  it  completes  the  thought 
of  the  strophe,  forming  its  culmination  ;  while  the  structure  of  the  following 
sentence  excludes  it  from  strophe  3,  including  reference  as  it  does  to  "  com 
mon  people,"  "  ruler,"  "  whole  people."  It  will  be  noted  that  the  arrange 
ment  of  i6-8  is  precisely  that  of  I3"5.  Miiller's  arrangement,  5,  2,  and  5, 
ignores  the  logical  connection  of  the  members,  and  the  parallelism  of  i3-5. 
Line  5  of  strophe  i,  and  line  4  of  strophe  3  are  shorter  than  the  rule  ;  and  it 
is  possible  to  treat  them  as  parts  of  the  preceding  lines.  Cf.  Lohr,  3. 

3.  U3'B>N]  E  here  and  in  v.13  has  fern.  suf.  earn;  so  also  6L.  Hoffm. 
=U3^N(?)  (ZA  W.  III.  97,  v.i.y,  Elh.  -us  eta.  —  "m  DB>n]  &  eirpifrv  (  = 


*  For  the  view  that  this  entire  section  is  exilic,  see  Houtsma,  Th  T.  1900,  p.  432. 
t  Die  Propheten  I.  63,  64;  II.  nj,  ij. 


14  AMOS 

irploffiv  ffiSrjpois  ras  tv  yaffrpl  exoi/aas  ru>v  Iv  Ta\adS  (l  Ch.  2O8,  T^i, 
@  Si^Trpio-ev)  ;  the  additional  words  here  (and  in  3L)  are  perhaps  an  inser 
tion  from  i13  (Vol.),  unsupported  by  the  other  versions.  —  4.  rojonx]  <§  rd 
tfe/xAia  ;  'A.,  2.,  /Sdpeis  ;  0.,  ras  auXcis  ;  H  domes.  —  "nrrp]  @  uiou  'A5fy, 
reading  n  for  final  i.  —  5.  Tn^i]  goes  with  strophe  2  (v.s.}.  —  ps]  @,  0., 
*ftj>;  S»  ,0],  so  F  z'^/z;  but  'A.  dvwfaXovs;  S.,  E.,  d5t/cfas.  —  -|Dim]  @  om.  — 
pV  rio]  @  dvdpuv  (cf.  Ho.  I7)  Xappdv  (=pn);  U  </<3/w^  voluptatis.  — 
N-np  (cf.  Nu.  I15  i62);  'A.,  Kup^i'T;;  3J  Cyrenen. 


3  a.  7%»j  /^^^  Yahweh  said~\  Usual  formula  for  the  introduction 
of  each  utterance,  cf.  i6  -9-11-13  21-4-6.  The  tense  (pf.  not  impf.) 
implies  no  particular  time  in  the  past  at  which  the  revelation  has 
been  given.  The  imperfect  would  have  suggested  a  repeated 
statement  on  the  part  of  Yahweh.  Amos,  like  the  other  proph 
ets,  is  represented  as  Yahweh's  spokesman.  —  For  three  trans 
gressions,  yea  for  four}  Compare  similar  expressions  in  Je.  36s3 
Pr.  3O15-  m  21-  a  Ecclus.  265.  The  numbers  were  taken  literally 
by  the  Rabbins,  who  understood  that  three  transgressions  had 
actually  been  committed  which  were  to  be  forgiven,  while  the 
fourth  was  of  such  a  nature  as  to  make  forgiveness  impossible.* 
A  symbolical  interpretation,  however,  has  been  generally  adopted  : 
(i)  Four  and  three  added  together  =  seven,  a  complete  num 
ber  ;  t  (2)  three,  the  complete  number,  four,  more  than  enough  ;  | 
(3)  three,  representing  many,  four  the  thing  which  calls  for 
punishment  ;§  or,  as  seems  most  probable,  the  two  numbers 
together  representing  the  idea  of  indefiniteness  or  lack  of  limita 
tion.  ||  The  word  rendered  transgression  really  means  rebellion 
against  authority  (cf.  i  K.  i219  2  K.  i1).  —  Damascus'}  The  coun 
try  (cf.  v.5,  in  which  the  city  is  thus  designated)  of  Syria,  or  that 
portion  of  it  of  which  Damascus  was  capital.  From  the  days 
of  Baasha  and  Ben-hadad  I.  (i  K.  i518ff')  there  had  been  con 
stant  struggle  between  Israel  and  Syria,  in  which  Israel  had 
suffered  grievously  (2  K.  io32  i322).  At  this  time,  however,  the 
southern  territory  of  Syria  must  have  been  in  Israel's  hands 
(2  K.  if  ,4»). 


*  So  essentially  Ew.  §  Dat. 

t  Cal.,  Os.  U  Gun.,  We.,  Mit.,  Val.,  Now.,  Marti. 

I  Pu.,  Dr. 


1-3  15 


The  country  of  Aram  (o^x,  Homer  and  Hesiod,  *  Apt/iot  ;  later  "Svpla  ind 

Stfpos,  shortened  from  'Affffovpta  ;    Ar.  <*LwwJ!,  i.e.  North-land,  as  Yemen 

>' 

meant  South-land  ;   the  root  (*j-*w,  be  unlucky,  3d  form  go  to  the  left,  hence> 


north)  included  the  territory  between  the  Taurus  Mountains  and  the  Arabian 
desert,  the  Tigris  and  the  Mediterranean,  except  the  coast  land  occupied  by 
the  Phoenicians  and  Philistines,  and  the  possessions  of  Israel,  Edom,  Moab, 
and  Ammon.  The  Aramaeans,  or  Syrians,  were  closely  related  to  the  Hebrews, 
and  in  the  earliest  times  they  seem  to  have  lived  in  close  relationship  with  each 
other.  The  early  traditions,  as  presented  in  the  Old  Testament,  connect  the 
two  families  in  the  migration  from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Gn.  ii31  2410-  ^  2y43)  ; 
represent  the  Hebrews  as  coming  to  Canaan,  while  the  Aramaeans  remained 
in  Mesopotamia  ;  describe  the  residence  of  Nahor  in  Mesopotamia  ;  intro 
duce  Balaam  of  Pethor  on  the  Euphrates  (Nu.  225  237;  Pethor  is  identified 
by  Schr.,  KAT2.  pp.  155  ff.;  KB.  I.  133,  with  the  Assyrian  Pitru  located  on 
the  river  Sagur,  near  Hierapolis  ;  this,  if  correct,  involves  a  slight  inaccuracy 
in  the  Biblical  statement  that  Pethor  is  on  the  Euphrates;  cf.  Che.  on  Pethor 
in  EB.}\  and  mention  Cushan-rishathaim,  King  of  Aram  (Ju.  38  10).  The 
Priest-writer  of  the  Hexateuch  uses  the  geographical  term  D"\N  pa  (BSZ.  655; 
cf.  No.  EB.  I.  278),  the  field  of  Aram.  Other  references  of  interest  are 
Gn.  2220ff-  25!°  282  (cf.  io22ff-)  3  147  Is.  36"  Ezra  47ff.i7f.  52  ff.  In  the  time  of 
Saul,  Zobah  had  become  the  centre  of  Aramaean  power  (i  S.  I447cf.  2  S.  io6); 
and  in  David's  time  the  King  of  Zobah,  Hadadezer,  was  Israel's  most  dan 
gerous  enemy  (2  S.  83ff-  io16ff-).  The  different  branches  of  Aram,  viz. 
(i)  ,wm  o-w  (2  S.  85ff-),  (2)  aim  n>a  DIN  (2  S.  io6  cf.  Nu.  i321),  (3)  DIN 
rojro  (I  Ch.  IQ6  cf.  2  S.  io6  Jos.  i3n),  (4)  aio  (2  S.  io6  cf.  Ju.  u3),  (s)-vitfj 
occurring  chiefly  in  connection  with  nape  (Dt.  314  Jos.  I25  I313  2  S.  I58),  were 
united  under  Hadadezer,  and  with  the  exception  of  TlEb,  all  took  part  in  the 
war  against  David.  At  this  time  the  dominion  of  the  King  of  Zobah  extended 
to  Damascus  and  Hamath  (2  S.  85-  9  10)  and  beyond  the  Euphrates  (2  S.  io16). 
The  capital  of  Zobah  was  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Orontes  (the  Saba 
mentioned  by  Ptolemaus;  Ew.,  cf.  Ba.;  also  BSZ.  696).  David  defeated 
Hadadezer  twice  (2  S.  io13-  18)  and  gained  control  of  the  country.  A  little 
later,  a  kingdom  was  established  in  Damascus  under  Rezon,  one  of  Hadad- 
ezer's  captains  (i  K.  ii23"25).  In  Solomon's  reign  this  new  kingdom  was  con 
tinually  at  war  with  Israel  (i  K.  n25).  Henceforward  Damascus  was  the 
capital  city  and  seat  of  the  kingdom  of  Aram,  the  word  Aram  itself,  when  not 
otherwise  defined,  being  used  for  this  kingdom  (i  K.  I518  2  K.  51  68-  ^  Am.  i5). 
Only  during  the  reign  of  Hezion,  Rezon's  successor,  was  there  peace  (i  K.  221). 
For  the  view  that  Hezion  and  Rezon  are  identical,  v.  Ew.  Hist.  IV.  24,  n.  5; 
GAS.  EB.  I.  990;  Thenius  and  Klo.  on  i  K.  n23  I518;  and  KAT*.  134;  but 
cf.  Che.  art.  "  Hezion,"  EB.  L;  Kit.  on  i  K.  I518.  Wkl.  Untersuch.  60  ff.  reads 
Hazael  on  basis  of  (5AL.  Tabrimmon,  son  of  Hezion,  seems  to  have  made  a 
covenant  with  Judah  against  Israel  (i  K.  I518-  19).  With  Ben-hadad  I.,  the  son 


16  AMOS 

of  Tabrimmon,  the  relations  became  still  more  delicate.  A  treaty  was  made 
with  Baasha,  King  of  Israel,  but  afterwards  at  the  request  of  Asa,  King  of  Judah, 
it  was  broken,  and  certain  cities  in  the  north  of  Israel  were  captured  (i  K. 
'S20^)'  Ben-hadad  II.  was  frequently  repulsed  by  Ahab,  King  of  Israel,  with 
whom  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah  was  allied  (i  K.  2Olff-  223ff-  2  K.  68-24;  for  the 
view  that  the  opponent  of  Ahab  was  Ben-hadad  I.  v.  Wkl.  Untersuch.  60  ff.; 
Che.  art.  "  Ben-hadad,"  EB. ;  but  cf.  Gu.  GVI.  154).  Ahab,  fearing  Shalma- 
neser  II.  (860-825)  of  Assyria,  dealt  very  leniently  with  Ben-hadad,  though 
victorious  over  him,  because  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  keep  Syria  as  a 
power  between  Assyria  and  Israel  (F.  Brown,  Assyriology,  60  f.;  Kit.  Hist. 
II.  272).  When  Shalmaneser  attacked  Ben-hadad,  Ahab  and  other  neigh 
boring  princes  came  to  the  assistance  of  Syria,  but  all  were  defeated  in  the 
battle  of  Karkar  (854  B.C.;  see  Shalmaneser-Monolith,  col.  II.  91  f.;  Schr. 
KGF.  359-64;  KB.  I.  172;  COT.  I.  182-90;  We.  SV.  I.  31  ff.;  Sta.  GVL  I. 
528  f.;  McC.  HPM.  I.  272-80;  R.  F.  Harper,  ABL.  43).  In  the  year  follow 
ing  (853  B.C.)  Ahab  took  advantage  of  a  respite  from  Assyria  to  make  his 
fatal  campaign  against  Ben-hadad  (i  K.  221"40).  Hazael,  the  usurper,  successor 
of  Ben-hadad  II. ,  captured  the  land  east  of  the  Jordan  (2  K.  lo32*"-  133.5.7.22) 
from  Jehu  and  Jehoahaz,  and  made  a  campaign  against  the  Philistines  (2  K. 
I217f-),  in  which  Jehoash  of  Judah  secured  the  safety  of  Jerusalem  by  giving 
him  presents.  But  Hazael's  son,  Ben-hadad  III.,  was  defeated  by  Joash  of 
Israel  three  times,  and  Jeroboam  II.  took  away  from  him  Hamath  and 
Damascus,  or,  at  least,  part  of  the  territory  belonging  to  Damascus  (2  K.  I325 
1426-28).  Moreover,  Adad-nirari  III.  (812-783  B.C.)  of  Assyria  besieged  Da 
mascus  and  compelled  its  king,  Mari,  to  pay  heavy  tribute.  In  the  time  of 
Amos,  therefore,  Syria  was  greatly  weakened,  but  was  probably  giving  signs 
of  renewed  hostility. 

3  b,  c.  I  will  not  revoke  it~\  Cf.  Is.  55".  The  pronoun  "  it "  is 
ambiguous  here  as  in  Nu.  23®  Is.  4313  4816 ;  it  probably  refers  to 
the  anger  of  Yahweh,  i.e.  the  threatening  which  is  involved  in  the 
preceding  verse,  and  in  this  case  the  idea  is  that  Yahweh  will  not 
avert  the  punishment  which  he  has  already  threatened.*  Others 
refer  it  to  the  specific  threatening  which  is  to  be  uttered  in  verses 
ind5.f  A  different  turn  is  given  to  the  verb  by  translating  it 
"  repay,"  "  pay  back,"  J  and  making  the  sentence  interrogative, 
although  without  the  sign  of  interrogation.  Hesselberg,  however, 
giving  the  verb  the  same  force  but  taking  the  connection  differently, 
arrives  at  this  interpretation,  "  I  will  not  repay  Syria  for  the  inde- 

*  Jus.,  Hi.,  Ew.(  Pu.,  Or.,  We.,  Now.,  Dr.  f  Marck,  Mau. 

t  The  other  meaning  of  a^n,  revoke,  turn,  regularly  requiring  |*nn  or  *)N. 
So  Va. 


1-3  IJ 

finable  number  of  lesser  crimes  of  which  she  has  been  guilty,  but 
on  account  of  her  threshing  Gilead,"  etc.  Some  refer  the  pro 
noun  to  Syria,  the  verb  being  translated  "  convert."  *  Others  refer 
"  it  "  to  some  earlier  prophecy,  the  fulfilment  of  which  has  been 
delayed,  but  according  to  Amos  will  not  be  revoked.f  The 
translation  "  I  will  not  bring  them  back,"J  requires  a  late  date  for 
the  prophecy.  By  a  change  of  pointing  (v.s.)  Hoffmann  trans 
lates,  "I  will  not  let  them  dwell  in  peace."  —  Because  they  have 
threshed  Gilead  '§]  The  country,  not  the  mountain,  of  Gilead  is 
intended.  The  word  is  derived,  according  to  Gn.  3i47ff',  from 
the  Aramaic  words  meaning  hill  (b|)  and  witness  ("II?)  ,  ||  and 
accordingly  was  used  at  first  as  the  name  of  the  mountainous 
region  forming  the  boundary  between  Israel  and  her  Aramaean 
neighbors.  For  a  good  example  of  this  narrower  usage,  see 
Ct.  41.  At  an  early  period,  however,  it  took  on  a  larger  meaning 
and  designated,  in  contrast  with  Canaan,  west  of  the  Jordan,  all 
the  territory  east  of  the  Jordan  except  Bashan  (cf.  Dt.  313  Jos. 
i3m  L31f).  In  Dt.  341  Bashan  seems  to  be  included.^  It  stands 
specifically  for  the  territory  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes  (e.g. 
Nu.  3226-  «•  39  Jos.  i22  5).  In  i  S.  i37  Gad  and  Gilead  are  joined. 
That  Amos  used  the  word  in  the  latter  sense  appears  from 
2  K.  io32f-,  although  even  here  it  is  used  in  two  senses  in  the 
same  passage.  **  —  With  threshing  instruments  of  iron}  The  read 
ing  of  &  (v.s.)  is  without  basis.  References  in  the  O.  T.  to 
threshing  machines  or  instruments  are  easily  classified  according 
as  they  speak  (i)  of  the  ordinary  work  of  such  machines 
(2  S.  24^  i  Ch.  2I23  Is.  2827-28)  ;  (2)  of  their  use  as  instruments 
of  torture  (here,  and  2  S.  i231  i  Ch.  2O3),  or  (3)  in  a  figurative 
sense  (Jb.  4I30  of  the  crocodile;  Is.  4i15  of  Israel).  To  under 
stand  their  use  as  instruments  of  torture  we  must  note  the  three 
forms  which  are  described  as  still  found  in  Oriental  countries, 

*  Jer.  f  Mit.  J  Day  and  Chapin,  AJSL.  XVIII.  73  f. 

§  Cf.  the  similar  phraseology  used  by  Tiglathpileser  III.:  "the  land  Bft-Amuk- 
kani  I  threshed  as  with  a  threshing  instrument  ;  all  its  people,  and  its  possessions 
I  brought  to  Assyria"  (KB.  II.  4f.  ;  cf.  ABL.  54). 

Cf.  suggestion  of  Ba.  ny_  Sj  hill  of  eternity,  Hb.  38  (ig  nnn)  and  Gn.  492« 


. 

'ifCf.  GAS.  HG.  548  f.,  575-90;   S.  Merrill,  art.   "Gilead,"   DB.\   Che.   art 
Gilead,"  EB.  **  Ba. 

C 


1 8  AMOS 

viz.   (i)   that  seen  by   Niebuhr  at  Yemen,*  a  great  stone,  in 
the  shape  of  a  wooden  drag,  drawn  over  the  grain  by  two  oxen ; 

(2)  that  seen  by  Niebuhr  in  Syria,  f  a  sledge,  made  of  planks 
underneath  which  are  fixed  sharp  flints,  or  pieces  of  sharp  iron ; 

(3)  that  described  by  Girard,  %  a  threshing  wagon,  consisting  of 
a  square  frame  of  wood  across  which,  parallel  with  two  of  the 
sides,  run   two   axletrees,  on   one   of  which  are  three,  and  on 
the  other  four  flat  iron  wheels.  §      Only  prisoners  of  war  were 
thus  tortured ;  the  custom  was  not  uncommon  of  placing  them 
on  the  ground  like  grain,  and  driving  the  machine  over  them. 
Other  cruelties  (cf.  2  S.  i231)  were  practised  at  the  same  time. 
The  cruelties  here  represented,  whether  literally  or  figuratively, 
were  probably  those  practised  by  Hazael  (842-802  B.C),  in  the 
incursions  during  the  reigns  of  Jehu  and  Jehoahaz  (cf.  2  K.  812 
I082f.  j^r^  —  4.    Send  a  fire]    For  fire  as  a  symbol  of  war,  see 
Ju.  p20 ;  of  divine  wrath,  which  frequently  finds  expression  in  war, 
Dt.  424  3222.     The  same  words  are  used  in  Ho.  814  and  Je.  if 
2 114  4Q27  5O32.     It  is  hardly  to  be  taken  either  as  literal  fire,  or  as 
lightning;  ||   cf.  Ju.  2O48  and  2  K.  812.  —  In  the  house  of  Hazael^\ 
Hazael,^"  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  which  sat  upon  the  throne 
of  Syria  in  the  times  of  Amos,  was  a  contemporary  of  Joram 
(2  K.  829),  Jehu  (2  K.  io32),  and  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  is22).    His  occu 
pation  of  the  throne  was  foretold  by  Elisha  (2  K.  87-13).     The 
allusion   here   may   be    to   Damascus,  or   to   a   royal   palace   in 
Damascus,  as  favored  by  the  parallelism,  or  to  the  dynasty  of 
Hazael.      In   any  case   the   thought   is   essentially  the  same. — 
The  palaces  of  Ben-hadad^\    A  phrase  practically  parallel  with 
"  house  of  Hazael."     The  name  scarcely  refers  to  Ben-hadad  I. 
(about  900),  or  Ben-hadad  II.  (about  874),  both  of  whom  pre 
ceded  Hazael,  but  rather  to  Ben-hadad  III.  (2  K.  io3  i325),** 
the  son  and  successor  of  Hazael.     The  suggestion  ft  that  this 

*  Reisebeschreibung  -von  Arabien,  158.         f  Ibid.  158.    Post,  PEF.,  1891,  p.  114. 

J  Memoir e  sur  I' agriculture,  r Industrie  et  le  commerce  de  I'Egypte,  II.  504  f. 
(cf.  Ba.). 

§  Cf.  Dr.  227  f. ;  Now.  Arch.  1. 232  ff. :  Benz.  Arch.  209  f.     ||  Schro. ;  GFM.  Ju.  21. 

U  Ri.  HBA.  I.  572;  COT.  I.  196  ff.,  202  ff.;  Sta.  GVL  I.  540-6,  562-6;  Che. 
art.  "  Hazael,"  EB.  ;  C.  F.  Burney,  art.  "  Hazael,"  DB. 

**  Or.,  Dr.;  v.  GAS.  art.  "  Damascus,"  EB.\  and  KAT*.  134,  on  the  question 
of  two  or  three  Ben-hadads.  ft  Cf.  Mit. ;  KA  T*.  134. 


I.  4-5  *9 

may  be  the  same  as  Mari  whom  Adad-nirari  III.  (803  B.C.) 
conquered  is  hardly  tenable.  By  some  the  name  is  thought 
to  be  a  title  of  Syrian  kings  as  Pharaoh  was  of  the  Egyptian 
kings ;  *  others  think  Hazael  and  Ben-hadad  are  used  as  typical, 
representative  names  of  the  kings  of  Damascus.!  —  5.  The 
bars  of  Damascus}  The  bars  employed  in  ancient  cities  to 
fasten  the  gates  are  frequently  used  by  synecdoche  for  the  de 
fences  of  a  city  (Ju.  i63  i  K.  413  Je.  5i30  Lam.  29).  The  power 
of  Yahweh  will  break  in  pieces  the  defences  of  the  city.  —  An 
inhabitant^  i.e.  the  common  people ;  either  so,  or  with  equal 
appropriateness,  the  one  sitting  on  a  throne  ;  the  former  is  favored 
by  the  context  which  has  another  term  for  ruler  (v.i.)  ;  for 
the  latter,  cf.  Ps.  24  223. —  The  valley  of  Aven\  If  the  He 
brew  text  be  read  with  (^  JiK,  \  instead  of  fiK,  and  it  be  remem 
bered  that  On  was  the  Egyptian  name  for  Heliopolis,  a  name 
given  also  to  Baalbek,  because  it  was  a  centre  of  the  sun-worship, 
the  prophet  must  have  had  in  mind  "  the  valley  of  the  Lebanon" 
(Jos.  ii17  i27),  the  Coele-Syria  of  the  Greeks,  the  modern  El- 
buka'a.  With  this  may  be  compared  Ezekiel's  similar  treatment  of 
the  Egyptian  On  (so17).  If  the  Hebrew  text  is  retained,  the  pun 
is  introduced  to  bring  out  more  distinctly  the  idolatry.  §  The  inter 
pretation,  valley  of  idolatry,  ||  presents  no  satisfactory  explanation. 
—  The  sceptre  holder}  This  phrase  in  Ju.  514  means  governor,  in 
Am.  23  judge.^  It  evidently  denotes  the  supreme  officer,  whether 
king  or  judge,  and  is  either  synonymous  with  inhabitant  of  the 
preceding  member,  or  in  contrast  with  it.  —  From  Beth-Eden\  The 
localities  suggested  for  this  designation  are  (i)  old  Jusieh,  near 
Riblah,  thirty  miles  N.E.  from  Baalbek  ;**  (2)  the  modern  Jubb- 
'Adin,  twenty-five  miles  N.E.  from  Damascus,  perhaps  a  country 
seat  of  the  Syrian  kings  ;ft  (3)  'Ehden  or  Bet  Jenn,  near  the  foot 
of  Hermon,  eastward  ;  J  J  (4)  'Ehden,  on  the  N.W.  slope  of  Leba 
non,  near  the  great  cedars  ;§§  (5)  the  Eden  of  Ez.  27^,  ||  ||  (cf. 

*  Jer.,  Bauer,  Schro. ;  cf.  Je.  492^.  f  We.,  Now.,  Marti. 

X  See  against  this  view  EB.  I.  390. 

§  So  Dahl,  Hi.,  Ba.,  GAS. ;  but  v.  We.,  Now.,  Dr.        ||  y.  Os.,  Gun.,  Or. 
II  So  Hi.  **  Hi.,  Ke.  ft  St. ;  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  97. 

}J  Ros.,  cf.  Ba.  §§  Bauer. 

III!  Ri.  HBA.  I.  176;   COT.  II.  n  f.;  Wkl.  Forsch.  I.  104;   Now.;  but  v.  Che. 
EB.  I.  551  f. ;  Dr.  228  f. 


2O  AMOS 

2  K.  iQ12  Is.  3712),  which  is  the  Bit-Adini  of  the  Assyrian  inscrip 
tions  (often  mentioned  by  Ashurnacirpal  and  Shalmaneser  II.),  an 
Aramaic  kingdom,  on  both  banks  of  the  Middle  Euphrates.  —  The 
people  of  Aram]  v.s.  under  Damascus.  —  Shall  go  into  captivity'] 
The  word  rh\  meaning  to  be  or  make  naked  is  here  for  the 
first  time  used  in  the  sense  of  go  into  captivity.  The  earlier 
word  rotf  to  carry  captive  is  used  of  captives  as  individuals,  al 
though  individuals  are,  of  course,  included  in  a  general  captivity 
(cf.  y17).  nbj,  on  the  other  hand,  stands  for  a  national  captivity  or 
exile,  when  a  whole  nation  is  deported.  Since  the  Assyrians  (under 
Tiglathpileser  III.)  were  the  first  to  introduce  this  policy,  the  idea 
had  not  existed  among  the  Hebrews  before  the  time  of  Amos.* 
The  policy,  as  history  shows,  was  one  which  contributed  to  the 
fall  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  —  To  Kir]  The  following  suggestions 
have  been  made:  (i)  The  original  home  of  the  Aramaeans 
(cf.  97)  ;t  (2)  tne  place  to  which  they  were  afterwards  carried 
(2  K.  i69);J  (3)  to  be  pointed  Tip  and  taken  as  the  name 
of  the  river  which  rises  in  the  Caucasus  and  empties  into  the 
Caspian  Sea  ;§  (4)  Cyropolis ;  ||  (5)  the  Syrian  province,  Cyrr- 
hestica;^"  (6)  Cyrene ;  **  (7)  Kurenia  in  Media,  cf.  Is.  2i2 
226;|f  (8)  Kuris,  north  of  Aleppo;  JJ  but  nothing  certain  has 
yet  been  discovered.  The  latest  suggestions  are  to  emend  *rp 
to  pip,  the  name  of  a  nation  mentioned  in  Ez.  23^,  corresponding 
to  the  Kutu  or  Kue  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions;  §§  to  emend  to 
nip  and  identify  it  with  the  Karians  whom  Arrian  (III.  85)  men 
tions  in  connection  with  the  Sittakenians.  ||  ||  In  the  mind  of 
the  prophet  the  world  power  by  which  this  judgment  was  to  be 
executed  was  Assyria.  This  is  evident  from  the  historical  situa 
tion  of  the  times,  in  which  Assyria,  of  all  the  nations,  was  the 
only  one  capable  of  accomplishing  such  a  thing ;  from  the 

*  McC.  HPM.  I.  327  f.  But  cf.  GSG.  History,  170,  239,  who  claims  that  this  was 
introduced  as  early  as  Tig.  Pil.  I.  (noo  B.C.),  and  developed  by  Tig.  Pil.  III. 

t  Ki.,  Ba.  J  Jus. 

§  Mich. ;  Bauer,  cf.  Jus. ;  but  the  name  of  this  river  begins  with  K  not  Q,  and 
the  river  lies  outside  of  the  territory  that  was  dominated  by  Assyria. 

||  Struensee,  214.  H  Har.;  Furrer,  BL.  III.  534.  **  8T,  'A,  U. 

ft  Bochart,  Reise.,  cf.  Ba.  J+  Socin. 

§§  W.  Max  Miiller,  art.  "Kir,"  DB.;  Wkl.  Untersuch.  177;  cf.  Klo.,  Co.,  and 
Bredenkamp  on  Is.  z&t-  |||j  So.  Wkl.  Forscfi.  II.  254 ff. ;  cf.  EB.  art.  "  Kir." 


I.  5  21 

"deportation"  policy  referred  to  in  !"fai  (v.5),  a  policy  peculiar  to 
Assyria;  and  from  the  direct  naming  of  Assyria  by  Hosea  (io6) 
the  younger  contemporary  of  Amos.  The  historical  statement  of 
the  overthrow  of  Syria  by  the  Assyrians  is  given  in  the  Annals 
of  Tiglathpileser  III.* 


3.  IDN]  Indefinite  pf.  v.  H.  17,  3;  Dr.  §9  ;  cf.  K6.  Stil.  112  f.  — 
"Ui]  So  also  vs.6  9-  1L  13  21-  4-  6;  for  this  use  of  numbers  to  express  the  idea  of 
indefiniteness  v.  GK.  134  s  ;  K6.  Stil.  163  f.;  for  a  similar  use  of  one  and  two, 
Dt.  3280  Je.  314  Jb.  3314  40*  Ps.  6212  Ecclus.  3817;  two  and  three,  Jb.  33* 
Is.  i;6  2  K.  932  Ho.  62  Am.  48  Ecclus.  I37  231G  2628  327  5O25;  /*«r  and  five, 
Is.  I76;  _/fo<?  and  six,  2  K.  I319;  «>  and  seven,  Jb.  519  Pr.  616;  seven  and  ^z^/, 
Mi.  54  EC.  ii2;  nine  and  ten,  Ecclus.  257  ;  the  same  usage  exists  in  Arab. 
(cf.  Spitta,  §  132  £),  in  Syriac  (cf.  No.  Syr.  Gram.  §  240.5),  in  the  Tel- 
el-  Amarna  Letters  (87,  1.  44;  1  20,  1.  32),  in  Greek  {Odys.  V.  306)  and 
Latin  (Horace,  Carm.  I.  21,  13;  Virgil,  Aen.  I.  94).  —  -7^3]  a  stronger 
word  than  "O>,  always  containing  the  idea  of  wilful  opposition,  whereas  the 
latter  is  the  etymological  equivalent  of  transgress,  i.e.  overstep  the  limit; 
cf.  Nton  to  miss  (the  mark).  —  IJ:T£>N]  It  has  been  urged  against  the  usual 
interpretation  of  this  (i)  that  the  suffix  cannot  refer  to  T,  since  this  has 
not  been  mentioned  and  is  not  readily  supplied  from  the  preceding  con 
text,  (2)  that  it  cannot  refer  to  the  threat  in  v.2,  since  v.2  contains  nothing 
touching  foreign  nations  and,  moreover,  to  represent  ">  as  uttering  a  threat 
and  at  once  declaring  his  purpose  not  to  withdraw  it  is  to  compromise  him, 
(3)  that  the  suffix  is  not  sufficient  to  designate  an  unspoken  oracle,  (4)  that 
punishments  are  always  revoked  on  account  of  repentance,  not  "  on  account  of 
three  or  four  transgressions"  as  here  (so  Hoffm.  ZAW.  III.  97;  Elh.  139). 
But  the  emendations  proposed  (v.s.)  are  certainly  no  less  objectionable,  e.g. 
if  it  referred  to  the  people  the  pi.  suffix  would  be  more  natural,  especially  in 
view  of  the  immediately  following  as>n;  furthermore  -ua^N  N1?  is  a  very  weak 
expression  of  the  thought  of  exile.  —  nixnna]  The  more  ordinary  word  is  jnio 
with  which  }M"in  is  used  as  a  descriptive  term  in  Is.  4i15;  the  primary  meaning 
of  pn  =  cut,  cf.  Assy,  harasu  =  dig;  the  ynn  is  mentioned  again  in  Is.  2827 
Jb.  4i30;  and  possibly  in  2  S.  I231  where  it  is  vocalized  ]>nn.  The  modern 
name  for  the  jniD  in  Palestine  is  nauraj,  and  among  the  common  people 
mauraj  '  ;  it  is  still  called  mbrdg  in  the  Kalamun  mountains  around  Ma'lula" 

*  The  passage  relating  to  the  conquest  of  Damascus  is  badly  mutilated  ;  in  part 
it  reads  as  follows  :  "  In  order  to  save  his  life,  he  fled  alone  ...  I  entered  the 
chief  gate  of  his  city  ;  his  chief  officer  I  captured  alive  .  .  .  impaled  him  and  sub 
dued  his  land  ...  I  captured  his  city  and  shut  him  up  like  a  bird  in  a  cage  .  .  . 
his  groves  which  were  innumerable  I  cut  down  and  left  not  a  tree  standing  .  .  .  the 
house  of  the  father  of  Rezin  of  Damascus,  impassable  mountains.  .  .  ."  See 
Layard,  Inscriptions  in  the  Cuneiform  Character,  pi.  72,  15.3-16;  COT.  I.  252-7; 
Rost,  Die  Keilschrifttexte  Tiglat-Pilesers  III.,  I.  34-7. 


22  AMOS 

(PER,  1891,  p.  114;  Dr.  227 f.).    The  nj»j£  ftfN  and  irtafc  SaSa  of  Is.  2827f. 
point  to  the  third  form  of  threshing  instrument  mentioned  above  (v.  p.  18). 

—  4.    HIJDIN]  A  poetic  word  which  does  not  occur  in  the  Hexateuch,  Ju.,  or 
S.,  and  is  used  chiefly  in  the  prophets.      It  is  sometimes  considered  a  for 
mation  from  onx  (BSZ.;    BDB.;    K6.  II.  I,  pp.  154,  203).     It  is  probably  a 
loan   word   of  uncertain   origin   (E\v.8,  496).     Its  usual  meaning  is  clearly 
palace,  but  it  has  also  the   meaning  fortress,  citadel.     Cf.  Assyr.  ulminu, 
palace,  and  almattu,  <:#.?//£  (Muss- Arnolt, Diet?).  —  "nrrp]   In  view  of  <S  vlov 
'A5tp,  Assy.  Dad-'idri,  or  better  Bir-'idri  (=(«7«)IM-'idri;    Shalmaneser- 
Obelisk,  59,  88;   KB.  I.  134;  Wkl.  Untersuch.  68  ff.;   Hilprecht,  Assyriaca, 
76  ff.;    Sayce,  art.  "  Ben-hadad,"  DB.;   Che.  art.  "  Ben-hadad,"  EB.},  and 
the  reading  ITJ?  -nn,  (i  Ch.  i83,  for  ~\r;  -nn)  the  proper  form  is  -nn  p  or 
better  mn  ns.    The  divine  name  Bir  seems  to  have  been  confused  by  the 
Hebrew  scribes  with  the  Aramaic  bar  =  son,  and  was  thus  rendered  ben.     The 
meaning  of  the  name  is  "  Bir  is  my  glory."     The  name  Adores  used  by  Justin 
(36, 2)  is  identified  by  Noldeke  (BL.  I.  392)  with  our  Ben-hadad.     On  the  use 
of  the  name  of  this  god  in  Syrian  proper  names  v.  Sayce,  Hibbert  Lectures 
(1887),  55  f.  —  5.  px]   Macrobius  (Sat.  I.  23)  and  Lucian  (de  Dea  Syria,  §  5) 
state  that  the  worship  of  the  sun  at  Heliopolis  in  Syria  was  derived  from  Heli- 
opolis  in  Egypt  (quoted  by  Rob.  BR2.  III.  518).    On  the  supposition  that  this 
is  correct,  the  name  On  is  explained  as  having  been  carried  over  from  Egypt 
also;   cf.  Egyptian  Aunu.     But  the  statements  of  Macrobius  and  Lucian  are 
without  further  support  and,  as  Dr.  suggests,  may  be  "nothing  more  than 
inferences  from  the  fact  of  two  celebrated  temples  being  dedicated  to  a  similar 
cult " ;  if  so,  the  name  On  together  with  the  Egyptian  theory  of  its  origin, 
must  go.     In  any  case  On  was  the  secular,  not  the  religious,  name  of  the 
Egyptian  Heliopolis.     We.  suggests  the  possibility  that  px  is  a  corruption  of 
the  name  of  some  god,  and  doubts  whether  Heliopolis  was  an  Aramaic  city  in 
the  time  of  Amos  (so  also  EB.  I.  390;   cf.  Wkl.  Untersuch.  183  n.;   Hirscht, 
ZwTh.  XLIV.  46 f.;  K6.  Stil.  297).  —  oats?  -pirn]  The  Hadad  inscription  of 
Zinjirli,  11.  15,  20,  and  25,  contains  the  Aramaic  equivalent  of  this  phrase,  viz. 
-an  ?nx  (DHM.  Die  altsemit.  Inschriften  von  Sendschirli  (1893),  20  f.;  quoted 
by  Dr.).     Cf.  the  (TK€TTTOVXOS  jSacriXeris  of  Homer  (//.  II.  26;    Od.  II.  231). 

—  py  nos]  The  Assyrian  Btt-Adini  was  the  occasion  of  more  than  one  cam 
paign  on  the  part  of  Ashurna?irpal  and  Shalmaneser  II.     The  latter  gives  a  full 
account  (Monolith  Inscription,  col.  I.  12-29,  H-  I-35)  of  the  capture  of  Ahuni, 
the  son  of  Adini,  the  ruler  of  Blt-Adini;   the  inhabitants  of  Btt-Adini  seem  to 
have  been  called  p>'  'ja;  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  likewise  speak  of  Bit- Am 
man,  e.g.  Bu-du-il  sar  Blt-Am-ma-na  (KB.  II.  149,  ABL.  86.)  while  the  O.T. 
mentions  the  pep  ^a.     The  objection  that  Bit-Adini  had  long  been  subject  to 
Assyria,  hence  cannot  be  the  place  referred  to  here,  seems  fatal  (Che.  EB.  I. 
552;   cf.  Wkl.  Untersuch.   183;   Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria, 
II.  74;   GSG.  Hist.  191,  198,  213);    Xappdv  in  @  is  due  to  confusion  of  n 

and  ~\.  —  iSji]  Cf.  Arab.  ^^.  uncover,  emigrate,  and  y^-  make  bare,  go  into 


1.6  23 

exile  ;  so  Aram,  and  Syriac.  It  is  applied  but  rarely  to  the  exiling  of  indi 
viduals,  e.g.  2  S.  I519,  and  is  sometimes  used  figuratively  of  lifeless  things,  e.g. 
Pr.  2726  I  S.  421f-  Is.  2411  Ho.  io5.  naa>  seems  to  have  been  the  earlier  word 

(cf.  Arab.  ^**H>  ^  captured  ;  Syr.  |  Q^,  take  ;  Assyr.  sabu,  to  overpower, 
attack).  nSj  does  not  appear  in  this  sense  prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Assyrian 
forces  westward.  —  DIN]  cf.  Assyr.  Aramu,  which  is  never  applied  to  people 
west  of  the  Euphrates,  who  are  always  called  Haiti.  —  rrvp]  W.  Max  Miiller, 
art.  "Kir,"  DB.,  suggests  that  m>p  DIN  ay  iS;n  is  an  interpolation  based  upon 
97;  urging  that  if  Kir  was  the  original  home  of  the  Aramaeans  (97)  the 
Assyrians  would  certainly  never  have  deported  them  thither,  but  rather  to 
some  strange  region. 

6-8.  Judgment  upon  Philistia.  —  Next  in  order  Philistia  is 
upbraided  for  the  sins  of  which  her  cities  have  been  guilty,  in 
punishment  for  which  the  entire  country  shall  perish. 

The  strophic  arrangement  of  vs.6-8  is  like  that  of  vs.3-5,  viz.  5  +  3  +  4. 
The  parallelism  is  exact,  if  the  line,  "  and  I  will  turn  my  hand  against  Ekron," 
be  transposed  from  the  middle  of  v.8  to  be  the  last  line  of  v.7.  Even  a  hasty 
comparison  of  the  two  pieces  shows  that  by  this  change,  the  lines  of  each 
piece  beginning  with  "  and  I  will  cut  off  "  are  brought  into  the  same  position; 
likewise,  in  the  case  of  the  lines  beginning  with  "  and  the  one  holding,  etc.," 
while  the  climactic  arrangement  of  strophe  3  is  thus  preserved. 


6.  ua-'tt'N]  ©  renders  suf.  aurotfs.  —  Vy]  ©  ^^e/cev;  cf.  dvd'  &v  in  v.3.  —  • 
(=  nb>B>,  or  an  error  of  a  copyist  for  the  transcribed 
Wkl.  treats  as  a  gloss  based  on  v.9  (Untersuch.  183;  so 
Lohr.);  but  onsS  cannot  well  follow  en-tan  (Now.,  Oct.)  —  7.  nmn]  <&%& 
pi.  ;  but  cf.  nna,  ae>v,  nsir.  —  8.  atrv]  (5  pi.  —  lev]  <&  e^ap^o-erat.  —  D^nc'Ss] 
©  TUV  d\\o<t>v\(t}i>,  the  regular  rendering  outside  of  the  Hex.  —  ^ma^tpni]  to  be 
transposed  (z/.j-.).  —  mn>  IJTN]  (§  Ktfptos. 

6  a.  Gaza~\  As  Damascus  (v.3)  represented  Syria,  so  Gaza,  as 
the  largest  city  of  the  Philistines,  and  perhaps  as  the  centre  of  the 
slave  traffic  here  rebuked,  is  used  for  Philistia  (v.i.).  On  this  city 
v.  George  Adam  Smith.* 

The  name  of  the  Philistines  is  similar  in  all  the  languages  of  their  neigh 
bors.  In  Egyptian  it  is  Purasati,  and  in  Assyrian  Palastu,  Pilistu,  and 
PiliStu.  The  Philistines  were  immigrants  into  Palestine  from  Caphtor  (Am.  97 
Dt.  223),  an  island  (Je.  47*),  doubtless  in  the  Mediterranean.  This  place  has 
been  variously  identified,  e.g.  with  Cyprus,  Kdpirados,  and  Crete.  The  last 

*  HG.  181  ff. 


24  AMOS 

seems  most  probable  both  from  its  size  and  from  notices  in  which  the  Phi 
listines  are  called  D^rna  (<5  Kpyruv')  and  similar  expressions  (i  S.  3<D14- 16 
Ez.  2515-16  Zp.  26;  Ba.,  GAS.  HG.  171).  The  view  which  places  Caphtor  in 
Egypt  (Ebers,  Aegypten  u.  Bucher  Mose's,  127  ff.)  is  untenable,  although  pos 
sibly  the  Philistines  dwelt  there  for  a  time  before  their  final  location  (Gn.  IO14). 
A  Semitic  origin  has  been  claimed  for  them  by  many  (Ew.,  Sta.  GVL  I.  142; 
cf.  W.  J.  Beecher,  art.  "Philistines,"  £>£.),  chiefly  on  the  ground  of  the 
proper  names.  But  from  part  of  the  names  and  from  their  general  un- 
Semitic  characteristics,  a  non-Semitic  origin  is  more  probable  (Ba.,  Wkl. 
GI.  I.  216;  McC.  HPM.  §  192).  The  available  evidence  indicates  that 
they  were  probably  Aryan  pirates  whose  first  settlement  in  Palestine  was 
made  about  the  age  of  Ramses  III.  (Ew.,  GFM.  Ju.  80 ;  Brugsch,  Egypt 
under  the  Pharaohs,  329  ff.;  Ed.  Meyer,  GA.  I.  319  f.).  Probably  in  the 
patriarchal  time  they  occupied  a  small  territory  between  Egypt  and  Gaza  (Ba., 
Beecher,  Wkl.,  et  a/.),  since  the  early  references  to  them  are  too  numerous  to 
be  explained  as  later  additions.  They  were  so  formidable  at  the  time  of  the 
Exodus  that  the  Hebrews  were  not  willing  to  take  the  direct  road  to  Palestine 
(Ex.  I317).  They  were  either  partially  conquered  under  Joshua  and  some  of 
their  cities  taken  (Ju.  I18),  the  view  of  many;  or  else  they  had  not  yet  occu 
pied  those  cities,  but  toward  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  were 
greatly  strengthened  by  numerous  immigrants  directly  from  their  original  home, 
summoned  because  of  their  fear  of  the  growing  power  of  the  Hebrews  (Ba.). 
Near  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  they  became  so  strong  that  they 
invaded  the  territory  of  the  Hebrews  and  subdued  them  (Ju.  14*  I511).  We 
have  records  of  their  defeating  Israel  (i  S.  4ff.),  and  only  in  the  time  of 
Samuel  were  they  defeated  (i  S.  73  ff-  especially  v.14).  Saul  had  frequent  con 
tests  with  them  (i  S.  I7lff-  i86  I98  23*  ff-  29!  31*).  After  this  time,  they 
appear  to  have  been  so  far  conquered  that  they  are  seldom  mentioned. 
Cf.  the  view  of  W.  Max  Miiller,  AuE.  389  f,  that  the  last  Egyptian  king  of  the 
2  ist  dynasty  conquered  them.  This  explains  why  David  and  Solomon  had 
little  trouble  with  them  (2  S.  81). 

6/b.  Because  they  carried  into  complete  captivity]  Cf.  Js.  245  28* 
Ob.20.  This  has  been  taken  to  mean:  (i)  a  peaceful  captivity, 
i.e.  "  captivity  of  those  who  lived  peacefully  with  them,  and  had 
not  injured  them,"*  (2)  a  holy  or  pious  captivity,y  (3)  captivity 
of  Solomon  as  in  (&,  which  (although  a  copyist's  error)  is  de 
fended  by  Theodoret,  J  while  (4)  Jerome  understands  it  to  mean 
a  perfect  captivity,  i.e.  the  hardest  service  ;§  liut  the  phrase  here 
and  in  v.9  refers  rather  to  a  complete  captivity,  i.e.  one  of  the 
whole  people,  neither  age  nor  sex  being  spared  (cf.  Je.  i319).||  Cf. 

*  Geb.,  Grotius.        f  Jus.        %  Cf.  Ba.        §  Va.        ||  Cal.,  We.,  Now.,  et  aL 


I.  6-7  25 

the  translations  of  Driver,  they  carried  into  exile  entire  popula 
tions  ;  Ewald,  whole  villages,  and  Winckler  (v.s.) .  —  To  deliver 
them  up  to  Edom]  Either  to  deliver  up  as  a  fugitive  slave  to  his 
master*  (cf.  Dt.  2315),  or  to  deliver  over  to  Edom  to  be  resold. 
From  this  reference,  and  from  v.9,  Edom,  in  these  early  days,  must 
have  been  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  between  different  nations.! 
There  seems  to  be  allusion  to  an  historical  incident,  for  the 
definite  recovery  of  which  the  data  are  insufficient.  According 
to  Hitzig,  the  Phoenicians  (see  v.9)  sold  the  slaves  to  the  Philis 
tines,  who  again  sold  them  to  the  Edomites,  the  greater  activity 
of  the  Philistines  being  reflected  in  the  use  of  rfbsn  rather  than 
•VJDPi,  and  in  the  order  of  the  names  in  vs.6"10,  Philistines,  Phoeni 
cians,  since  Jo.  3*  gives  them  in  the  reverse  order.  According  to 
Baur  |  the  Philistines  sold  them  to  the  Phoenicians,  and  they  again 
to  the  Edomites,  Tyre  being  the  chief  slave  market.  For  this  it  is 
urged  that  mbjn,  used  of  the  Philistines,  means  their  actual  removal 
from  the  land,  while  TJDH  of  the  Phoenicians  refers  only  to  their 
dealing  in  them.  Slavery  was  an  essential  element  in  ancient 
civilization,  and  the  supply  of  slaves  was  in  large  part  recruited 
from  captives  taken  in  war.  The  large  demand  for  them  under 
the  ancient  regime  is  evidenced  by  the  gigantic  pyramids  of 
Egypt,  by  representations  on  Assyrian  bas-reliefs,  and  by  the 
legislation  concerning  them  in  the  Hammurabi  code;  cf.  e.g. 
§§15-20,  118,  119,  175,  176,  226,  227.  Does  Jo.  3s-6  refer  to 
the  same  event?  and  is  the  event  that  which  is  described  as 
occurring  under  Jehoram  (2  Ch.  2i16)  §  or  Ahaz  (2  Ch.  2818)  ||  ? 
It  seems  best  either  to  understand  that  reference  is  made  to 
both  of  them  and  to  any  other  similar  event,^  or  that  there 
is  no  specific  reference  intended.**  Indeed,  it  is  not  certain 
that  mbo  refers  at  all  to  the  Israelites.ff  The  sons  of  Javan  (Jo.  f) 
may  refer  to  an  Arabian  tribe  (cf.  Ez.  2719,  v.s.)  rather  than  to  the 
Greeks.  |t  —  7.  Gaza~]  Gaza,  was  the  most  southern  (2  K.  i88) 
and  important  of  the  five  Philistine  cities  (i  S.  617).  Being  the 


*  Kusznitzki. 

f  Cf.  also  Ez.  2716  (reading  DIN  (Edom)  for  mN  (Aram),  as  do  <E,  &,  'A.,  Da. 
Toy,  Co.,  Hi.,  Kraetzschmar,  et  a/.).  %  p.  96;  so  also  Ew. 

§  Mit.  ||  Ros.,  Schro.  U  Jus.  **  Os.  ft  We. 

JJ  Ba. ;  cf.  Che.  art.  "Javan,"  EB.;  Sta.  Dos  Volk  Javan  (1880). 


26  AMOS 

last  town  on  the  road  to  Egypt,  it  was  always  closely  connected 
with  Egypt.* 

Its  situation  on  the  edge  of  the  desert  made  it  important  to  caravans.  It 
was  located  on  a  hill  about  a  hundred  feet  high,  three  miles  from  the  Mediter 
ranean,  and  fifty  miles  S.W.  of  Jerusalem.  In  ancient  times  it  was  the  centre 
of  great  caravan  routes  north  to  Jerusalem,  Damascus,  Tyre,  etc.,  and  south 
to  Egypt,  South  Arabia,  Petra,  and  Palmyra.  In  the  Tel-el-Amarna  period  it 
was  held  by  Egypt.  Early  Israel  probably  never  captured  Gaza  (Ju.  i19  33 
Jos.  1 3s).  To  the  contrary  effect  are  Jos.  I547  Ju.  I18  (cf.  ©),  which  are  prob 
ably  later  additions.  Gaza  (=  Assyr.  ffa-az-za-tu  or  Ha-zi-ti}  suffered  severely 
at  the  hands  of  the  Assyrians  in  the  times  of  Tiglathpileser  III.  (734  B.C.). 
In  the  Nimrud  Inscription,  1.  62,  Hanno  of  Gaza  is  mentioned  as  paying 
tribute;  see  ABL.  57;  KB.  II.  21.  In  the  annals  of  Tiglathpileser  (III. 
R  10,  2,  Is.  19  ff.)  in  connection  with  the  attack  upon  Israel,  we  read,  "As  for 
Hanno  of  Gaza  [who]  had  fled  [before]  my  [weapons]  and  escaped  to 
Mutsri —  Gaza  [I  captured],  its  possessions,  [its]  gods  [I  carried  away] 
.  .  .  and  my  royal  image  [I  set  up]."  See  KB.  II.  32  f.;  COT.  I.  247. 

8  c.  And  I  will  turn  my  hand~\  Strike  with  repeated  blows, f 
rather  than  extend  in  a  new  movement.  J  Cf.  also  Ju.  69  Is.  i25 
Zc.  i37  Ps.  8i14.  This  has  been  transposed  (v.s).  —  Ekron\  The 
northernmost  of  the  four  cities  named,  was  of  importance  because 
it  possessed  an  oracle  of  Baalzebub  (2  K.  i2),  and  was  on  a 
good  trade  route,  being  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Philistia,  nine 
miles  from  the  sea,  in  the  vale  of  Sorek,  where  a  pass  breaks 
through  the  low  hills  to  Ramleh.  It  was  on  a  branch  of  the  line 
of  traffic.  Hence,  possibly,  it  is  mentioned  only  once  in  the 
Egyptian  lists,  viz.  by  Thutmosis  III.  It  was  thus  the  nearest 
of  the  Philistine  cities  to  Judah.  —  8  a,  b.  Ashdod~\  Was  a  well- 
fortified  city,  south  of  Ekron,  21  miles  N.E.  of  Gaza  and  three 
miles  from  the  seacoast;  cf.  Jos.  i33  i  S.  617f-.  It  was  anciently 
of  importance  as  the  halfway  station  on  the  road  from  Gaza  to 
Joppa.  It  was  well  watered,  and  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the 
most  broad  and  fertile  valley  of  Palestine.  The  cult  of  Dagon 
was  especially  associated  with  Ashdod  (cf.  i  S.  5  f.  i  Mace.  lo83 
1 14) .  From  39  it  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  in  the  times  of 
Amos  a  place  of  some  repute.  —  Askelori\  mentioned  as  early  as 

*  Cf.  the  lists  of  Ramses  II.  and  III.  which  are  treated  in  A*/"2.  VI.  24  ff.,  31  ff.; 
W.  M.  Miiller,  A.  und  E.,  159, 164  ff.,  227  ff.,  393 ;  Sayce,  Patriarchal  Palestine,  235- 
40;  cf.  Paton,  Hist.  78  (map).  f  Ros.,  Ba.  J  Mit. 


I.  7-8  27 

on  Meneptah's  Israel-stele,  was  situated  in  a  rocky  amphitheatre 
immediately  on  the  coast.  It  was  isolated  from  the  other  Philis 
tine  cities  by  its  location. 

Letters  from  its  governor  form  a  part  of  the  Amarna  correspondence 
(Am.  Tab.  207,  21  if.;  see  transl.  of  No.  207  in  Paton,  Hist.  101;  Wkl. 
Amarna  Letters}.  It  is  mentioned  as  a  part  of  the  Philistine  territory  in  the 
days  of  Samson  (Ju.  H19),  Samuel  (i  S.  617),  David  (2  S.  I20),  Zephaniah  (24-7), 
Jeremiah  (252°  475-7),  and  the  later  Zechariah  (95).  Metinti  of  Askelon  is 
mentioned  among  the  tributaries  of  Tiglathpileser  III.  (Nimrud  Inscription, 
1.  61,  v.  ABL.  57). 

8  d.  The  remnant  of  the  Philistines  shall  perish~\  Not  the  in 
habitants  of  the  cities  and  villages  (including  Gath)  unmentioned 
before*  (cf.  Je.  393  Ne.  f2),  nor  the  last  man  of  the  Philistines  t 
(cf.  mnK,  42  p1),  but  the  remnant  of  the  Philistines  wherever 
they  may  be,  i.e.  all  the  Philistines.  Cf.  Ez.  363-4.  Other  pre 
dictions  against  Philistia  will  be  found  in  Is.  n14  i^-32  Je.  2520  47 
Zp.  24'7  Ez.  2515-17  Zc.  <f-~'.  —  The  Lord  Yahweh}  The  most  com 
mon  designation  for  the  deity  in  Amos,  occurring  fifteen  times. 

6.  nnSty  mSj  oniSjn  V]  The  pron.  suf.  used  as  subj.  GK.  115  /*;  K6.  229  d; 
H.  29,  23(i);  the  cogn.  ace.  GK.  117^,  q\  H.  32,  2  ;  prep,  and  inf.  expressing 
causal  clause,  GK.  158*:;  K6.  403  f  ;  lit.  because  they  carried  into  exile  an  entire 
exile,  i.e.  exiled  company;  cf.  Is.  4513,  the  fem.  being  used  collectively,  GK. 
122  s;  K6.  255  d\  so  also  the  other  deriv.  n^'ij  (cf.  Je.  291).  —  oiN1?  •yjonV] 
-PJDH  is  followed  by  Sx  (Dt.  2316),  TO  (i  S.  2311-12-20),  and  as  here  S  (Ps. 
yg48.  so.  62)  .  this  Would  seem  to  be  a  poetic  usage.  The  Hiph.  like  the  Pi. 
=  shut  one  up  to,  deliver  over  to  ;  the  ace.  of  the  person  is  omitted  here  as  in 
I  S.  2312.  The  inf.  with  *?  =  purpose  ;  GK.  i  i^f,g;  H.  29,  3^  ;  K6.  407  a. 


9,  10.  Judgment  upon  Tyre.  —  The  world-catastrophe  which 
the  prophet  sees  includes  also  Phoenicia.  The  relationship  be 
tween  Phoenicia  and  Israel  had  been  very  close  (v.i.)  ;  but  the 
threats  of  destruction  here  uttered  continued  to  be  made  to 
the  very  end  (cf.  Is.  23  Je.  25™  Ez.  26-28  Zc.  926). 

The  structure  of  this  oracle  (and  of  the  following  one),  viz.  5  and  2,  is 
very  different  from  that  of  the  preceding.  Strophe  i  is  the  same  including  (i) 
line  i,  the  divine  authority;  (2)  lines  2,  3,  the  use  of  the  symbolical  numbers, 
marking  the  transgression  in  a  general  way,  as  one  often  repeated;  (3)  lines  3, 
4,  5,  the  more  specific  charge;  while  strophe  2  is  a  reproduction  of  the  first 

*  Jer.  f  Ew.,  Now. 


28  AMOS 

two  lines  of  strophe  2  of  the  preceding  oracles.  There  is  nothing  to  corre- 
spond  to  strophe  2,  line  3,  and  all  of  strophe  3,  including  the  closing  rnrp  ICN. 
This  striking  variation  of  form  in  the  utterances  against  Tyre  (vs.9- 10),  Edom 
(vs.11-12),  and  Judah  (24-5)  is  to  be  explained,  not  upon  the  ground  of  a 
desire  to  condense,  in  order  to  avoid  too  much  monotony  and  repetition, 
for  it  would  be  impossible  in  that  case  to  understand  why  the  condensation 
is  made  in  one  case  rather  than  in  another;  but  upon  the  supposition,  for 
which  there  is  other  support,  that  these  particular  utterances,  viz.  concerning 
Tyre,  Edom,  and  Judah,  are  not  from  Amos,  but  are  interpolations  from  a  later 
time.  The  considerations  to  be  noted  here  are:  (i)  If  the  geographical 
order  prevailed  as  elsewhere,  from  N.  to  S.,  vs.9*11  would  have  preceded 
vs.6"8;  (2)  the  charge  made  here  is  the  same  as  that  made  against  the 
Philistines;  (3)  the  ">  IDN  is  lacking  here  as  in  the  section  on  Edom  (vs.11-12). 
Cf.  We.,  Now.,  Lohr;  Che.  EB.  I.  151;  Baumann.  — 9.  •«]  Wkl.  (KAT?  I. 
147;  so  Che.  Crit.  Bib.}  IXD  referring  to  the  N.  Arabian  Mucri. —  nn1?:^]  @ 
(as  in  v.6)  nbW.  —  OTIX]  ,&  |Za^j>. —  nnxS]  not  DINS  for  Amos  would  have 
said  Damascus;  Wkl.  (6*7.  I.  199  note)  omits,  since  it  really  comes  from  v.6; 
but  this  is  not  certain. 

9  a.  Tyre\  i.e.  Phoenicia.  According  to  the  usual  view,  the 
Phoenicians  were  a  Semitic  people,  who,  like  the  Aramaeans  anj 
Hebrews,  formed  a  part  of  the  great  Semitic  westward  immi 
grations. 

That  they  were  originally  related  to  the  Hebrews  may  be  concluded  from 
their  Semitic  speech,  which  can  hardly  have  been  borrowed  by  either  nation. 
They  are  named  with  the  Hamites  in  Gn.  io6  for  good  reasons,  as  that  table 
does  not  contemplate  actual  relationship  but  geographical  distribution.  The 
oldest  settlement  of  the  Phoenicians  was  Sidon.  The  Assyrian  inscriptions 
mention  a  great  and  a  small  Sidon  (Sennacherib,  Taylor  Cyl.  II.  38;  COT.  I. 
87;  RFH.  ABL.  71).  From  that  point  they  spread,  first  to  the  north  on 
the  coast  (cf.  Gn.  io15),  and  later  to  the  south,  where  Tyre  was  founded  as  a 
colony  of  Sidon  (cf.  Is.  2312,  where  it  is  called  fi-px-na).  Tyre,  the  prominence 
of  which  dates  from  about  1197  B.C.,  was  first  built  on  the  mainland,  thirty 
furlongs  south  of  the  later  island-city,  called  by  the  old  writers  HaXaLrvpos  (Jos. 
Ant.  9,  14,  2;  Strabo,  16,  2,  24;  Diodorus,  17,4;  Curtius,  4,  2,  18;  Ba.  239). 
Old  Tyre  is  probably  meant  by  -is  nxpD  (Jos.  ig29  2  S.  247).  It  existed  at  the 
time  of  the  Exodus,  but  seems  to  have  been  of  little  importance,  in  view  of 
the  above  passage  in  Joshua,  which  contains  the  only  mention  before  David's 
time,  and  represents  it  to  have  been  conquered  by  the  tribe  of  Asher,  although 
other  Phoenician  cities,  as  Acco,  Sidon,  were  not  so  treated  (Ju.  I31).  Homer 
often  mentions  Sidon,  but  never  Tyre  (//.  VI.  289;  XXIII.  743 ;  Odys.  XIV. 
84;  XIII.  285 ;  XV.  425),  but  both  are  mentioned  in  the  Tel-el- Amarna  letters 
(e.g.  Nos.  17  and  18).  By  reason  of  their  increase,  the  Tyrians  founded  the 
new  city  on  an  island  four  furlongs  from  the  mainland,  and  being  thus  pro- 


1.9  29 

tected  from  enemies  they  soon  rose  to  importance.  In  David's  time  they  had 
their  own  powerful  king  (2  S.  511),  and  from  that  time  on  are  frequently  men 
tioned.  By  the  year  900  B.C.  they  had  taken  the  supremacy  of  the  Phoenicians 
away  from  Sidon,  as  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  I  K.  i631  Ethbaal  is  King  of 
the  Sidonians,  while  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  VIII.  13,  2)  he  was  King 
of  Tyre.  On  Tyrian  coins  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  we  read  "  metropolis  of 
the  Sidonians,"  the  Phoenicians  generally  being  called  Sidonians.  Tyre  is 
often  mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  (z/.z.).  Both  Sidon  and  Tyre 
are  written  with  the  determinatives  for  city  or  for  country,  but  with  Tyre  the 
latter  is  more  common.  At  the  time  of  Amos,  Tyre,  the  chief  city,  naturally 
v°presented  the  whole  country.  By  its  geographical  position  it  was  more 
intimately  connected  with  Israel  than  was  any  of  the  other  cities.  The 
settlement  of  the  Hebrews  in  Canaan  did  not  bring  them  into  much  trouble 
with  Phoenicia.  In  the  times  of  David  and  Solomon  Phoenician  influence 
was  great  (28.  511  I  K.  5lff-),  being  seen  especially  in  everything  that  relates 
to  art,  architecture,  and,  indeed,  the  common  affairs  of  life  (Perrot  and  Chi- 
piez,  Phenicie-Cypre).  After  the  division,  the  intimacy  became  even  greater, 
Jezebel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king  of  Phoenicia  (i  K.  i631),  being  queen 
of  Israel,  and  her  daughter  Athaliah,  the  wife  and  successor  of  Ahaziah,  being 
queen  of  Judah  (2  K.  1 11).  In  the  times  of  the  prophets,  perhaps  as  early 
as  those  of  Amos,  there  came  a  reaction  against  Phoenicia,  due,  in  part, 
perhaps,  to  the  character  of  the  two  women  just  mentioned,  and  in  part  to 
the  work  of  Elijah  and  Elisha. 

9  b.  The  brotherly  covenant}  From  i  K.  913,  in  which  Hiram 
calls  Solomon  brother,  and  from  2  S.  511  i  K.  5lff-  i631  we  may 
conclude  that  friendly  relations  existed  between  Israel  and  Tyre 
before,  during,  and  after  the  time  of  Solomon.  A  covenant  is 
mentioned  between  Solomon  and  Hiram  (i  K.  512),  which  pos 
sibly  contained  a  provision  against  selling  the  Hebrews  as  slaves.* 
This  was  a  spiritual  covenant  as  well  as  a  worldly  one,  i  K.  57.f 
It  may  be  an  objection  to  this  that  the  covenant  was  one  of 
individuals  (Solomon  and  Hiram)  and  not  of  the  two  nations ;  \ 
since  it  seems  quite  clear  that  vs.9-10  are  a  late  interpolation 
(v.s.).  The  reference  is  not  to  a  supposed  covenant  between 
Edom  and  Israel  which  Phoenicia  had  forgotten,  although  Israel 
and  Edom  are  called  brothers  in  v.11,  because  (i)  the  relation 
ship  with  Edom  was  that  of  blood,  not  of  covenant ;  §  (2)  this 
relationship  had  long  ago  been  changed  to  one  of  deadly 
enmity ;  ||  (3)  Phoenicia  would  not  be  responsible,  but  Edom ; 

*  Pu.        t  Geb.        J  Dusterdieck.        §  Cal.,  Ew.,  Dusterdieck.        ||  Ba. 


30  AMOS 

at  all  events  Philistia  would  be  equally  responsible.  It  has  been 
suggested  *  that  the  slaves  turned  over  to  Edom  were  taken  by 
Tyre,  not  from  Israel,  but  from  various  cities  of  the  Phoenicians 
or  of  the  Canaanites.  This  would  constitute  the  breach  of  the 
covenant.  Cf.  Winckler's  view  (v.s.).  — 10.  And  it  shall  devour 
her  (Tyre's)  palaces']  Cf.  Is.  23  Je.  25^  Ez.  2615ff-  Zc.  92f-.  This 
prediction  was  fulfilled  in  the  relationship  which  Tyre  sustained  to 
Assyria  and  the  empires  that  followed. 

Up  to  the  time  of  Amos  the  city  had  paid  tribute  to  Ashurnacirpal 
(Annals,  col.  III.  86)  and  Adadnirari  III.  who  says,  "...  from  above  the 
Euphrates,  Hatti,  Aharri,  to  its  whole  extent,  Tyre,  Sidon,  the  country  of 
Omri,  Edom,  Palastu  as  far  as  the  great  sea  of  the  setting  of  the  sun,  I 
brought  to  submission,  and  taxes  and  tribute  I  placed  on  them"  (i  R.  35,  12; 
v.  RFH.  ABL.  52),  and  a  little  later  to  Tiglathpileser  III.  v.  Nimrud  Inscrip 
tion  :  "  I  sent  my  military  governor,  the  chief  officer,  to  Tyre  ;  from  Mitenna, 
of  Tyre,  (I  received)  one  hundred  and  fifty  talents  of  gold  .  .  ."  (ABL.  57; 
cf.  COT.  I.  242). 

9.  TOT  xSi  .  .  .  DTUDn  Vy]  Inf.  continued  by  pf.,  GK.  114  r,  158  c;  K6. 
413  d.  —  o>nx  nna]  an  attributive  gen.,  v.  Ko.  335  c;  GK.  I28/.  Primary 
meaning  of  nna  appears  in  Assyr.  biritu  (bar A  =  bind),  fetter,  also  treaty, 
covenant  (Zimmern,  Busspsalmen,  59,  82  ;  Dl.  Die  Sprache  der  Kossaer,  7, 
and  HWB.,  s.v.}.  nna  might  be  made  either  (a)  between  men,  or  (6)  be 
tween  God  and  man.  Of  the  former  there  were  at  least  two  kinds,  those 
between  individuals,  e.g.  I  S.  i83  2O8  2318  2  S.  312ff' ;  and  those  between 
tribes  or  nations,  e.g.  1  K.  526  I519  Ho.  I2'2  Gn.  2626ff-  3i44ff-.  A  divine  cove 
nant  is  said  to  be  at  the  basis  of  the  great  institutions  of  the  O.  T.,  viz. 
Israel's  claim  to  the  land  of  Canaan  (Gn.  15),  the  perpetual  monarchy  of 
the  Davidic  house  (2  S.  7  235  Ps.  893),  and  the  perpetual  priesthood  of  the 
Levites  (Ex.  3229  Dt.  339  Je.  3321  Ma.  24ff-).  The  usual  expression  for  making 
a  covenant  is  nna  ma,  the  significance  of  which  is  illustrated  by  Gn.  15.  The 
idea  of  communion  of  life  secured  by  eating  together  seems  to  have  been  the 
original  conception  lying  at  the  root  of  the  custom  of  covenant -making  (cf. 
Jos.  914f-);  this  fellowship  might  be  established  by  drinking  each  other's 
blood,  or  by  partaking  together  of  the  blood  of  a  sacrificial  animal,  or  by  eating 
salt  together,  or  by  eating  any  food  in  common.  It  is  probable  that  the  cove 
nant  was  usually  ratified  by  some  distinctly  religious  rite.  The  full  ceremony 
of  making  a  covenant  was  as  follows  :  (a)  a  statement  of  the  terms  agreed  to; 
(i>)  an  oath  on  the  part  of  each  party  to  the  agreement  to  observe  the  terms 
agreed  to ;  (<:)  a  curse  invoked  upon  himself  by  each  one  in  case  of  failure 
to  keep  his  agreement ;  {d}  a  solemn  ratification  of  the  curse  made  by  pass- 

*  We.,  Dr. 


1.  9-n  31 

ing  between  the  parts  of  a  sacrificed  animal  (probably  a  later  development 
of  the  custom  of  eating  the  sacrifice  together).  The  expression  OTIS  nna 
occurs  only  here,  and  the  covenant  alluded  to  is  wholly  unknown.  On  cove 
nants  v.  Kraetzschmar,  Die  Bundesvorstellung  im  A.T.  (1896);  N.  Schmidt, 
art.  "  Covenant,"  EB.;  Da.  art.  "  Covenant,"  DB.  ;  WRS.  Sem.  312  ff.,  479  ff.; 
Val.  ZAW.  XII.  1-22,  224-60,  XIII.  245-79;  art.  "Bund,"  PRE?  ;  Giese- 
brecht,  Die  Geschichtlichkeit  d.  Sinaibundes  (1900);  H.  C.  Trumbull,  The 
Blood  Covenant;  Id.,  The  Covenant  of  Salt  ;  Id.,  The  Threshold  Covenant. 

11,  12.  Judgment  upon  Edom.  —  After  Syria  and  Philistia,  and 
in  connection  with  Tyre,  the  prophet,  according  to  the  present 
text,  foretells  the  doom  of  Edom.  This  oracle,  like  those  against 
Tyre  and  Judah,  is  evidently  an  interpolation  from  the  exilic  or 
post-exilic  period.  The  specific  arguments*  are:  (i)  the  simi 
larity  of  structure  with  i9-10  and  24  5  and  the  difference  of  structure 
from  that  of  the  other  fuller  utterances;  (2)  Petra,  the  most  im 
portant  city  of  Edom  in  the  time  of  Amos,  is  not  mentioned,! 
while  the  names  Teman  and  Bozrah  occur  elsewhere  chiefly  in 
late  writings  \  ;  (3)  the  vagueness  of  the  description  of  Edom's 
offence  ;  (4)  Edom  in  early  times  was  subject  to  Israel,  and  suf 
fered  more  from  Israel  than  Israel  from  Edom.  For  two  centuries 
before  Amos  Edom  had  been  under  Israel  (i  K.  n16  2  K.  i47). 
The  cruelty  which  furnished  the  basis  for  the  ill  feeling  on  the  part 
of  Israel  came  with  the  exile.  It  was  not  unnatural,  therefore, 
that  a  later  writer,  devoid  of  historical  perspective,  and  thinking 
that  Edom  deserved  denunciation,  should  frame  a  section  which 
in  due  time  secured  a  place  in  the  text  of  Amos.  The  clause 
"  and  his  wrath,  etc."  (v.11)  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  inter 
polation,  is  a  gloss,  merely  repeating  the  thought  of  the  preceding 
phrase  in  synonymous  words. 


11.  VDm  nniin]  probably  a  gloss;  (55  Av/uiyparo  /x^r^pa  ^?rl  7775;  other 
versions  follow  JH3L  Some  codd.  of  ©  read  fj-^rpav  for  fjLijTtpa.  Hirscht 
accounts  for  the  text  of  @  on  the  supposition  that  DIN  crept  in  after  vcrn 
by  mistake  from  the  previous  line  and  was  then  read  with  the  preceding 
V  as  DINS  which  then  went  over  easily  into  nmN3.  Gr.,  rotih  or  risen  for 

*  V.  We.  ;  Che.  EB.  I.  151  f.  ;  Bu.  Jew.  Enc.  I.  532  ;  Now.,  Lohr,  Baumann, 
Marti  ;  cf.  GAS.,  Dr. 

fThe  Sela,  captured  by  Amaziah  (2  K.  14^),  is  probably  not  to  be  identified 
with  Petra,  but  with  some  unknown  rocky  fortress  ;  so  Kit.  on  2  K.  I47  ;  Che.  EB. 
IV.  4344.  1  But  cf.  Gn.  3688  f.  (J)  ;  and  Che.  EB.  I.  602. 


32  AMOS 


S   /cai   ijpirao-ev  ets  paprtpiov  <f>plicr)v  atrov.      *A.  *al 

tfypev<rei>  els  TOI)S  a^cD^as  ^  <5/37?7  atfroD  ;  similarly  S.,  6.    JT  ^/  tenuerit  ultra 

^        7     a  >  7 

furorem  suum.  %  ai\^'^  >o-^L_i*  |^L!O.  SS.  retain  |$IC,  but  connect 
)flN  with  following  clause  rendering  ~\y_  booty.  Ols.  (on  Ps.  IO39;  so  also 
Gr.,  We.,  Gu.,  Dr.,  Elh.,  Oct.,  Oort  Em.,  Hirscht),  w,  which  is  appar 
ently  supported  by  %  and  U  and  favored  by  the  parallelism.  —  nxj  mcc»] 
@  t(pti\a£ev  els  VIKOS  ;  other  versions  follow  |$12T.  Cf.  <§  ^^^hSS.  Marck 
and  Va.,  rnDtf;  so  also  J.  A.  Bewer  (AJSL.  XVII.  168),  but'with  a  different 
meaning  (v.i.).  Ols.,  nxjS  IDB>  (so  We.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Oort  Em.,  Elh., 
Oct.,  Hirscht)  but  this  is  unnecessary.  —  12.  pin]  'A.,  S.f  6.,  Arab.,  &, 
south.  (Jic&U  follow  £H@T.  —  niX3  mjD"iN]  <J0  0e^\ia  rei^wv  atiTys;  other 
versions  treat  mx:i  as  a  proper  noun.  'A.,  S.,  render  PUDIN  by  fidpeis  ;  0., 


11  a.  Edom\  The  traditions  recognize  the  Edomites  as  older, 
so  far  as  concerns  national  existence,  than  the  Israelites. 

Mt.  Seir,  extending  from  the  southeast  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  Gulf 
of  Akabah,  a  mountainous  region,  seems  to  have  been  their  first  home  after 
the  migration  from  Mesopotamia.  Some  think  it  is  the  country  mentioned  in 
Egyptian  records  as  Adma  or  Atuma,  near  Egypt,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
were  called  Shasu,  nomads  (Chabas,  Voyage,  307  ;  Brugsch,  Hist.  I.  146, 
216;  DB?  I.  855).  This  region,  full  of  caves,  gave  them  as  freebooters 
(Gn.  2740)  great  protection,  and  was,  likewise,  favorable  for  caravan  trade 
between  Egypt  and  Arabia,  and  Phoenicia  and  Philistia  (cf.  Ez.  2716,  read 
ing  DIN  for  DIN;  so  ©£>,  and  some  Hebrew  Mss.).  From  the  table  in 
Gn.  36,  it  has  been  supposed  (Ba.)  that  the  Edomites  conquered  and  incor 
porated  the  Horites  (Dt.  222),  also  the  Canaanites  and  Ishmaelites.  Their 
form  of  government  was  tribal  (Gn.  3615-19-29f-)  ;  but  for  all  the  tribes  there 
was  one  king  (Gn.  3631f-)  probably  elective  (Buhl,  Gesch.  d.  Edomiter,  47; 
cf.  Sayce,  DB.  I.  645).  The  cities,  in  order  of  importance,  were  Petra, 
where  two  caravan  routes  crossed;  Bozrah  (Is.  346  631)  ;  the  ports  Elath 
and  Ezion-geber  (i  K.  926).  Some  suppose  them  to  have  been  sun-worship 
pers  in  view  of  the  occurrence  of  the  word  "njn  (the  name  of  the  sun-god) 
in  their  proper  names  (i  K.  II17  I  Ch.  I50  Gn.'  3639;  Ba.  100;  cf.  No.  EB. 
II.  1187),  but  nothing  really  definite  is  known  of  their  religion.  Edom  and 
Israel  were  not  always  so  bitter  towards  each  other  as  in  the  later  days  (cf. 

1  K.  i  ilf-).     While  this  hostility  had  some  basis  in  Edom's  treatment  of  Israel 
at  the  Exodus  (Nu.  2O14-21  Dt.  21"8  —  the  two  accounts  leave  this  matter  quite 
uncertain)  and  in  events  of  the  times  of  Saul  and  David  (i  S.  I447  2  S.  814), 
the  ground  for  complaint  was  rather  on  the  side  of  Edom.     Edom  remained 
subordinate  to  Israel  under  Solomon  (i  K.  Q26),  although  Hadad  sought  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  (i  K.  ii14-22),  and  to  Judah  under  Jehoshaphat  (i  K.  22^  f- 

2  K.  38ff-)-     Under  Joram,  Edom  revolted  and  then  followed  a  period  of 


i.  n-12  33 


independence,  during  which  it  had  a  king  of  its  own  (2  K.  S2*-22)  ;  but  soon 
Sela  was  captured  by  Amaziah  (2  K.  H7),  and  Elath  was  restored  to  Judah 
by  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  262).  For  an  interpretation  of  the  Blessing  of  Esau 
(Gn.  2739f-,  which  had  its  origin  about  this  time)  as  revealing  the  feeling  of 
Israel  toward  Edom,  see  No.  EB.  II.  1185. 

11  b.  Because  he  pursued  his  brother  with  the  sword~\  Cf.  Ob.10. 
If  this  contains  a  definite  allusion,  it  must  be  understood,  not  of 
Nu.  2017ff-;*  nor  of  Jehoram  (2  Ch.  21^°  2  K.  S2^22)  ;  f  but 
rather  of  some  incursion  of  Edom  against  Israel  shortly  before 
the  utterance.  J  It  is  perhaps  better  taken  of  the  general  attitude 
of  Edom  towards  Israel,  shown  in  the  cases  cited  above  and  in 
many  others  of  which  there  is  no  record.  §  The  title  "brother" 
was  frequently  thus  applied,  e.g.,  Dt.  24  2$  Ob.10"12  cf.  Gn.  2740-41. 
Israel  and  Edom  were  more  closely  related  than  was  Israel  with 
any  other  nation.  —  And  destroyed  his  compassion^  The  rendering 
of  Cyril  "did  violence  to  the  womb,"  referring  to  Esau's  trading 
his  birthright,  is  fanciful  ;  likewise  that  which  makes  Vttrn  "  his 
brother."  ||  The  choice  must  lie  between  "his  compassions,"  i.e., 
the  Edomites  have  destroyed  their  natural  sense  of  compassion  or 
regard  for  a  brother,^"  or  "  his  wombs,"  i.e.,  pregnant  women.** 
Cf.  Vater's  opinion,  which  makes  Vttrn  foetus.  This  line  seems  to 
be  a  comment  in  explanation  of  the  preceding  phrase,  and  its 
omission  greatly  relieves  the  passage.  —  And  he  cherished  his 
anger  perpetually^  If  fH@E  is  accepted,  "anger"  may  be  the  sub 
ject  =  And  his  anger  did  tear  perpetually  (cf.  Jb.  i69)  ;  or  an 
accusative  of  manner  =  And  in  his  anger  he  did  tear.  In  either 
case  the  meaning  is  the  same,  viz.  that  of  a  lasting  hatred  of 
Edom  for  Israel  (cf.  Gn.  27").  ft  The  emendation  of  Olshausen 
(v.s.)  here  followed,  which  is  based  upon  the  parallelism  and 
implied  in  &  and  U,  and  retained  his  anger  (cf.  Ps.  I039  Lv.  iQ18 
Na.  i2  Je.  3s),  makes  a  much  easier  rendering,  but  one  which  is 
redundant,  unless  the  following  clause  is  treated  as  a  gloss.  —  And 
he  kept  his  anger  forever]  (v.i.).  —  12.  Tertian]  Used  synony 
mously  with  Edom  in  Je.  4Q7  Ob.9  Hb.  33  and  in  parallelism  with 

*Ra.,  Cyril.  \  Ew.  ||  Cf.  Ba. 

t  Schlier.  §  Gal.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Dr.         f  Cal.,  Schra,  Ba.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Dr. 

**  (E,  Doederlein,  Dat.,  Jus.  ;  but  v.  Marti. 

ft  So  Cal.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  and  in  the  second  form  'A.,  2.,  Geb. 
D 


34  AMOS 

it  in  Je.  4920.  There  being  no  mention  of  walls,  we  may,  with 
most  commentators,  understand  that  no  "city"  is  intended.  — 
BozraJi\  Probably  the  chief  city  of  Edom.  Referred  to  in  Gn. 
36s3  Je.  4913,  and  with  Edom  in  Is.  346  6s1  Je.  4922  cf.  Je.  497ff-. 
So  called  from  its  strength  ;  Is.  346.  Note  the  rendering  of  @ 


Teman  was  celebrated  for  its  wisdom  (cf.  Je.  497  ff>)  ;  Eliphaz,  one  of  Job's 
friends,  came  from  it  (Jb.  211  41).  It  was  probably  named  from  Teman, 
grandson  of  Esau;  cf.  Gn.  36n-  ^  34.  Its  location  is  not  certain,  but  Ez.  2513 
mentions  "  Teman  even  unto  Dedan  "  as  including  the  whole  country,  hence, 
as  Dedan  was  in  the  southeast,  Teman  was  probably  in  the  northwest  or  north 
(Buhl,  Edomiter,  30). 

Bozrah  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  the  small  modern  village  Buseire 
or  Busera,  meaning,  little  Bosra,  although  it  has  also  been  identified  with  the 
later  Petra  (Wetzstein,  in  De.  Jesaja?  704).  Under  Joram  of  Judah,  Edom 
probably  gained  its  independence  (2  K.  820ff-).  The  text  is  doubtful,  but  cf. 
Sta.  GVL  I.  537;  Buhl,  Edomiter,  64;  Kit.  in  loc.  References  of  doubtful 
date  to  Edom  are  found  in  Ps.  6O8'11  (=  Ps.  loS8'11)  Je.  49s-22  (cf.  also  Is.  II14 
Je.  925  2521),  with  which  are  to  be  contrasted  the  kindly  references  in  Dt.  25~8 
237f-.  The  kings  of  Edom  before  the  time  of  Amos  had  paid  tribute  to 
Adadnirari  III.  and  soon  after  to  Tiglathpileser  III. 

11.  io-n  Sy]  prep,  with  inf.  expressing  cause  (w.j.).  —  nntt>i]  Pf.  with  i  cons. 
fol.  inf.,  to  express  freq.  action;  Dr.  §  118;  GK.  1122,  114^;  H.  25,  I  a;  K6. 
413  </.  —  vnm]  abstr.pl.;  GK.  124,?;  K6.  262  e.  —  ipo'i]  the  impf.  with  i  cons. 
fol.  a  pf.  with  i  cons.;  cf.  Dr.  §  118.  —  IDN]  either  subj.  or  obj.  or  adv.  ace. 
according  to  interpretation.  —  nxj  mots'  imajfi]  This,  for  reasons  given  above, 
is  probably  a  gloss.  The  usual  rendering  has  been  "And  his  wrath  he  kept 
forever,"  the  n_  referring  to  '.ay,  Mapptq  dropped  because  of  recession  of 
accent,  GK.  58^-;  or  n_  paragogic  (Ros.),  cf.  Zc.  5n  Nu.  3242  Ru.  21*.  Ew.'s 
rendering  of  mots?  "  lieth  in  wait  "  (cf.  Jb.  2415  Ps.  567)  is  hardly  tenable. 
J.  A.  Bewer  suggests  a  new  rendering  for  this  and  the  preceding  clause,  viz. 
"His  anger  tore  perpetually,  while  his  fury  raged  forever;  "  cf.  Je.  36.  This 
involves  a  change  of  vocalization  in  one  word  (v.s.~),  and  the  giving  to  nEtt>  of 
the  meaning  rage,  not  elsewhere  found  in  Hebrew,  though  quite  common  in 
Assyrian  (cf.  Dl.  HWB.  s.v.}  —  imajn]  casus  pendens  and  chiasm  for  em 
phasis;  GK.  i42/n.  i.;  K6.  34i</.—  nxj]  adv.  ace.  of  time;  GK.  ii8/£; 
H.  33,3- 

13-15.  Judgment  upon  Amman.  —  The  list  of  Israel's  ene 
mies,  the  announcement  of  whose  destruction  would  be  gladly 
received,  included,  besides  Syria  and  Philistia  (Phoenicia  and 
Tyre),  also  Ammon  and  Moab.  These  two  are  the  next  pair  to 


I.  12-13  35 

serve  as  the  target  of  the  prophet's  indignant  arrow.     Ammon, 
because  of  her  wickedness,  shall,  with  the  others,  perish. 

The  arrangement  of  the  strophes  is  5,  3,  and  3,  and  the  general  plan  is 
that  of  the  first  two  oracles.  The  clause  no  ID  ova  ipoa  (v.  14)  is  but  a  weak 
repetition  of  the  preceding  clause  and  there  is  nothing  to  correspond  to  it  in 
the  parallel  section  on  Moab  (21'3),  although  in  every  other  respect  the  paral 
lelism  is  perfect.  For  these  reasons  we  may  regard  it  as  a  gloss.  While  the 
first  two  utterances  (those  concerning  Syria  and  Philistia)  are  parallel,  con 
sisting  each  of  three  strophes  with  three  lines  in  each,  and  the  third  and 
fourth  utterances  are  parallel,  consisting  each  of  two  strophes,  one  having 
four,  the  other  two  lines,  the  fifth  arid  sixth  utterances  are  also  parallel,  con 
sisting  each  of  three  strophes,  one  of  four,  one  of  two,  and  one  of  three  lines. 

13.  nnn]  Val.  rYnxa(?).  —  oSiaj]  5J  =  iSiaj.  —  14.  nDinj]  <§  pi.  as  in 
v.7;  j§  =  nxina.  —  "lyoaj  (H  Kal  o-eio-fl^creTcu  (=  *V7Di).  —  noiD  a 
pais  <rvvTe\eias  O.VTTJS  (=  no^D  ^p>a).  Gr.  DVO.  —  15.  OsSc]  ©  ol 
'A.,  2.,  «SF  =  D3l?D  (so  also  Gr.,  Dr.,  Oort  Em.,  Now.).  —  Nin]  read  (with 
Gr.  and  Now.)  vjna,  foil.  ©,  ol  lepels  CLVTWV;  so  'A.,  S.,  0.j  cf. 


13  a.  The  children  of  Ammon]  It  was  entirely  proper  to  unite 
Ammon  and  Moab  in  treatment,  because  they  were  closely  related 
to  each  other  and  to  the  Hebrews. 

However  untrustworthy  the  story  of  Lot's  incest  with  his  daughters  maybe, 
ihe  fact  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  story  may  be  credited,  viz.  that  Ammon 
and  Moab,  as  well  as  the  Hebrews,  belonged  to  the  stock  of  the  Terahites, 
who  emigrated  with  Abraham  (Kit.  Hist.  I.  24;  Sta.  GVL  I.  113).  Just  as 
tradition  assigns  to  these  nations  a  common  origin,  the  law  in  later  times 
(Dt.  234  Ezr.  91  Ne.  I31)  refuses  them  admittance  to  the  congregation  of 
Israel.  Moloch  of  Ammon,  as  well  as  Chemosh  of  Moab,  was  a  man-eating 
fire-god,  and  to  the  worship  of  this  god  Israel  frequently  showed  an  incli 
nation  (Ju.  io6  i  K.  Ii6f-  2  K.  2313).  These  nations,  according  to  the  tradi 
tions  handed  down,  dwelt  together,  east  of  the  Jordan,  between  the  rivers 
Arnon  and  Jabbok,  whence  the  original  inhabitants,  called  Zamzummim  by 
the  Ammonites,  and  Emim  by  the  Moabites  (Dt.  29f-  18~21),  had  been  driven 
out.  But  they  were  subsequently  separated  by  the  Amorites,  who,  coming  in 
between  them,  drove  Moab  south  over  the  Arnon  and  Ammon  to  the  east  and 
north  over  the  Jabbok,  and  established  a  kingdom  in  their  original  territory 
(Nu.  2i26ff).  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus  the  Hebrews  did  not  disturb 
Ammon,  although  they  conquered  the  Amorites  (Nu.  2i24f).  Ammon,  now 
with  Moab  (  Ju.  313),  and  now  alone  (  Ju.  iorf-),  laid  claim  to  the  land  taken 
from  the  Amorites  by  Israel  (  Ju.  n13;  cf.  Jos.  I325).  The  contest  was  con 
ducted  on  both  sides  of  the  Jordan.  How  much  of  all  this  is  historically 
accurate  we  cannot  affirm.  Defeated  by  Jephthah  fju.  U4f),  they  appear 


36  AMOS 

next  in  Saul's  time,  under  Nahash  their  king,  at  the  siege  of  Jabesh-Gilead, 
where  they  were  routed  (i  S.  ii;  cf.  I447).  While  at  first  on  good  terms 
with  David  (2  S.  io2;  cf.  2337),  they  later  became  hostile  (2  S.  io3f-)  and 
were  defeated  by  him  and  treated  with  terrible  cruelty  (2  S.  812  io.  i226"31)  at 
the  capture  of  Kabbah.  They  do  not  occupy  a  very  prominent  place  after  this, 
but  are  mentioned  as  having  been  defeated  by  Jehoshaphat  (2  Ch.  20)  and 
as  tributary  to  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  268)  and  Jotham  (2  Ch.  2j5).  Allusion  is  made 
to  them  in  Is.  n1*.  At  the  time  of  Amos  they  were  probably  independent. 

136.  Because  they  have  ripped  up  the  women  with  child  of  Gilead  ] 
This  act  of  cruelty  was  not  uncommon  among  the  Hebrews  (2  K. 
812  Ho.  io14  i316  2  K.  is16  Is.  i316  Na.  310  Ps.  i379;  cf.  Iliad,  VI. 
57  f.,  XXII.  i63  f.).*  The  reference  is  in  every  way  so  specific  as 
to  suggest  a  particular  event.  This  event  may  have  been  in  con 
nection  with  the  attack  of  Nahash,  the  Ammonite,  upon  Jabesh 
Gilead  ( i  S.  1 1 ) ,  or  a  league  of  the  Ammonites  with  the  Syrians 
under  Hazael  (2  K.  812  io32)  ;  cf.  the  league  mentioned  in  2  S. 
io6ff< ;  v.  also  2  K.  i33-7.f  To  this  interpretation,  in  general,  Jewish 
commentators  have  objected  because  of  the  cruelty  involved, 
and  have  suggested  that  ninrt  be  taken  as  =  onn  mountains. 
This  gives  (i)  they  broke  through  the  mountains  of  Gilead,  i.e. 
violated  the  law  of  boundaries  (Dt.  2717),  or  (2)  the  castles  which 
were  strong  like  mountains.  J  For  rrhn  it  is  also  suggested  to 
change  the  text  (v.s.)  and  read  fortified  places  as  being  more  in 
harmony  with  the  last  clause  of  the  verse.  —  That  they  might  enlarge 
their  border]  This  was  the  purpose  of  the  war  in  which  such 
cruelties  were  practised.  The  Ammonites  had  originally  laid  claim 
to  this  district  (Ju.  n13)  and  were  always  presenting  themselves  as 
claimants  for  additional  territory  (Ju.  io8  i  S.  n11).  — 14  a.  But  I 
will  kindle~\  Cf.  /  will  send,  v.10  and  previously.  This  expression 
has  been  thought  to  mean  that  the  fire  is  not  only  sent  by  Yahweh, 
but  is  also  directed  by  him,§  or  that  it  is  a  conflagration  from 
within.  ||  — Rabbah~\  This  is  abbreviated  for  "  Kabbah  of  the  sons 
of  Ammon  "  (Dt.  3n  2  S.  1 226  1 727  Je.  49'  Ez.  2 120) .  The  town  was 

*  Cf.  Schultens,  Monumcnta  antiquissimae  Historiae  Arabum,  135,  cited  in 
Michaelis,  Comm.  on  the  Laws  of  Moses,  I.  327 ;  Ba. ;  for  Arabic  usage  We.i  cites 
BAthir,  IV.  256,  i ;  258,6;  260,20;  262,  n  ff. ;  Kitab  al-'Agh.  XIX.  129, 12  f. ;  XX. 
128,  13;  Tabard,  II.  755,  19. 

t  Hi,,  Ba.,  Pu.  t  So  Ki.,  Val.  §  Geb.  ||  Pu. 


I.  13-14  37 

situated  at  the  head  of  the  Jabbok,  about  twenty-five  miles  N.E. 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  post-biblical 
Rabbah  of  Moab,  the  biblical  Ar. 

This  is  the  only  city  of  Ammon  of  any  importance  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
though  Jephthah  is  said  to  have  captured  twenty  cities  the  names  of  which 
are  not  mentioned,  probably  because  they  were  small,  all  of  which  is  a  testi 
mony  to  the  essentially  roving  character  of  the  people.  Rabbah  was  besieged 
and  captured  by  David,  but  afterward  regained  its  importance. 

14  b.  With  shouting  in  the  day  of  battle~\  The  verb  here  rend 
ered  "  shout,"  in  Is.  15*  Mi.  49  and  Ho.  58  is  used  of  the  cry  of  those 
in  distress  ;  cf.  also  Nu.  lo1"10  Jo.  21.  The  substantive,  contrary  to 
Marck,  is  used  only  of  the  joyful  cry  of  victory  or  attack  *  (Jos.  65 
Jb.  39s*  Je.  419492  Am.  22  Zp.  i16  Nu.  io5-6).  —  With  a  storm  in  the 
day  of  tempest~\  This  scarcely  refers  to  an  actual  storm,f  but 
describes  figuratively  the  assaulting  of  a  city.  \  Cf.  Is.  27®  282.§ 
—  And  their  king  shall  go  into  exile~\  Upon  the  basis  of  5£>  and  U, 
some  would  read  Milchom,  the  name  of  the  Ammonitish  idol,  for 
their  king  (v.s.).  Upon  the  basis  of  Je.  493,  where  the  same 
phraseology  is  used,  and  Je.  487  (cf.  also  Zp.  i5),  where  Chemosh 
is  spoken  of  in  the  same  connection,  others  suggest  Molkam,  the 
name  of  an  idol.  As  opposed  to  these,  and  in  favor  of  the  ordinary 
translation,  their  king,  may  be  urged  the  use  of  "  his  princes  " ; 
the  absence  of  any  reference  to  idolatry  in  preceding  passages,  ref 
erence  being  made  rather  to  cruelty  ;  and  the  similarity  of  i5- 8  and 
23  (cf.  "judge,"  a  substitute  for  "king"  of  this  passage).  ||  — His 
princes^  The  meaning  will  be  determined  by  the  interpretation 
of  the  preceding  D3b&,  either  royal  princes,  or  the  princes  of 
Milchom,  i.e.  the  priests. 

The  fulfilment  of  this  prophecy  against  the  Ammonites  is  proba 
bly  to  be  found  in  their  subjugation  by  the  Assyrians.  Of  this  we 
know  simply  that  after  the  invasion  of  Tiglathpileser  they  always 
appear  as  tributary  to  Assyria.^"  In  the  time  of  Nehemiah  they 

*  Ba.  f  Marck.  J  Ke.,  Dr.,  Marti.  §  Hi. 

||  Hi.,  Gu.,  Val.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Hirscht,  Get.,  Hal. 

11  Sanipu,  King  of  Ammon,  is  mentioned  by  Tiglathpileser  III.  in  a  list  of  tribu 
taries,  including,  among  others,  Salamanu  of  Moab,  Metinti  of  Askelon,  Ahaz  of 
Judah,  Qaushmalaka  of  Edom,  and  Hanno  of  Gaza  (ABL.  57;  KB.  II.  21). 
Sennacherib  (Taylor  Cyl.  II.  47-57)  speaks  of  Buduilu  of  Ammon,  along  with 


38  AMOS 

were  still  hostile  to  Israel.  They  are  mentioned  in  the  apocryphal 
books  (Judith  5.  6.  7  i  Mace.  530"43)  as  appearing  in  alliance  with 
the  Arabs  (i  Mace.  5s9),  and  manifesting  the  same  characteristics 
and  attitude  toward  Israel  as  in  the  earlier  history.  They  are  de 
scribed  as  numerous  by  Justin  Martyr,*  but  Origen  f  states  that  in 
his  time  they  had  become  merged  in  the  Arabs. 

14.  nynra]  Note  the  rhythm  in  the  two  lines  thus  beginning,  and  the 
alliteration  in  the  repetition  of  3,  and  in  HDID  .  . .  i;'D. —  "I>*D]  Cf.  mpir  Na.  i3; 
it  is  to  be  compared  with  Assyrian  sa.ru,  storm,  and  s3.ru,  to  be  tempestuous.  The 
verbal  root  is  used  in  Hebrew  of  any  violent  movement,  e.g.  Jo.  i11-13,  of  a 
raging  sea.  Hence  comes  for  the  noun  the  meaning,  storm.  —  noiD]  Cf. 
Ho.  8"  Na.  I3;  used  of  the  storm-wind,  especially  of  the  hot  wind  from  the 
south  (Ba).  Its  derivation  may  be  considered  doubtful.  It  is  ordinarily 
taken  from  rpD,  to  cease,  bring  to  an  end,  which  is  not  entirely  satisfactory. 
— 15.  nSu]  Another  formation  =  rvrSj  (v.9) ;  Ko.  244  £•. — nrv]  Used  to 
strengthen  the  ) ;  Ko.  375  h. 

II.  1-3.  Judgment  upon  Moab.  —  Ruin  will  come  upon  Moab 
for  her  sins ;  and  the  overthrow  of  the  nation  will  be  complete. 
Cf.  Is.  15,  16,  2510-12  Zp.  28-11  Je.  48  Ez.  2^  Dn.  n41. 

In  the  text,  as  reconstructed,  the  line  iDvSiD  psso  no  with  the  -i  changed  to 
n,  has  been  transferred  to  follow  line  3  of  strophe  I,  and  the  last  word  of  this 
line,  T»frS  (to  lime  (?)),  restored  to  "ntP1?  (cf.  Je.  474),  is  joined  as  first  word 
to  the  line  transferred.  This  reading,  in  order  to  do  indignity  to  the  dead 
because  of  violence  suffered  by  Moab,  or  in  order  to  do  indignity  to  the  dead  in 
Shaon  of  Moab  (v.  Hoffm.),  makes  the  number  of  lines  in  this  and  the  preced 
ing  oracle  the  same;  the  gloss  in  i14,  DSID  ova  1>D2,  having  been  omitted, 
allows  the  lines  beginning  n^jNi  and  nj?nna  to  stand  together  here  just  as  in 
the  previous  oracle,  provides  a  parallel  line  for  the  purpose-clause,  "m  ]ych; 
and  removes  the  inexplicable  Ti^S  from  a  line  to  which  it  does  not  belong,  if 
the  measure  of  the  v.  is  to  be  considered.  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  line, 
v.i.  If  this  is  accepted,  the  strophes  have  respectively  5,  3,  and  3  lines. 

1.  ID-it!']  (5  Kar^Kavffav ;  so  &  "F&  3  sg.  —  -p^S]  <g  els  Kovlav.  Ttf  usque 
adcinerem.  &  nn^aa  N-y>jp  TW^DV  Gr.  ISN\  Hirscht,  -vipS  i^bS  OHM  mnxj? 
(cf.  Ps.  io637;  the  reading  D^X  was  proposed  by  Zenner,  Die  Chorgesange 

Menahem  of  Samaria,  Ethobal  of  Sidon,  Metinti  of  Ashdod,  Kammusunadbi  of 
Moab,  Malikrammu  of  Edom,  and  others,  as  bringing  him  rich  presents  and  kissing 
his  feet  (ABL.  71 ;  KB.  II.  91).  The  same  king  is  included  by  Esarhaddon  in  his 
list  of  the  twenty-two  tributary  kings  of  the  Hittites  (ABL.  86;  KB.  II.  149). 
Amminadbi,  king  of  Ammon,  is  included  in  a  similar  list  occurring  in  Ashurbani- 
pal's  Annals  (ABL.  97  ;  KB.  II.  240 f.).  *  Dial.  Tryph.  f  On  Jb.  i. 


I.  14-11.  i  39 


im  Buche  der  Psalmen  1896,  I.  8).  —  2.  rnnpn]  <J|  TU>V  ir6\€wv 
E  Np3.  U.S  proper  name.  —  fWB>a]  ©  iv  d8vva/j.lq..  &  ^^ao^,_o.  TS  in 
sonitu,  for  this  and  fol.  word.  —  S"52]  ©<&»  3  codd.  of  Kenn.  and  2  of  de 
R.  =  Sipai  (so  Hirscht).  —  3.  nanpc]  We.  ninpo,  since  Moab  is  masc.; 
so  also  vw  (so  Now.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Oct.). 

1  a.  Moab~\  The  account  of  the  origin  of  Moab  given  in  Gene 
sis  simply  indicates  *  that  the  nation  was  closely  related  with 
Israel,  and  also  with  the  weaker  nation  of  the  Ammonites.  Their 
language  was  a  dialect  closely  allied  to  the  Hebrew.  Their  land 
(called  "Titt^n,  the  level,  or  pntp,  i  Ch.  516)  was  a  plateau,  fruitful 
and  well  adapted  to  agriculture  (Is.  i68ff-  Ru.  i1  2  K.  34),  which 
was  their  chief  occupation.  Its  length  was  about  fifty  miles  and 
its  breadth  thirty,  and  it  was  capable  of  supporting  about  500,000 
inhabitants.  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  the  Moabites  had  an 
organized  kingdom  (Nu.  227-14-15).f  Their  religion  was  henothe- 
istic,  their  only  god  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  being  Che- 
mosh  (Nu.  2 129  Je.  4846).  The  form  Ashtar-Chemosh  also  meets 
us  on  the  Moabite  stone,  \  perhaps  indicating  the  androgynous 
nature  of  the  deity.  §  Their  Baal-Peor,  whom  the  Israelites  were 
led  to  worship  with  unchaste  rites  (Nu.  251"5),  was  probably  the 
same  divinity,  known  as  the  Lord  of  Peor.  ||  It  is  improbable 
that  there  ever  existed  any  ethical  or  spiritual  movement  in  Moab 
similar  to  that  found  among  the  Hebrews. 

Moab's  boundaries  to  the  west  and  south  were  constant,  viz.  the  Dead  Sea 
and  the  brook  of  the  willows,  Wady-el-Hasy  (Is.  I57);  but  to  the  east  and 
north  they  varied,  although  usually  the  boundary  was  near  the  river  Arnon 
(Nu.  2 113).  The  country  seems  to  have  had  many  cities.  Whether  Reuben 
and  Gad  occupied  territory  belonging  to  Moab  (Nu.  32s4-38)  is  doubtful 
(Sta.  GVI.  I.  ii6ff.).  No  mention  is  made  of  Moab  in  the  Amarna  letters 
thus  far  published;  but  it  was  probably  included  as  a  part  of  the  Egyptian 
province  of  Canaan.  In  a  list  of  the  conquests  of  Ramses  II  the  name  Muab 
occurs  (Sayce,  Pat.  Pal  21,  153).  The  aggressive  character  of  the  Moab 
ites  is  alluded  to  in  Is.  i66  Zp.  210  Je.  4S29-42.  The  Baal-Peor  and  Balaam 
incidents  are  of  special  interest.  There  were  wars  with  Israel  in  the  time 
of  the  Judges,  resulting  finally  in  the  defeat  of  Moab  (cf.  Nu.  2i21'31  (E), 
Ju.  312-30  ii12-28).  There  was  little  hostility,  with  the  exception  of  a  war  in 
Saul's  reign  (i  S.  I447),  till  late  in  the  reign  of  David,  when,  for  some  un- 

*  Cf.  Ba. ;  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  27  ff.          f  But  v.  Wkl.  GI.  I.  203  f.  t  Line  17. 

$  Sta.  GVI.l.  114.  I!  Sta.  GVLl.u*  f. ;  Dr.  Dt.  63  f. 


^O  AMOS 

known  reason,  he  subdued  them  with  cruel  tortures  (2  S.  82- 12  I  Ch.  i82'lv). 
They  probably  remained  tributary  till  the  division  of  the  kingdom  (i  K.  II1). 
For  a  time  they  are  not  expressly  mentioned.  Then  Omri  of  Israel  subdued 
them  (Mesha  stone,  Is.  4ff.),  and  they  continued  tributary  to  the  Northern 
kingdom  (2  K.  34).  After  the  death  of  Ahab  or  during  his  reign  (2  K.  I1 
3s),  the  Moabites  under  Mesha  revolted  and  secured  their  independence 
(Mesha  stone,  cf.  Sta.  G  VL  I.  532-6;  English  translations  of  this  inscription 
may  be  found  in  Dr.  Sam.  pp.  Ixxxv-xciv;  Bennett,  art.  "  Moab,"  DB.  III. 
407  f.;  Dr.  art.  "Mesha,"  EB.  III.;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  240),  which, 
apparently,  they  never  again  lost  to  Israel.  For  the  view  that  the  Salman 
mentioned  in  Ho.  io14  as  having  destroyed  Beth-Arbel  was  a  king  of  Moab, 
see  the  discussion  in  loc. 

1  b.  Because  they  burned  the  bones  of  the  King  of  Edom~\  The 
nature  of  the  act  is  uncertain.  According  to  ftHiZr  the  words  to  lime 
follow  Edom.  This  has  been  taken  to  mean  the  burning  alive  of 
the  king  mentioned,*  or  the  burning  of  one  who  had  been  killed  or 
buried. f  The  words  to  lime  are  supposed  to  describe  the  man 
ner  of  the  burning,  as  lime  is  burned ;  \  or  the  result,  to  dust,  i.e. 
completely ;  §  or,  as  many  Rabbis,  to  make  lime  used  as  plaster 
ing.  ||  For  the  reading  of  Hirscht,  v.s.  Still  more  uncertain  is 
the  personal  allusion  which  is  intended.  Is  the  reference  to  2  K. 
3s7,  the  son  there  being  rather  that  of  the  King  of  Edom  who  is 
captured  by  the  King  of  Moab  before  the  battle  begins?^  But 
(a)  a  king,  not  a  king's  son,  is  mentioned ;  (fr)  no  objection 
could  be  presented  to  the  right  of  a  conqueror  to  do  as  he 
pleased  with  a  captive  taken  in  war ;  (c)  according  to  Josephus, 
the  Moabite  king  offered  his  own  son  to  Moloch.**  Or  is  it  to 
some  incident  in  connection  with  2  K.  3,  e.g.  the  capture  of  the 
King  of  Edom  himself  immediately  after  the  event  related  in 
2  K.  3^,  of  which  the  records  do  not  speak? -ft  And  did  the 
crime  consist  chiefly  in  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  dead  in  the 
grave  (cf.  2  K.  2318),  by  burning  the  body,  perhaps,  on  the  grave 
itself, ft  and  scattering  the  ashes  upon  water  or  in  the  air?  Cf. 
Jos.  y25.  The  Jews,  like  other  nations  of  antiquity,  considered 
offences  against  the  dead  as  most  impious  acts.  JJ  They  identified, 

*  Os.,  Geb.,  Mau.  §  Ki.,  and  most  modern  comm.  **  Schro. 

t  Jer.,  Gal.,  Hi.,  Ke.  ||  So  also  Geb.  ft  Hi. 

J  Ros.  H  Ki.,  Cyril,  Abar.,  Geb.,  Mich. 

ft  See  e.g.  Frey,  Tod,  Seelenglaube  und  Seelenkult  in  alt.  Israel;  Schwally,  Das 


n.  i  41 

to  a  certain  extent,  the  grave  with  the  world  of  spirits,  so  that 
only  those  buried  together  could  associate  with  each  other,  while 
the  unburied,  as  with  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  were  considered  to 
wander  as  restless  spirits  with  no  fixed  abode.  Hence,  cremation 
was  condemned,  while  embalming  was  a  common  practice.  These 
ideas  may  be  gathered  from  various  passages  (Dt.  2I23  Jos.  lo27 
2  K.  2316-18  Ps.  792-3  Is.  i419  6624  Je.  3630).*  Or  was  the  crime  con 
nected  with  some  incident  of  which  no  record  is  anywhere  made, 
the  date  of  which  cannot  therefore  be  fixed,  though  probably 
taking  place  shortly  before  this  prophecy  ?  f  Or  is  this  merely  a 
different  form  of  the  tradition  given  in  2  K.  3^,  J  and  was  the 
King  of  Moab  Mesha,  whose  character  as  presented  in  the 
Moabite  stone  seems  to  be  entirely  consistent  with  the  representa 
tions  here  made  ?  It  has  been  noted  §  that  the  sin  is  against 
Edom,  and  not  against  Israel.  The  entire  passage,  although  it 
is  the  key-note  of  the  piece,  is  evidently  obscure.  It  is  there 
fore  suggested  that  the  text  be  modified  as  indicated  above  :  In 
order  to  desecrate  the  dead  because  of  violence  done  to  (or  suf 
fered  by)  Moab~\  This  purpose-clause  now  corresponds  to  a 
similar  clause  in  i13.  In  one  case  an  act  of  vandalism  was  com 
mitted,  viz.  the  ripping  up  of  women  with  child,  the  purpose 
being,  remotely,  to  increase  their  territory ;  here  is  another  act 
of  vandalism,  the  burning  of  the  bones  of  a  royal  personage, 
and  the  purpose  is  to  take  vengeance,  by  this  desecration  of  the 
dead,  for  violence  done  to  Moab.  Not  only  is  Tvh  without  sig 
nificance,  but  also  the  clause,  And  Moab  shall  die  in  a  tumult^\ 
ordinarily  interpreted  as  a  description  of  the  nation's  death. — 
The  Palaces  of  Keryyoth~\  Either  a  name  for  Kir-Moab,  ||  a  city  in 
the  southern  part  of  Judah  captured  by  the  Moabites  (Jos.  I525)  ; 
or  (since  where  Ar  is  mentioned,  Keryyoth  is  not  found)  another 
name  for  Ar-Moab,^[  mentioned  Nu.  2i15  Is.  I51,  not  appearing  in 

Leben  nach  dent  Tode ;  Matthes,  "  De  doodenvereering  bij  Israel,"  TAT.  July, 
1901;  Sta.  Die  Alttest.  Vorstellungen  vom  Zustand  nach  dem  Tode;  Jeremias,  Die 
Babyl.-Assyr.  Vorstellungen  vom  Zustand  nach  dem  Tode  ;  Now.  Arch.  I.  188  f.,  329 ; 
Benz.  Arch.  165  ff.;  WRS.  Proph,  398;  Jos.  Ant.  XVI.  7;  Griineisen,  Der  Ahnen- 
kultus  und  die  Urreligion  Israels ;  and  the  references  to  Arabic  customs  cited  by 
We.i,  viz.  Kitab-al-Aghani  XII.  21,  n  ;  BAthir  V.  178,  12;  203,  23;  Mac.  V.  47,  I. 

*  Cf.  Schro.,  Hi.,  Or. ;  WRS.  Proph.  397 ;  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  421  f.    ~       t  Ew. 

J  Ba.  $  We.  ||  Jus.  II  Ew.,  Mit. 


42  AMOS 

Je.  48 ;  or  a  place  different  from  both  of  these,*  of  which  men 
tion  is  made  in  Je.  482441.  Cf.  (§,  which  treats  it  as  a  common 
name.  The  city  probably  stands  for  Moab,  as  Damascus  repre 
sents  Syria,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  city  was  an 
important  one.  The  reference  in  the  Moabite  stone  (1.  13)  favors 
Ewald's  view  that  it  is  another  name  for  Ar.f  —  With  shouting 
and  with  the  sound  of  the  trumpef\  Cf.  i14  with  shouting  in  the 
day  of  battle ;  the  trumpet  is  introduced  as  inciting  them  on  to 
conflict  (cf.  Je.  419  Zp.  i16  Jb.  ^).  —  3.  The  Judge  . . .  her  princes'} 
In  the  narrowest  sense  the  judge  would  be  the  head  of  the  judicial 
system  ;  \  but  it  is  rather  a  word  of  general  significance,  applicable 
to  the  king  (cf.  Mi.  5*),  one  of  whose  functions  was  to  judge  § 
(2  S.  815  i52  i  K.  f  Je.  2i12),  and  is  thus  used  intentionally  for 
king ;  ||  perhaps,  better  still,  a  name  for  the  highest  officer  (cf.  the 
Carthaginian  Sofefes)t*§  or  regent**  (cf.  2  K.  i55)  ;  or,  in  the 
absence  of  a  proper  king,  vassal,  or  prince  appointed  by  the  king 
of  Israel. ft  The  feminine  pronoun  must  refer  to  the  land,  H 
although  Wellhausen  would  change  it  to  the  masculine  as  refer 
ring  to  the  judge,  to  which  word  also  with  him  refers.  The  close 
resemblance  in  thought  between  23  and  i15  should  be  noted. 

Frequent  mention  of  Moab  is  made  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions, 
e.g.  that  Salamanu  paid  tribute  to  Tiglathpileser  !!!.,§§  Chemosh- 
nadab  to  Sennacherib,  ||  ||  Mucuri  to  Esarhaddon  and  Ashurbani- 
pal.Hl"  The  policy  of  Moab  seems  for  the  most  part  to  have  been 

*  Ba.          f  Ri-  HBA. ;  Dr.          J  Ros.          §  Jus.,  Dr.          ||  Ba.,  Ke.,  Now. 

U  Pu.  **  We.  ft  Ew.,  Hi.,  GAS.  JJ  Hi.,  Ba.,  GAS.,  Mit. 

\\  Moab  was  subdued  in  the  course  of  the  western  campaign  which  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  Assyrian  supremacy  over  Ammon,  Askelon,  Judah,  Edom, 
Gaza,  and  some  Syrian  states.  See  ABL.  57 ;  CO  T.  I.  249 ;  KB.  II.  21. 

(HI  The  tribute  of  Chemoshnadab  was  received  in  connection  with  Sennacherib's 
third  campaign,  which  included  the  overthrow  of  Sidon  and  other  Phoenician 
cities;  the  subjection  of  Samaria,  Arvad,  Byblos,  Ashdod,  Ammon,  Edom,  Askelon, 
and  Ekron ;  the  battle  of  Eltekeh,  and  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  See  ABL.  71  ff. ; 
COT.  I.  284 ff.;  KB.  II.  91  ff. 

UU  Mucuri  of  Moab  is  included  among  the  "  twenty-two  kings  of  the  land  of 
Haiti,  of  the  sea-coast  and  the  middle  of  the  sea"  named  as  tributary  to  Esarhad 
don  and  to  Ashurbanipal.  See  ABL.  86,  96  f. ;  CO  T.  II.  40  f. ;  KB.  II.  149,  239  f. 
A  successor  of  Mucuri,  whose  name  is  quite  uncertain,  is  mentioned  by  Ashurbani 
pal  as  having  defeated  Ammuladin,  an  Arabian  chief:  "  Chemosh-Astarte  (?), 
King  of  Moab,  a  vassal  submissive  to  me,  brought  about  his  defeat  in  the  field  of 
battle."  See  G.  Smith,  History  of  Ashurbanipal,  288  ;  Wkl.  GI.  I.  209. 


II.  i-3  43 

one  of  peaceful  acceptance  of  the  Assyrian  lordship ;  at  least  no 
record  of  any  struggle  between  Assyria  and  Moab  is  preserved 
other  than  one  in  the  time  of  Sargon.* 

1.  i£nts>]  Inf.  cstr.  with  suf.  after  hy  is  a  favorite  construction  in  Amos; 
cf.  Dtt>n  *?y  (I8),  oniSjn  ty  (16),  D-vjon-S?  (i9),  unV?p  (i11),  Djfpa-S?  (i18), 
DDND'Sy  (2*),  o-OD'Sy  (26).  The  m.  sg.  pron.  is  used  in  two  cases  with  collec 
tive  force  :  GK.  135  /;  Ew.  317,  i),  2).  —  -ni^]  v.s.  Inf.  cstr.  with  h  express- 
,ng  purpose,  cf.  -iMDnS  (i6)  and  a^rnn  jyoS  (i13);  but  of  the  other  five  instances 
where  the  similar  construction  might  have  been  expected,  one  (i3)  has  noth 
ing,  while  four  (i9  i11  24  28)  have  synonymous  clauses,  all  of  which  (except 
28)  indicate  the  state  of  mind  which  led  to  the  act  of  sin,  e.g.  forgetfulness  of 
the  brotherly  covenant  (i9),  the  stifling  of  compassion  (i11),  non-observance 
of  Yahweh's  statutes  (24).  The  root  -ntf  with  its  derivative  ntf,  has  the  primary 
meaning  of  committing  an  act  of  violence,  despoil,  cf.  Is.  16*  Je.  48*  8  Ho. 
I0i*._2.  On  the  art.  in  nmpn]  cf.  W?jn  and  |Tvn;  H.  4,  3  e  (4);  GK. 
126  e;  Ew.8  277  c.  On  identification  with  -\y  v.  Dietrich  in  Merx,  Archiv  I. 
320 ff.;  also  ZDPV.  II.  10.  —  noi]  fOT  for  non,  although  i  might  remain  in 
the  sense  of  even  (cf.  GK.  154,  note  i  (£)).—  nstfa]  J51E  in  a  tumult  (i.e. 
the  nation  is  pictured  as  dying  in  the  midst  of  the  din  of  battle,  cf.  Ho.  io14 
Ps.  7423) ;  so  Pu.,  Dr.,  Mit.,  et  al. ;  cf.  emendation  suggested  above,  pNtfa 
in  return  for  violence  done  to,  with  a  of  price  (cf.  Gn.  2Q18  Dt.  I921),  and  a 
cstr.  in  objective  relationship  with  a  following  genitive;  H.  8,  I  3;  GK.  128/5. 
The  objective  genitive  is  common  with  words  of  this  class,  denoting  injury,  etc.; 
cf.  Ob.10  Hb.  217.  For  riNff  in  the  meaning,  violence,  destruction,  cf.  Ps.  4O8  Je. 
4617.  Or.  reads  fiNja  =  in,  or  because  of,  MoaUs  pride,  cf.  Is.  i66,  in  which  ref 
erence  is  made  to  the  well-known  pride  of  Moab.  Some  treat  }INB>  as  an  old 
proper  name,  perhaps  of  the  acropolis  of  3N1D  ~\y,  corresponding  to  3Nin  as 
jv*  to  o'Sttnv;  cf.  Je.  4845  Nu.  2417  (na>  =  nN2>).  So  Hoffm.  ZAW.  III.  97; 
but  v.  Now.  Perhaps  pNty  is  for  \~r\v,  a  word  which,  like  "OB^D,  seems  to 
designate  the  land  of  Moab  in  i  Ch.  516.  —  nynra]  Now  modifies  nSax  of 
oreceding  line,  just  as  in  i1*.  —  Sip^]  Note  asyndeton  as  in  ova  (i.14);  the 
intended  parallelism  is  evident.  —  ^DV^]  This  instrument  was  a  horn;  it  is 

specifically  called  "  ram's  horn  "  in  Jos.  64  ff ;  cf.  Arab.  yi!«^w,  ram's  horns, 
and  Assyr.  sapparu,  mountain  goat.  In  early  times,  according  to  the  Tal 
mud,  they  were,  naturally,  crooked;  but  the  modern  shofar  (used  in  the 
synagogue)  is  usually  straightened  and  flattened  by  heat.  It  is  the  oldest 
form  of  wind  instrument  in  the  world  still  in  use,  having  been  employed  in 
the  Mosaic  ritual  from  the  beginning  until  the  present  day.  The  shofar  was 
probably  the  earliest  kind  of  trumpet,  and  was  used  in  war  (Ju.  327)  and  to 
raise  the  alarm  at  the  approach  of  danger  (Am.  36).  Later  in  Israel's  history 


See  KB.  II.  645. ;  Wkl.  Keilinschnftliches  Textbuch  zum  A.  T?  (1903), 


44  AMOS 

the  trumpets  were  appropriated  by  the  priests  for  use  in  worship,  in  some  re« 
spects  serving  the  purpose  of  the  modern  church  bell. 

4,  5.  Judgment  upon  Judah.  —  As  the  text  now  stands,  the 
climax  of  Amos's  outburst  against  the  neighboring  nations,  before 
Israel  herself  is  denounced,  appears  in  words  uttered  against 
Judah,  whose  punishment  is  predicted  on  the  ground  of  abandon 
ment  of  Yahweh's  instruction. 


The  form  of  the  piece,  if  the  clause  onnnx  cn^as  •<ol?mt?N  oniars  o-ij?n»> 
is  omitted  as  a  gloss  (v.i.},  is  identical  with  that  of  the  oracles  relating 
to  Tyre  and  Edom,  i.e.  5  +  2.  Against  the  genuineness  of  the  entire  utterance 
it  may  be  urged  that  the  similarity  in  form  just  mentioned  puts  the  section  in 
the  same  category  with  I9-  10  and  i11-  12,  and  any  doubt  which  attaches  to  these 
oracles  must  attach  also  to  this;  furthermore,  that  the  introduction  of  this 
oracle  removes  entirely  the  force  of  the  surprise  which  the  Israelites  would 
have  felt;  that  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  Amos  would  have  treated 
Judah  so  cursorily,  and  in  a  manner  so  like  that  in  which  he  treated  the  out 
side  nations;  that  the  terms  of  Judah's  sin  are  of  a  Deuteronomic  character 
and  of  later  origin  (cf.  riDi?  N^  rpn,  Dt.  46  624  i612  i;19,  as  well  as  the  fre 
quently  recurring  phrases  to  observe  to  do,  to  observe  and  do,  46  51,  etc.)  ;  that 
the  style  is  tame,  vague,  and  weak;  that  the  term  Israel  in  26-16  includes 
Judah  (cf.  210);  that  the  concluding  formula  ">  "\CN  is  lacking,  and  that  the 
sin  described,  transgression  of  the  "  instruction  "  and  the  "  statutes  "  of 
Yahweh,  was  too  indefinite,  not  so  flagrant  as  to  call  for  its  introduction  in 
this  place,  in  fact,  unlike  any  charges  made  elsewhere  by  Amos,  and  out 
of  harmony  with  the  formula,  for  their  transgressions,  etc.,  since  it  could  not 
be  specified  as  one  of  the  three  or  four.  So  Duhm,  Theol.  der  Proph.  119; 
We.;  Sta.  GVL  I.  571;  Val.;  Che.  in  WRS.,  Proph.  XVI.  and  EB.  I.  153; 
Oort,  TAT.  XIV.  (1880),  116;  GAS.;  Volz  19;  Now.,  Lohr  ;  Taylor,  DB. 
I.  86  ;  Baumann.  But  note  the  considerations  offered  on  the  other  hand  : 
that  Judah  is  not  included  under  Israel  in  26ff  and  it  is  inconceivable  that 
Amos  should  have  omitted  Judah  in  his  written  statement,  even  if,  perhaps, 
he  failed  for  certain  reasons  to  mention  it  in  his  oral  statement;  that  the 
phraseology  termed  Deuteronomic  is  to  be  found  in  Is.  524  Ex.  i816;  that 
though  the  charges  brought  against  Judah  are  general  they  are  corroborated 
by  Is.  2s-8'  18  2°  57'24;  and  Amos  may  have  wished  to  reserve  the  more  specific 
accusations  for  use  against  Israel.  So  WRS.  Proph.  399  f.;  Kue.  Einl.  II.  347; 
Gun.,  Mit.,  Dr.  If  the  passage  is  genuine,  its  introduction  by  the  prophet  is 
due  to  his  desire  to  prevent  the  charge  of  favoritism  toward  his  own  people 
(Cal.)  The  reasons  for  regarding  the  clause  in  v.4  beginning  "m  oiyrm  as  a 
gloss  are  :  (i)  the  comparatively  late  date  of  the  idea  contained  in  it,  cf. 
Ex.  321  Dt.  912;  (2)  the  use  of  DOTS  to  designate  idols,  a  use  which  is  parallel 
to  that  of  D^San  which  appeared  after  Jeremiah's  time  (Now.);  (3)  the 


n.4  45 

awkwardness  of  the  syntax  as  it  is  here  introduced  (z/.*.)  ;   (4)  the  fact  that 
the  symmetry  of  the  strophic  arrangement  is  entirely  destroyed. 

4.  mw]  @  vlCjv  'lovda. —  nDB>  .  .  .  DONE]  U  renders  both  by  3  p.  sg. 
—  on-ao]  j&  om.  suff.  <§  adds  a  ^wolTfjffav.  3J  idola  sua.  —  onnnN  .  . .  IC>N] 
@  fol.  Heb.  idiom,  ofs  .  .  .  oirlffu  avr&v. —  'ui  mpriM]  a  gloss  (z'.J.). 

4.  JudaK\  Outside  of  this  oracle  the  only  specific  references  to 
Judah  are  found  in  i2  61  y12  9".*  Judah  represents  the  southern 
kingdom,  including  Benjamin,  in  distinction  from  northern  Israel 
(i  K.  i2206).f  The  relationship  of  the  two  nations  was  very  close 
in  spite  of  the  disruption,  for  however  they  may  have  differed 
from  each  other  in  dialect,  in  religious  ideas  or  in  governmental 
sympathy  they  were  one  nation  in  distinction  from  their  Canaan- 
itish  neighbors.  The  impossibility  of  uniting  all  the  interests  ol 
the  various  tribes  showed  itself  in  the  earliest  times,  and  it  was 
only  under  David  and  Solomon  that  a  union,  even  when  effected, 
could  endure.  The  rivalry  between  the  two  kingdoms  after  the 
division  was  intense  and  bitter  (cf.  i  K.  i218  21f  26ff  15^*.*  2  K< 
i48ff ) .  At  this  time  there  seems  to  have  been  no  special  cause  for 
bitter  feeling  between  them.  —  The  law  of  Yahweh~\  Four  stages 
in  the  history  of  this  word  may  be  traced  :  J  (i)  direction  or  in 
struction  from  Yahweh,  in  general,  without  any  technical  meaning  ; 
cf.  advice  from  elders,  Pr.  i8,  utterances  of  prophets,  Is.  i10  816 ; 
(2)  technical  direction  given  by  the  priest  on  specific  matters  of 
ceremonial  observance  and  conduct,  Mi.  311  Je.  28  i818  Lv.  n46 
T532;  (3)  direction  as  to  the  general  duty  of  an  Israelite  as  found 
in  Dt.  i5  i  K.  23  2  K.  io31  i46  iy13  2i8  228  Je.  16";  (4)  the  direc 
tion  formulated  and  contained  in  the  Pentateuch,  Ne.  8lf  13f  io34  **. 
The  exact  meaning  intended  here  will  depend  upon  the  date 
assigned  to  the  passage.  The  use  in  the  next  member  of  the 
parallelism  of  the  word  statutes'}  in  a  measure  marks  the  idea  as 

*  Cf.  the  query  whether  the  story  of  the  encounter  of  the  prophet  of  Judah  with 
Jeroboam  I  (i  K.  13),  may  not  have  been  worked  up  upon  the  basis  of  the  en 
counter  of  Amos  with  Jeroboam  II.;  Kue.  Einl.  II.  342. 

f  Cf.  especially  Seesemann,  Israel  und  Juda  bei  Am.  u.  Ho. 

JDr.  Dt.  208,  209,  401  f.;  WRS.  OTJC?  299  ff.,  372  if.,  382  f.,  425  f.;  Kue. 
Hex.  §  10.4 ;  Sm.  Rel.  (v.  Index)  ;  We.  Pro!.,  394  ff. ;  McC.  HPM.,  $§  457,  488, 610; 
Benz.  Arch.,  321,  324,  412;  Now.  Arch.  II,  97  f. ;  Dr.  230 f.;  Kent  and  Sanders, 
"The  Growth  of  Israelitish  Law,"  in  Bibl.  and  Sent.  Studies,  critical  and  histor. 
essays  by  the  members  of  the  Sem.  and  Bibl.  Faculty  of  Yale  Univ.  (1902),  41-90. 


46  AMOS 

consistent  with  the  third  or  Deuteronomic  stage  described  above, 
2  K.  i  y19.  This  word  (sometimes  with  judgments,  also  with  testi 
monies  and  commandments,  prefixed),  is  especially  frequent  in  Dt. 
and  in  books  dependent  on  Dt.  (cf.  45-8  14  51  31  61-20  etc.),  and  de 
signates  enactments  or  institutions  whether  moral,  ceremonial,  or 
civil  (e.g.  Dt.  y1'3  12.  14.  16.  17).*  This  "direction  "  of  Yahweh 
and  these  "  statutes,"  they  had  rejected,  had  not  observed^,  a  charge 
which  accords  well  with  the  feeling  of  the  prophets  (Is.  524),  who 
narrated  the  stories  of  the  kings  of  David's  line  (2  K.  i;15-19), 
although  the  charge  is  of  sin  against  God,  rather  than  against 
man.  Cf.  the  frequent  formulas,  "  evil  in  the  sight  of  Yahweh," 
"provoked  him  to  jealousy  with  their  sins  which  they  committed, 
above  all  that  their  fathers  had  done."  Judah's  rulers  might  be 
classified  as  (i)  the  good  kings,  Asa  (i  K.  15"  2  Ch.  i42),  Je- 
hoshaphat  (i  K.  2243  2  Ch.  ly3),  Joash  (2  K.  i22f-  2  Ch.  242-18), 
Amaziah  (2  K.  i43  2  Ch.  252),  who,  nevertheless,  fell  far  short  of 
reaching  the  standard  in  the  mind  of  the  historian,  a  standard 
(fixed  by  Dt.)  in  accordance  with  which  all  worship  on  high- 
places  was  interdicted;  (2)  the  bad  kings,  Abijah  (i  K.  i53,  cf. 
2  Ch.  i310),  Joram  (2  K.  818  2  Ch.  2i6),  Ahaziah  (2  K.  827  2  Ch. 
223),  who  openly  opposed  the  true  Yahweh  worship,  while  Atha- 
liah  (2  K.  ii3  2  Ch.  2212)  actually  deserted  the  Yahweh  religion.f 
If  this  representation  of  apostasy  comes  from  Amos,  allowance 
must  be  made  for  the  fact  that  the  general  prohibition  of  worship 
on  high-places  was  still  a  thing  of  the  future  (Josiah's  reign)  ;  if 
from  a  later  date,  the  charge  may  have  been  made  from  the  point 
of  view  of  Deuteronomy.  That  the  accusation  in  general  was  true 
against  the  Judah  of  Amos's  time  cannot  be  doubted.  The  gloss, 
And  their  lies  have  caused  them  to  err]  (resembling  Je.  2313-32),  is 
a  still  later  interpolation  in  the  original  charge,  J  whenever  made. 
These  lies,  in  the  mind  of  the  interpolator,  may  have  been  the 
plausible  but  false  excuses  which  they  offered  for  their  trans 
gressions,  §  or  the  false  prophets  whose  activity  in  later  times 
was  very  great,  ||  or,  better  still,  their  idols,  i.e.  something  which 
has  no  actual  existence,  and  actually  deceives;^  for  a  similar 

*  Gun.;   Lag.  BN,  40;   Earth.  NB.  112,  119;   Baentsch,  Das  Bundesbuch,  32; 
Dr.  Dt.  62.        f  See  Mit.,  81  f.        +  So  Marti.         §  Cal.,  Geb.        ||  Ki.,  Abar. 
If  Jer.,  Drus.,  Dat.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Now.,  eta/. 


II.  4-5  47 

idea  in  connection  with  other  Hebrew  words  v.i.  —  After  which 
their  fathers  walked]  An  expression  used  of  Yahweh  worship  (Dt. 
i34),  and  also  of  idolatry  (Dt.  43  819  n28  i32).  The  whole  course 
of  Judah's  history  was  an  illustration  of  this  fact.  Judgment, 
therefore,  shall  come  upon  Judah,  and  shall  show  itself  particu 
larly  against  the  palaces  of  Jerusalem},  a  threat  which  would 
strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  Israelites,  for  Jerusalem,  even  to  the 
Northern  Israelites,  represented  in  a  peculiar  manner  the  Yahweh, 
in  whose  worship  the  two  nations  united. 

According  to  tradition  Jerusalem  was  in  existence  before  Abraham  (Gn. 
I418  Ps.  762).  At  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  Jerusalem  (on  the  Amarna  in 
scriptions,  dr.  1400  B.C.,  Urusalim;  hence  the  original  name,  Jebus  being 
used  to  designate  the  non-Israelite  population,  Ju.  ip11,  GFM.  Ju.  20, 
413)  was  not  taken  from  the  Jebusites  (Jos.  I568,  cf.  the  substitution  of 
"  Benjamites  "  for  "  Judahites  "  in  Ju.  I21,  and  note  also  the  spurious  char 
acter  of  i8),  but  remained  a  Canaanitish  city  until  captured  by  David  (2  S. 
5s-9),  who  fortified  it  and  made  it  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.  Under 
Solomon  the  city  was  magnificently  adorned  with  buildings,  most  important 
of  which  was  the  temple.  Between  the  time  of  Solomon  and  that  of  Amos, 
Jerusalem  had  been  captured  and  plundered  three  times:  (i)  by  Shishak  in 
Rehoboam's  reign  (i  K.  I425f-  2  Ch.  I2lf-);  (2)  by  Arabians  and  Philistines 
in  Joram's  reign  (2  Ch.  2i16f-);  (3)  by  Israel  under  Jehoash  in  Amaziah's 
reign  (2  K.  I413f-  2  Ch.  2523f-).  —  4.  DND]  used  of  rejection  of  people  by 
Yahweh  (Je.  630  I419),  as  well  as  of  rejection  of  Yahweh  by  his  people,  as 
here;  cf.  also  i  S.  I523  2  K.  i;15;  cf.  in  the  same  sense  rur,  V«J,  3TJ?,  B>BJ,  -|Sir. 
—  mm]  from  Hiph.  of  m>  =  direction,  used  with  o>pn  (nipn),  O^BB»D,  and 
niWD  (Baentsch,  Das  Bundesbuch,  29-34;  Dr.  Dt.  62).  Note  the  chiastic 
arrangement  of  mm  and  vpn.  The  change  of  subject  from  DDND  in  the  clause 
beginning  oiymi  is  very  awkward  and  throws  suspicion  on  the  connection  of 
the  two  clauses.  —  ornara]  their  images,  d.  JIN  (Is.  663),  DTI^N  .  .  .  «S  (Je.  57), 
Vsn  (Je.  819),  and  SSs  (Lv.  I94).  —  I^N]  A  good  example  of  a  full  relative 
sentence  H.  46,  i;  GK.  138  a;  Ew.833i,  c  (2).  —  5.  aSa»Tv]  QeriforDSttTp; 
cf.  Urusalim  (Amarna),  Ursalimma  (Assyr.)  (Dl.  Par.  288;  COT.  I.  148  f.; 
RP?  V.  60  f.;  DB*  I.  1582;  BSZ.  s.v.;  BDB.  s.v.;  Grill,  ZAW.  IV.  134  ff.; 
Zimmern,  ZA.  1891,  pp.  252,  254,  263;  Sayce,  HCM.  176;  Jastrow,  JBL. 
XI.  105).  @  'le/oouo-aX^/x,  class.  Grk.  'Iepoff6\v/j.a,  Aram.  oWn\  Other 
proper  names  with  the  ending  D^.  are  :  oynn,  DjnSaT,  Djnnp,  o^ap,  o;nn  j, 


§  4.  Judgment  against  the  nation  Israel.  26-16.  If  other 
nations  are  to  be  punished  for  their  sins,  surely  Israel  must  suffer. 
(i)  Her  transgressions  are  many,  and,  above  all,  injustice  and 


48  AMOS 

oppression  prevail;  (2)  notwithstanding  the  divine  purpose  to  do 
for  her  everything  possible,  every  effort  has  been  rendered  futile  ; 
(3)  therefore,  now,  a  destruction  shall  come  from  which  there 
shall  be  no  escape.  These  three  ideas  are  expressed  in  three  dis 
tinct  pieces,  each  of  three  strophes,  and  each  strophe,  originally, 
of  four  lines.  The  writer  adjusts  the  form  of  his  language  to  the 
character  of  the  thought,  and  the  logical  movement  is  thus  ren 
dered  wonderfully  impressive. 

6-8.  The  injustice  and  oppression  in  Israel.  The  nation  is 
guilty  of  a  treatment  of  the  poor  and  needy  so  cruel  as  to  be  a 
profanation  of  God's  holy  name. 

The  three  strophes  of  this  piece  have  the  trimeter  movement.  Each  con 
tains  a  single  verse;  but  vs.7and8  have  been  transposed.  V.7  is  to  be  placed 
as  the  third  strophe  after  v.8  because  (i)  the  ptcp.  D>flS»n  is  less  abrupt,  connect 
ing  itself  with  the  subject  of  the  preceding  imperfects;  Torrey's  statement 
concerning  Amos's  use  of  the  ptcp.  (JBL.  XV.  152)  is  entirely  in  accord  with 
this;  (2)  the  order  of  thought  thus  becomes  more  regular;  (3)  the  piece 
closes  with  the  climax  "profane  my  holy  name";  and  (4)  the  closing  line, 
just  quoted,  sustains  a  striking  relation  to  the  first  line  of  the  succeeding 
piece  "  and  yet  I,"  etc.  Cf.  my  presentation  of  this  point  in  the  Biblical 
World,  September,  1898,  p.  179,  and  Lohr  (1901),  who  places  v.8  between 
7a  and  76,  and  then  brings  together  7/  and  10  (v.9  following);  on  the  other 
hand  Get.  66,  regards  the  first  of  these  changes  as  unnecessary,  the  second  as 
pedantic. 


6.  pnx]  Gr.  o^?,  cf.  86.  —  poxi]  {£  connects  with  pnx.  —  D^S 
&  ]UDnn  S'-ia.  Che.  (Crit.  Bib.},v>hy.  —  7.  D^CKCTI]  read  oiD[N]t?n,  from 
*iw  (so'jer.,'  Ba.,  We.,  Gr.,  Now.,  forrey  JBL.  XV.  151,  GAS.,  Lohr; 
cf.  Hal.),  supported  by  @,  which  connects  O'DNttTi  with  D^Spj,  rendering  it 
TO.  irarovvra  (some  codd.,  T&V  TTOLTOTLIVTUV),  by  S,  and  "F,  qui  conterunt. 
&  perhaps  =  avflNtf  (cf.  Ez.  i657;  so  Hal).  Oct.  PN-I  hy  ps  "^  O'»frn 
o^Si.  —  hy~]  Elh.  SN.  (?)  —  ps  nop  *?j?]  Om.  as  a  gloss,  since  it  is  unnecessary,  in 
itself  is  very  awkward,  and  altogether  spoils  the  rhythm  (so  We.,  Now.,  Torrey 
JBL.  XV.  151  ff.,  Lohr,  Marti  ;  cf.  Dr.,  Elh.,  and  Oct.,  who  are  unable  to  see 
how  these  words  could  have  gotten  in  the  text  if  they  were  not  genuine;  but 
v.  Torrey's  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  gloss).  Oort  (Em.}  om.  the  entire 
clause,  beginning  with  D>DNB>H.  &rl  rbv  x°vv  rf)s  7775  seems  to  be  a  later  addi 
tion  to  <t§  (so  We.,  Now.).  —  tt>N-n]  J5  om.  ®U  pi.  U  seems  to  om.  2  (so  also 
Lohr).  Hirscht,  Bfona.  —  yrn]  Gr.  jn\  Oort  (Em,},  Marti,  «TV.  —  B»NI] 
@  Kal  vibs.  —  mpjn]  ©  TV  ai/TV  iraiSlffKrjv.  Read  with  Hoffm.  rngan  (y.i.). 
Another  reading  suggested  is  n-^jn,  the  accursed  thing.  —  8.  hy\]  Oort,  fol.  ®, 


n.  e  49 


om.  hy  (so  Now.,  Elh.,  Lohr);  perhaps  @  read  ns\  —  D'San]  (5 
=  D'San  (Vol.)  or  o^San  (Va.,  Seb.,  Gr.);  so  &  Gr.,  fol.  @,  adds  rVijn;%  — 
rj>]  Ew.  w.  Sta.  W  (cf.  Je.  220).  HaL«9\  —  Sa]  <S  om.  —  owup]  <S  <?* 
vvKo<j>avTtG)v  =  according  to  Hirscht,  D'ppy,  a  corrupt  text.  &  Np^ny,  0/W, 
probably  reading  a  form  of  JB»  (Seb.).  Gr.  a^J  Dj?  (?).  <S's  rendering  of  8a, 
KO.I  rd  Ifjutria  avruv  deffpeiJOVTes  ffxotvloiS  TrapaTrerdcr/AaTa  tirolovv  ^x6/Aej/a 
TOO  evffiaffriiplov,  according  to  Ba.  =  rapS  D^x  W]?T  D^ah  onnja  ngi;  but 
according  to  Gr.  myv1?  o^ana  on^p  DHJ3. 

6.  Though  starting  the  indictment  of  Israel  with  the  stereo 
typed  formula,  for  three  transgressions,  etc.]  this  is  abandoned 
after  the  first  sentence.  —  Because  they  sell  the  righteous  for  money, 
and  the  needy  for  a  pair  of  shoes']  The  reference  is  not  to  the 
righteous  and  poor  in  spirit  who,  because  of  opposition  to  a  royal 
edict,  are  seized  and  sold  into  slavery  ;  *  nor  to  the  corrupt  acts 
of  judges  in  the  oppression  of  the  poor,  at  first  for  money,  and 
later,  as  they  become  more  corrupt,  even  for  a  pair  of  shoes  ;  |  but 
to  the  unjust  and  outrageous  seizure  (sell  here  being  used  figur 
atively)  of  innocent  men  by  the  powerful  for  debt,  and  to  the 
habit  of  selling  the  poor  into  slavery  when  the  debt  was  only  as 
much  as  a  pair  of  shoes  ;  J  cf.  2  K.  41  Mat.  iS25.  The  sin  of  Israel 
repeated  in  different  forms  is  that  of  injustice,  oppression  ;  cf.  the 
legislation  which  touches  this,  Ex.  23^  Dt.  I618"20  Lv.  ig15;  and 
the  attitude  of  the  later  prophets,  Is.  i23  314f<  s23  iolf-  Je.  528  223 
Ez.  22^  Mi.  39"11  73  Mai.  35.  The  phrase  for  a  pair  of  shoes  (cf. 
Am.  86a)  seems  to  be  a  proverbial  expression  designating  some 
thing  of  the  lowest  value  ;§  cf.  Ez.  i319.  A  very  plausible  in 
terpretation  ||  is  based  on  the  custom  of  using  the  shoe  as  a 
"  conventional  symbol  in  legal  transactions  "  (cf.  Ru.  47  Ps.  6o8). 
One  of  the  commonest  crimes  of  Amos's  day  was  that  of  land 
grabbing  (cf.  Is.  58)  on  the  part  of  the  rich,  and  it  is  this  that 
Amos  is  here  denouncing.  The  judges  are  charged  with  receiv 
ing  money  for  the  betrayal  of  the  innocent,  and  not  only  so, 
but  also  with  cheating  the  needy  out  of  his  land.  This  interpre 
tation  is  supported  by  @'s  reading  of  i  S.  1  23,  viz.  e/<  xetp°s  Ttvos 
e^tXao-/xa  /cat  V7ro8r//xa  (from  whose  hand  have  I  taken  a 


*  Geb.  I  Os.,  Va.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ba.,  Dr. 

t  AEM  Theodoret,  Crocius,  Ros.  §  Dathe,  Bauer,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Marti. 

||  G.  H.  Box,  Exp.  Times,  XII.  (1901),  377  f.  ;  cf.  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  97  ff. 


50  AMOS 

bribe  and  a  sandal?)*  —  8.  And  because  garments  taken  in  pledge 
they  spread  out\  These  were  especially  the  outer  garments,  or 
mantle  (Gn.  39ia  i  K.  22l°),f  rather  than  bedclothing  (i  S.  i913),J 
held  in  pledge  contrary  to  the  command  in  Ex.  2226,  which  pro 
vides  for  the  return  of  the  garment  over  night,  §  or  taken  in  pay 
ment  for  unjust  fines.  ||  Garments  thus  illegally  and  mercilessly 
held,  the  upper  classes  spread  out,  in  order  to  recline  upon  them,  as 
upon  couches  for  sleeping,^"  or  as  at  banquets  in  their  feasting.** 
Cf.  Ewald's  interpretation,  cast  lots  (i  S.  I442).  —  Beside  every 
altar]  Referring  to  the  sacrificial  meals  (cf.  i  S.  33  912-13  Dt.  i426f-, 
also  Ho.  811  lo1-2-8  i2n).  —  And  the  wine  of  such  as  have  been 
fined  they  drink~\  That  is,  wine  purchased  by  money  received 
through  unjust  judgment.ft  —  In  the  houses  of  their  gods~\  Not 
in  the  house  of  their  gods,JJ  i.e.  the  calves  worshipped  as  gods 
in  Bethel  and  Dan ;  nor  in  the  house  of  their  God,  i.e.  Yahvveh,  §§ 
for  this  was  at  Jerusalem  ;  but  in  the  houses  of  their  gods  ||  ||  (v.i.). 
The  whole  is  a  protest  of  the  simple  ancient  Jewish  religion  against 
the  metropolitan  civilization,^  carrying  with  it,  as  it  does,  corrup 
tion  and  greed.  —  7.  Who  tread  \_to  the  dust  of  the  earth]  the 
head  of  the  poor]  Cf.  84  Gn.  315 ;  that  is,  trample  the  poor  into 
the  dust,***  or,  omitting  fHK  "iBl?  btt,  who  tread  upon,  or  crush,  the 
head  of  the  poor,  a  reading  based  upon  a  slight  change  of  ifK2E 
(v.s.).  Others  have  understood  the  phrase  as  meaning,  "who 
desire  to  destroy  the  heads  of  the  poor  who  already  are  cast  into 
the  dust,"tff  or,  "who  long  for  the  dust  of  the  earth,  i.e.  earthly 
things,  gold,  silver,  which  may  be  possessed  only  at  the  risk  of  the 
heads  of  the  poor,"  \\\  or,  "who  long  for  the  person  of  the  poor 
in  addition  to  his  landed  property,"  §§§  or,  "who  long  to  see  dust 
scattered  upon  the  heads  of  the  poor,  i.e.  to  see  their  misery  as 
thus  indicated,"  ||||  ||  or,  "who  long  for  even  the  dust  sprinkled  by 

*  The  correctness  of  <5's  reading  is  established  by  Ecclus.  4619  where  the 
original  text  (ed.  of  Cowley  and  Neubauer,  p.  32)  reads:  >n[npS  ^D]D  D^Syjl  ~\D3 
=  from  whom  have  I  taken  a  bribe  or  a  pair  of  sandals  ? 

t  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ba.  J  Ros.  ft  Cal.,  Os.(  Ros.  1HT  We. 

§  Ra.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Os.,  Jus.,  Va.,  Ros.      JJ  Or.  ***  Ba.,  GAS. 

||  Geb.          H  Cal.,  Os.,  Jus.,  Va.          §§  Crocius.  ftt  Cal.,  Jus. 

**  Ra.,  Ki.,  Luth.,  Geb.,  Ros.  ||||  Oort  (TAT.  XIV.  141),  Mit. 

Jit  Geb.,  who  cites  for  similar  use  of  3  28.  231^  an'itfflia;    i  Ch.  ia19 
also  Straensee,  Mich.  §$§  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  99  f. 

IHIII  Dat.,  and  with  slight  variation,  Ros.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Gun.,  Elh. 


II.  8,  7  5^ 

the  mourner  (cf.  2  S.  i~  15^  La.  210)  upon  his  head,  as  indicative 
of  his  grief."  *  The  general  thought  is  the  same  in  every  case. 
—  And  the  way  of  the  humble  they  turn  aside~\  Cf.  $™  Is.  io2 
Ex.  236  Je.  54.  The  word  way  is  difficult  to  define,  meaning 
"the  judgment"!  or  "the  cause,  business";}  better,  however, 
is  "  the  path  in  life,  the  walk  by  which  they  are  characterized  " 
(Ps.  i6).§  The  rich  and  powerful  push  the  humble  out  of  the 
path  in  which  they  would  naturally  walk,  in  other  words,  deprive 
them  of  the  privileges  to  which  they  are  entitled  (Jb.  24*  Mat. 
i86).  —  A  man  and  his  judge  deal  according  to  agreement^ 
So  Hoffmann,  changing  "i  to  "I.  ||  This  is  in  better  harmony  with 
the  context,  which  is  entirely  occupied  with  the  idea  of  cor 
ruption  and  oppression.  The  other  reading,  a  man  and  his 
father  go  unto  the  same  maid,  makes  the  sin  an  exaggerated  form 
of  adultery,  a  father  and  son  going  to  the  same  harlot,^"  or  the 
same  young  wife,**  or  a  girl  (the  article  being  generic),  i.e.  one 
of  the  temple  prostitutes  ||  wno  were  in  the  service  of  Baal  and 
Astarte,  and  plied  their  business  near  the  altars  and  temples 
(cf.  Gn.  3821>22  Dt.  2317  i  K.  I424)  ;  or  a  servant  taken  as  a  concu 
bine  (Ex.  2 18-9,  cf.  Ez.  2211  Lv.  i88<15)  ;  \\  according  to  Reuss,  it 
does  not  mean  the  same  woman,  but  simply  that  the  father  sets 
an  example  to  the  son ;  while  Hitzig  explains  that  the  expression 
nrtK  !ni?3  is  avoided,  because  it  might  have  implied  that  intercourse 
with  different  maids  would  not  be  blameworthy. — And  so  profane 
my  holy  name'}  Any  act  inconsistent  with  God's  character  would 
be  a  profanation  of  his  name  —  a  phrase  common  in  the  Holiness 
Code  (Lv.  1 7-26)  and  in  Ezekiel.  §§  This  would  apply  equally  well 
to  (i)  impurity  of  life,  ||  ||  (2)  idol  worship  involving  impurity  (cf. 
Lv.  i821  2o3),^H[  (3)  corruption  in  the  administration  of  justice.*** 
The  thought  is  that  this  is  the  real  result  fff  of  all  such  action. 
This  phrase  does  not,  as  Nowack  contends,  settle  beyond  ques 
tion  that  the  preceding  clause  refers  to  the  practices  of  the  temple 
prostitutes. 


*  Va.,  Schra,  Hi.,  Pu.,  Hd..  Duhm  (Theol.),  Dr. 

t  Ros.,  Ba.,  C*un.  §  Mit.  IT  Cal.,  Os.,  Hi.,  GAS. 

t  Jus.  ||  ZA  W.  III.  99  f.        **  Rabbi  Salomo,  Geb. 

ft  Mich.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Ba.,  St.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Elh.        Iffl  St.        ***  Hoffm. 
\\  Ros.  §§  Cal.,  Os.,  Ros.  1|||  Most  commentators.  fff  Ros. 


52  AMOS 

6.  DIM]  with  i  atten.  from  a,  instead  of  with  6,  as  if  the  Qal  Impf.  had  a; 
so  also  Ne.  i315;  but  rnas,  Ex.  2i8.  Cf.  ^JDJ,  2  S.  I10  with  V?^,  i  S.  293. 
F.  Earth, /V#.  77  <r;  GK.  61  b.  —  qoaa]  a  denotes  price,  cf.  86;  GK.  H9/; 
K6.  3320.  —  pnx]  Cf.  Earth,  /V#.  133  <:;  Lag.  .&M  no;  Ols.  18501; 
Kautzsch,  Ueber  die  Derivate  des  St.  pTf  in  a.t.  Sprachgebrauch  (1881); 
WRS.  Proph.  72  ;  always  used  of  persons  except  Dt.  48.  For  the  sense 
innocent  (cf.  ipj)  v.  Ex.  237  Pr.  i817.  —  ~oapa]  May  denote  price,  BSZ.,  s.v.; 
Ew.8  315  f,  note  3;  but  for  the  sake  of  (i  S.  I222)  here  and  in  86  gives  better 
sense.  Cf.  Ba.,  who  maintains  the  latter  as  the  only  meaning;  Hoffm.  {ZA  W. 
III.  99)  makes  -nay  here,  78  and  86  =  pun  iiay  (Jos.  511),  i.e.  produce, 
secured  to  the  judge  by  the  token  of  a  pair  of  shoes;  cf.  Ru.  47. —  D^Syj] 
=  something  of  the  slightest  value  (cf.  86  Ez.  I319;  so  Dathe,  Ba.,  Jus.,  Ros., 
Schro.,  et  a/.),  but  cf.  Ba.,  264;  ZA.  VII.  296;  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  98  f.— 
8.  hy~\  not  a  prep,  governing  onja,  but  a  continuation  of  Sj:  with  DT3D  = 
because,  as  in  Gn.  3I2)  Ps.  H9136;  cf.  full  form,  Dt.  2925.  Lohr  shows  clearly 
that  S>i  as  a  prep,  is  out  of  place,  for  Amos  uses  aaa>  and  mo  for  lie  and 
recline  ;  <g  om.  it;  and  it  is  superfluous  in  the  metre  of  the  line.  —  l^]  by 
the  transposition  of  vs.7  and  8  now  continues  the  inf.  Q-OD  (H.  29,  5  b;  GK. 
114?-;  Dr.  §  118),  having  in  itself  and  giving  to  the  inf.  the  freq.  force, 
H.  21,  2;  GK.  107 £•;  Dr.  §  33  a  ;  Ew.'s  use  of  n&  =  S'eri,  cast  lots,  is  un 
necessary  and  without  basis;  cf.  Is.  3i3  Je.  612,  in  which  nan  is  used  of 
stretching  out  the  hand,  a  sense  more  easy  to  harmonize  here  with  its  use  in 
v.7  —  inti"]  is  coordinate  with  is\  On  the  sacrificial  meals  of  the  Hebrews, 
see  Di.  on  Lv.  3  ;  WRS.  OTJC?  239,  448-51,  and  Proph.  98  f.;  and  other 
literature  cited  in  my  Constructive  Studies  in  the  Priestly  Element  in  the 
O.T.  (1902),  90  ff.  —  DninSx  ma]  =  in  the  houses  of  their  gods,  the  second 
noun  pluralizing  also  the  first,  H.  3,4;  GK.  124?-;  cf.  orvaxy  ma,  i  S.  3i9. — 
7.  D^BBTI]  or,  DijDS't^n  (GK.  23^);  the  article,  as  in  Gn.  4921  Ps.  49",  adds  a 
new  statement,  here  in  a  tone  of  impatience  and  indignation;  (GK.  126^; 
K6.  41 1  e\  Mit. ;  Torrey, /2?Z.  XV.  151  f.;  cf.  the  frequent  use  of  the  ptcp.  in 
this  way,  310  41  57  63-4ff-13,  etc.).  Against  the  reading  here  adopted,  Elh. 
(cf.  Hirscht)  urges  (i)  that  in  Gn.  315,  where  *pe>  occurs  with  p*o,  the  prep, 
a  is  absent;  (2)  that  in  Gn.  315  *pB>  cannot  possibly  mean  tread  upon,  when 
used  of  the  serpent  at  least ;  (3)  that  it  involves  the  rejection  of  jnN  IDJ?  S;*, 
the  presence  of  which  words  cannot  be  accounted  for  on  the  supposition  that 
they  are  a  gloss  (but  z/.j.);  (4)  that  fft^T  makes  satisfactory  sense.  —  u>j«na] 
On  use  of  a  after  verbs  of  touching  and  taking  hold  of,  GK.  ngk;  Ew.8  217, 
3,  2),  a}  ;  but  note  that  in  84  the  a  is  omitted  after  D^DBTI.  — 'ui  a^oNtrn]  ©  rd 
TrarovvTO.  ^TTI  rbv  xovv  rrjs  7775  /cat  ticovdijXi^ov  et's  Ke0a\as  TTTW^CIV  (cf.  $&  —  for 
the  sake  of  sandals  which  tread  upon  the  dust  of  the  earth  and  who  strike  the 
poor  with  their  fists)  is  explained  as  due  to  a  double  interpretation  of  o^QNirn, 
one  rightly  connecting  it  with  the  subject  of  the  preceding  inf.,  the  other 
wrongly  connecting  it  with  D^Sp;  it  is  as  an  explanatory  gloss  to  the  latter 
that  the  'xn  -\oy  hy  originated  (so  e.g.  Torrey, /Z?Z.  XV.  152).  The  result  is 
that  the  two  interpretations  appear  side  by  side  in  @  and  5,  QiflNB>n  being 


ii.  9-12  53 

represented  in  each,  while  £El@T  presents  a  mixture  of  the  two  interpretations, 
'NH  icy  iy  belonging  to  the  secondary  one.  Hirscht  objects  to  this  that  @ 
renders  ^NtP  in  84  by  tKTpijBw  ;  cf.  2  K.  IQ26  where  4§  confuses  nrnp  with  rpjp 
and  translates  it  TraTT^uara,  and  Is.  2510  where  t^n  is  rendered  by  irareiv. 
Moreover,  in  Gn.  315,  *ptt>  is  used  of  an  action  of  the  foot,  not  of  the  hand 
(i<ov5v\tfa).  Hence  only  TTOLTOVVTO.  can  here  be  referred  to  D^flNip,  and 
since  this  rendering  of  D^Nt^  made  the  Hebrew  unintelligible,  KCU  iKovdti\i£ov 
was  freely  added  by  the  translators  after  tiri  rbv  x°^v  T^s  7??s  in  order  to 
secure  sense  for  the  passage.  Hirscht,  therefore,  would  retain  ffflfi,  with  one 
change,  viz.,  U'JO3  instead  of  tf&na,  and,  by  considering  t^foa  as  the  direct 
object  of  o^flNipn  and  regarding  y^sn  nay  as  an  ironical  expression  for  money 
(cf.  Assyr. "  gold,  the  dust  of  his  land  "  and  "  the  dust  of  the  earth  of  Susa 
...  I  took  to  Assyria,"  KB.  II.  14,  209),  would  secure  the  following  inter 
pretation :  "the  wicked  already  possess  much,  and  yet  it  is  nothing  (dust), 
and  they  ever  covet  more  of  this  nothing  from  those  who  have  nothing  more." 
This  is  scarcely  an  improvement  upon  £H2T  and,  to  say  the  least,  makes  very 
awkward  syntax.  —  y^]  A  more  usual  meaning  of  nan  than  the  above;  here 
a  continuation  of  the  ptcp.,  as  the  other,  of  an  inf.;  H.  27,  5^;  GK.  n6x; 
Ko.  4i3/,  368/5  Dr.  §  117.  —  mjun  SN  la1?'  vaNi  WK\]  In  support  of  this 
reading  note  (i)  that  £H3T  is  entirely  outside  of  the  scope  of  the  author's 
thought ;  cf.  Mi.  29  in  which  the  casting  out  of  the  women  is  a  part  of  the 
picture  of  oppression;  (2)  the  parallel  picture  in  Mi.  73;  (3)  the  use  of  3N 
-  priestly  judge,  2  K.  621  13"  Je.  17!°  (cf.  Gn.  458;  GFM.  Ju.  385  f.),  and  a 
similar  usage  in  Egyptian  (ZD M G.  XXXI.  726)  ;  (4)  the  similar  combination 
of  njro  and  y?n  in  33.  —  jyD1?]  H.  29,  3  a  (a);  GK.  107  q\  Ko.  4077";  Ew.8 
337,  2;  expresses  a  necessary  logical  consequence  but  never  simply  result; 
"  in  rhetorical  passages,  the  issue  of  a  line  of  action,  though  really  unde 
signed,  is  represented  by  it  ironically  as  if  it  were  designed"  (BDB.  775), 
eg.  Ho.  84;  cf.  Ko.  396^.  This  is  the  only  occurrence  of  f>»oS  in  Amos. 

9-12.  The  efforts  made  by  Yahweh  to  build  up  Israel.  The 
present  condition  of  Israel  is  not  due  to  neglect  on  the  part 
of  Yahweh,  for  he  (i)  had  taken  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  led  her 
through  the  wilderness  and  brought  her  to  Canaan,  (2)  had 
driven  out  the  Canaanites  from  before  her,  and  (3)  had  raised 
up  teachers  through  whom  his  will  might  be  made  known,  —  but 
all  to  no  effect. 

This  piece  stands  in  closest  connection  with  the  preceding  (cf.  the  contrast 
—  they  had  profaned  his  holy  name,  when  it  had  been  he,  who  was,  etc.),  and 
falls  into  three  strophes  each  of  three  pentameters,  or  six  alternating  trimeters 
and  dimeters ;  preferably  the  former,  since  the  long  drawn  out  lines  picture 
the  historical  details  given,  and  form  a  contrast  with  the  quick  trimeter  move 
ment  of  vs.13"15  which  follow.  It  seems  right  to  transfer  v.10  to  precede  v.9 


54  AMOS 

and  make  it  form  the  first  strophe,  because  (i)  this  is  a  simple  historical 
statement  and  the  chronological  order  is  self-evident,  while  (2)  nothing  is 
gained  by  the  explanation  that  v.9,  although  later  in  time,  is  put  before  v.10  to 
emphasize  the  greatness  of  the  victory  over  the  tall  and  mighty  aborigines, 
which  was  so  remarkable  in  contrast  with  the  weakness  of  Israel  at  the  time 
of  the  prophet  (Evv.),  or  to  tell  first  what  God  did  for  the  nation,  and  then 
what  he  did  to  the  nation ;  (3)  the  confusion  grew  out  of  the  fact  that  both 
strophes  began  with  OJN1 ;  while  (4)  the  whole  of  strophe  2  (v.9)  grows  out  of 
the  mention  of  noNPi  in  line  3  of  strophe  I  (v.10).  Cf.  Lohr,  Oct.,  Baumann, 
and  Marti  who  makes  both  10  and  12  interpolations. 

10.  TiiSyn  ^JNI]  U  correctly  renders,  ego  sum  qui  ascenders  .  .  .  fed. 
Before  HBnS  the  insertion  of  DDNONI  found  in  j&,  and  I  brought  you  to  this 
place,  completes  the  rhythm  and  furnishes  a  basis  for  nan*?. — 9.  >mDtt>n] 
<5  <?£%>a;  <SA  t&yeipa.  —  ams;:]  Some  codd.  oa^BB. — D^iVx  .  .  .  DM-\N] 
G§  sg.  —  -PDir'Ni]  <&  Q-tipava. ;  (some  codd.  ^pa)  ;  'A.  nal  (rvvtrpi^a  in  second, 
but  29  like  (f§;  cf.  Ba.'s  suggestion  that  ^pava.  is  an  early  (because  followed  by 
Jer.  and  Arab.)  modification  of  t^pa  to  fit  the  picture  of  a  tree.  — 11.  D>pNi] 
(§  Kal  e\a/3oj'=  npN)  (cf.  Dt.  iS18).  —  onuS]  ©  ayiao~/j.6v  =  in.  The  line  p|Nn 
"Ui  HNT  ps]  the  concluding  home-thrust  of  the  piece  —  should  stand  at  the 
end  of  v.12,  where  it  belongs  logically  and  poetically  (sec  Biblical  World, 
September,  1898;  so  also  Lohr,  6;  on  the  contrary,  Oet  66). —  ^ND]  Gr.  nbxr. 
—  rw]  Riedel,  rnx  nr.  — 12.  onn]  <&  7)yia<r/j.tvov$;  other  Greek  versions 
robs  Nafipa/ous.  —  -iN^n  N^  "^nx1;]  &  has  the  third  person;  these  words  might 
well  be  omitted  as  a  gloss  and  the  line  thus  restored  to  its  proper  length. 

10.  And  yet  it  was  I  who~\  Emphasizing,  cf.  U,  the  contrast 
between  the  ingratitude  and  wickedness  of  the  people  (v.8)  and  the 
readiness  of  Yahweh  to  pour  out  blessings  upon  them.  For  simi 
lar  use  of  the  conjunction,  which  is  especially  frequent  with  the 
personal  pronouns,  see  Ju.  i615  Is.  537  Gn.  26^.  —  Brought  you  up 
out  of  Egypt]  The  usual  form  of  expression,  cf.  Gn.  i210  262  44" 
4S25  463,  not  because  Palestine  was  toward  the  north,*  but  rather 
because  of  the  local  elevation,  the  mountainous  character  of  Pales 
tine  in  contrast  with  Egypt. f  The  general  thought  here  expressed 
is  found  elsewhere,  Ex.  19*  Dt.  32™  Ps.  y853  Je.  22.  For  the  various 
explanations  of  the  present  order  of  vs.9 10,  and  for  the  reasons 
which  suggest  a  reversal  of  the  order,  v.s.  —  Forty  years']  Cf.  5* 
Dt.  27  82  especially  2Q5 ;  a  reminder  not  only  of  the  disobedience 
for  which  the  wandering  was  a  punishment,  and  in  spite  of  which 
Yahweh  was  good  enough  to  bring  them  into  the  land,  but  also  of 

*  Ros.  t  Hd. ;  cf.  GAS.  HG.  45-59. 


ii.  io,  9  55 

the  power  of  Yahweh  exhibited  in  his  gracious  act  of  feeding  and 
caring  for  them  during  all  this  time.  *  On  the  duration  of  the  wan 
dering  there  is  difference  of  opinion. -f  For  the  use  of  the  number 
forty  in  Scripture,  {  see  Gn.  y4  252°  so3  Ex.  I635  2418  Nu.  I325  Dt. 
253  Ju.  311  531  S28  is1  i  K.  i98  Ez.  29llff-  Jon.  £.  — To  possess  the 
land]  Cf.  Dt.  612  Ho.  i34  (RV.  marg.).  This  phrase  has  been 
joined  (i)  to  the  preceding  clause  with  the  idea  that  this  long 
wandering  was  intended  to  prepare  them  for  driving  out  their 
opponents,  §  (2)  to  the  whole  verse,  explaining  thus  the  purpose 
of  the  Exodus  as  a  whole  ;  ||  but  it  is  better  with  %>  (z/.j.)  to  suppose 
that  the  words  and  brought  you  hither]  were  a  part  of  the  original 
text.  —  The  Amorite}  By  whom  Amos  meant  not  a  particular 
people  dwelling  from  the  Jabbok  to  the  Arnon  on  both  sides  of 
the  Jordan  (cf.  Nu.  2I21-32),  nor  one  (cf.  Gn.  io15f-)  of  many  Canaan- 
itish  peoples,  used  here  to  represent  allf  (cf.  Gn.  i516  Jos.  2415), 
but  the  whole  Canaanitish  constituency,  described  by  E  (of  the 
Hexateuch)  and  by  Amos  as  the  Amorite  (#.*.).  —  9.  And  it  was 
I  who  destroyed  from  before  them}  An  emphatic  expression  as  in 
v.10,  and  the  usual  word  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Canaanite  race 
(see  in  E,  Jos.  248,  the  same  phrase),  especially  frequent  in  Dt. 
(cf.  221f)  and  in  the  later  historical  books. —  The  Amorite  .  .  . 
whose  height  was  like  the  cedars}  An  hyperbolical  description,  based 
upon  the  common  opinion  of  the  existence  of  giant  nations,  in 
tended  to  magnify  the  goodness  and  the  power  of  Yahweh,  who 
was  able  to  overcome  enemies  of  such  stature.**  Specific  mention 
of  the  gigantic  autochthones  of  the  land  is  made  elsewhere,  viz. 
of  the  sons  of  Anak  (Nu.  i322ff  Dt.  i28);  the  Emim  (Dt.  210) ;  the 
Zamzummim  (Dt.  220) ;  the  Rephaim  (Dt.  3");  cf.  also  Nu.  I333. 
The  cedar  in  the  Hebrew  mind  was  the  ideal  representation  of  gran 
deur,  2  K.  i49  Is.  213  Ps.  8o10  9213  Ez.  i722f-  3i3  Je.  227.  —  Andhe  was 
strong  as  the  oaks}  Cf.  Is.  213  Zc.  n2  Ez.  2f.  —  But  I  destroyed 
his  fruit  .  .  .  his  roots'}  That  is,  root  and  branch  (cf.  Ez.  i;9  Ho. 
916  Jb.  i816  Is.  524),tt  a  picture  of  complete  destruction,  \\  and  not  a 

*  Cal.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Pu.      f  Cf.  Sta.  G  VI.  1. 132 f. ;  Dr.  Dt.  32  f.      J  Cf.  K6.  Stil,  54. 

§  AE.,  Ki.        ||  Ros.        U  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Or.,  et  al.        **  Pu. 

ft  Cf.  Eshmunazar  Inscription  (Corp.  Insc.  Sent,  ii  p.  19,  Is.  n,  12)  :  "  May  he 
have  no  root  underneath,  or  fruit  above,  or  any  beauty  among  the  living  under  the 
sun."  ++  Cal.,  Tus.,  Ba. 


56  AMOS 

reference  to  different  classes,  e.g.  the  fruit  being  the  children,  and 
the  root  the  stock  of  the  population  as  that  which  propagates  the 
species.*  The  destruction,  here  poetically  exaggerated,  was  not 
at  first  represented  as  so  complete,  cf.  Ex.  2332f-  3412;  but  in  later 
times,  and  especially  in  Dt.  (cf.  ylf  2O15f  Jos.  n20)  it  is  treated  as 
something  practically  finished  even  in  the  early  days.  Perhaps  the 
gradual  disappearance  of  the  Canaanites  furnished  the  occasion 
for  this  difference  in  representation.  — 11.  Yahweh  had  shown  his 
presence  and  his  favor  in  the  Exodus  and  in  the  Conquest ;  but 
when  Moses,  the  great  prophet,  had  died,  who,  in  the  divine  plan, 
should  serve  as  mediator  between  himself  and  Israel?  Moreover 
I  raised  up  some  of  your  sons  for  prophets'}  (cf.  Je.  617),  and, 
through  these,  the  connection  of  Yahweh  with  Israel  had  been 
maintained.  All  this  was  in  strict  accord  with  Dt.  i815,  the  earliest 
announcement  of  which  formed  the  constitution  of  the  prophetic 
order.  Up  to  this  time  Israel's  prophets,  not  reckoning  Moses, 
Samuel,  and  those  sent  also  to  Judah,  included  Ahijah  (i  K.  I42), 
Jehu  (i  K.  I61),  Elijah  (i  K.  ly1),  Elisha  (i  K.  i916),  Micaiah  (i  K. 
22s),  Jonah  (2  K.  I425),  and  the  many  prophets  whose  names 
are  not  given  (i  S.  2813  Ho.  4*  i  K.  I31  2035).  Hitzig's  inter 
pretation,  aroused  .  .  .  so  that  they  became,  is  not  so  good  as  the 
ordinary  raised  up,  or  ordained.  The  phrase  your  sons  limits  the 
writer's  thought  to  Israelites,!  but  "  lays  no  stress  upon  the  fact 
that  youth  is  the  time  of  inspiration  and  enthusiasm  "  ;  J  cf.  Jo.  31. 
Nor  does  the  blessing  consist  in  the  fact  that  their  own  sons  have 
been  taken  as  Yahweh's  representatives,  when  angels  might  have 
been  chosen.  §  The  usual  particle  (jtt)  is  here  used  to  express  the 
partitive  idea,  some  of.  —  And  some  of  your  youths  for  nazirites~\ 
Mitchell  rightly  distinguishes  Nazaritc  from  nazirite.  The  nazi- 
rite,  as  the  word  "IT3  signifies,  was  separated  (from  men,  ||  or  from 
wine  If),  consecrated 'to  God;  cf.  the  Rechabites,  2  K.  io15  Je.  356. 
Ordinarily  the  vow  of  the  nazirite  was  made  for  a  definite  period ; 
but  in  two  cases,  those,  perhaps,  in  the  mind  of  Amos,  the 
obligation  seems  to  have  been  assumed  for  life,  viz.  Samson  (Ju. 
I3s.T.i4 16i7)  and  samuel  (x  S.  i11).  This  has  been  thought  to  be 
the  original  form  of  the  vow.**  The  custom  had  its  origin  in  an 

*  Hi.,  Ke.  t  Cf.  GAS.  I.  11-30,  44-58.  ||  Ba.  IT  Jus. 

t  Ba.  §  Cal.  **  WRS.  Proph.  84 ;  Gun.  45. 


ii.  9,  "-is  57 

effort  to  counteract  the  self-indulgent  habits  introduced  into  Israel 
by  the  Canaanites.  The  law  (Nu.  62"21)  provided  only  for  the 
temporary  obligation,  at  the  termination  of  which  the  hair,  which 
meanwhile  had  been  sacred,  should  be  sacrificed  (Nu.  618).  It 
was  also  understood  that  the  nazirite  should  abstain  from  pollution 
by  contact  with  death,  as  well  as  from  every  product  of  the  vine 
(cf.  Ju.  i314  Nu.  63f).  The  nazirite  (cf.  also  the  cases  of  John  the 
Baptist,  Lu.  i15,  and,  according  to  Eusebius,*  James,  the  brother 
of  Jesus)  was  introduced  not  as  a  reminder  of  Yahweh's  goodness 
in  establishing  the  institution  as  a  set  way  for  securing  holiness,f 
nor  because  of  the  similarity  of  the  nazirite's  work  to  that  of  the 
prophet,  the  former  teaching  by  example,  the  latter  by  precept ;  \ 
but  because  it  enabled  the  speaker  to  deal  a  severe  blow  against 
one  of  the  great  evils  of  his  day.  — 12.  But~\  Instead  of  observ 
ing  the  example  and  obeying  the  precepts  of  these  divinely 
appointed  agents,  ye  made  the  nazirites  drink  wine~\  and  so 
debauched  them,  a  fact  which,  in  view  of  the  nation's  degen 
eracy,  is  easily  credible,  although  no  historical  allusion  to  it  is 
found.  The  influences  used  may  have  been  either  persuasion 
(Gn.  i  g32-34)  §  or  compulsion  (Nu.  52426f')||.  —  And  the  prophets 
ye  commanded,  "ye  shall  not  prophesy"^  Cf.  716.  The  example 
of  one  class  is  made  null  and  void,  and  the  utterances  of  the 
other  class  are  prevented,  and  so  Yahweh  himself,  who  had 
raised  up  these  messengers,  is  insulted  and  rejected.  Note  the 
chiastic  arrangement  of  the  thought.  Actual  examples  of  the 
prohibition  placed  upon  prophecy  were  not  infrequent,  e.g.  Jero 
boam  I.  (i  K.  is4),  Jezebel  (i  K.  i84  i92),  Ahab  (i  K.  22* *f), 
Ahaziah  (2  K,  i9ff>),  Jehoram  (2  K.  631) ;  cf.  later  the  case  of  Amos 
(y13),  also  Is.  3O10-11  and  the  persecution  of  Jeremiah.  —  Is  not  this 
indeed  so .?]  Will  any  one  deny  these  accusations  ?  Is  Israel  then 
not  deserving  of  the  punishment  which  is  threatened?  This  ques 
tion  is  in  a  better  position  here  than  at  the  end  of  v.11,  and  con 
cludes  the  entire  accusation.  —  //  is  the  oracle  of  Yahweh~\  The 
phrase  used  here  and  ordinarily  translated  saith  Yahweh  (also  in 
2ie  3io.i3.i^  etc<^  is  not  the  phrase  used  in  i15  23  516-17-27,  etc.,  but 
one  of  much  stronger  significance  (v.i.). 


*  Hist.  ii.  23.         f  Cal.          J  Os.,  Geb.,  St.          §  Ki.          ||  Jus.,  Ba. 


$8  AMOS 

10.  -OJNI]  Emphatic  by  position  and  expression,  GK.  135  a;  Ko.  362^. — 
"1*71x1]  Always  without  •>  in  i  p.  sg.  with  i  cons.;  GK.  69  x.  —  -airs]  V.  Baentsch, 
Die  Wuste  in  d.  a.  Schriften. —  nj;p  D^OIX]  Sg.  of  noun  with  pi.  of  numeral, 
H.  15,  4. —  ntinV]  The  inf.  with  S  expressing  purpose,  GK.  114 /,  and  notes. 
—  ncxn]  According  to  We.  (Die  Composition  des  Hexateuchs,  341  f.),  Steinthal 
(Zeitschrift  fur  Volkerpsychologie,  XII.  267),  Meyer  (ZA  W.  I.  121-7,  !39  ff-)» 
WRS.  (Proph.  26,  379),  Sta.  (GVI.  I.  no;  cf.  also  Budde,  Bibl.  Urge- 
schichte,  344-8;  De.  on  Gn.  4822),  Di.  (Gen.  I.  365),  Kit.  (Hist.  I.  22),  Dr. 
(Dt.  p.  11),  GAS.,  Buhl  (art.  "Amoriter,"  PRE?},  and  Now.,  this  is  a  name 
current  as  early  as  the  sixteenth  century  B.C.,  and  applied  to  the  primitive  popu 
lation  of  Palestine  in  E  and  D  of  the  Hexateuch  (J  using  "  Canaanite  "),  and  in 
Amos,  synonymous  with  Canaanite.  Cf.  Gn.  4822  Dt.  I7-  i9-20,  also  Ju.  I34f-  610 
2  S.  2i2.  McC.  (HPM.  I.  406  ff.)  maintains  that  "  in  the  Old  Testament  the 
two  names  answer  to  two  distinct  peoples,  though  it  is  impossible  as  yet  to  say 
with  certainty  how  far  the  one  was  removed  from  the  other  in  point  of  origin, 
and  date  of  settlement ";  similarly  Wkl.  (GL  I.  52  ff.).  The  terms  land  of 
Amar,  which  occurs  with  land  of  Kandna  (Canaan)  in  the  Egyptian  inscriptions 
(Brugsch,  Hist,  of  Eg?  II.  14  f.,  154;  Bu.,  Bibl  Urgeschichte,  346  f.;  Dr.,  Dt. 
12;  GFM.y«.  81  ff.),  and  Amurri  of  the  Tel-el-Amarna  tablets  (Sayce,  Races 
ofthe  O.  T.  55f.,  101  f.,  110-17;  Dr.Z?/.  12;  GFM./«.  83)  are  probably  the  same 
name.  The  word  occurs  frequently  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  if  the  name  for 
Syria,  matu  Aharri,  is  to  be  read  matu  Amurri  ;  so  Delattre,  PSBA.  1891, 
pp.  215-34;  ZA.  VII.  2;  RP?  V.  95  rm.  4,  98  rm.  2;  Muss-Arnolt,  Diet.  30, 
61;  Sayce,  art.  "  Amorites,"  DB. ;  W.  M.  Miiller,  art.  "Amorites,"  Jew. 
Enc.;  Paton,  Hist.  16;  Wkl.,  KAT?  I.  178. —9.  'rnocn]  The  usual  word 
for  the  destruction  of  the  Canaanites,  especially  frequent  in  Dt.  e.g.  I27  212- 21- 22- a 
etc. —  onvisp]  is  a  sudden  change  from  the  second  person  to  the  third,  K6., 
Stil.  241.  —  ^naj  .  .  .  ^C'x]  whose  height,  the  full  form  of  the  relative  sen 
tence  (H.  13,  i;  46,  i;  GK.  1380;  Ew.8  331  <:,  3). —  xin  }bn]  The  unusual 
order  makes  jon  (occurring  only  here  and  Is.  I31)  very  emphatic.  —  0\rSxr] 
On  the  generic  art.  in  comparisons,  H.  4,  3  d  (2);  GK.  126  o.  On  the 
Hebrew  idea  of  giant  nations  much  has  been  written  (cf.  especially  DB?  I. 
1173-6;  Schwally,  Das  Leben  nach  dem  Tode,  64  f,;  Id.  ZAW.  XVIII.  135; 
Dr.  Dt.  40;  GFM.  Ju.  39),  but  the  subject  is  not  yet  entirely  clear.  The 
words  S-'N  (of  which  the  sg.  occurs  only  in  proper  names),  n^x,  (noun  of  unity 
corresponding  to  W),  pS^x,  and  the  differently  pronounced  nSx  and  f^x, 
though  carefully  distinguished  infHE,  are  hopelessly  confused  in  the  versions. 
In  Aramaic  this  is  one  word  fS-'X,  meaning  great  tree.  The  traditional  idea 
(Celsus,  Hierobotanicon,  I.  34  ff. ;  J.  D.  Michaelis,  Supplementa,  p.  72  ff.;  Ros. 
Bibl.  Alterthumsk.  IV.  229  ff.;  Ges.  Thes.  50  f. ;  but  on  the  other  side  Lowth 
on  Is.  i*>;  GFM.  Ju.  121  f.;  ZDPV.  XIII.  220  ff. ;  We.  Prol.  248),  that  cer 
tain  two  or  three  of  the  words  were  used  consistently  for  terebinth,  and  others 
for  oak,  is  not  borne  out  by  the  versions,  and  the  distinction  could  not  have 
been  indicated  in  the  unpointed  text.  The  words  signify  "  in  Hebrew  usually, 
if  not  exclusively,  '  holy  tree,'  as  the  place,  and,  primitively,  the  object  of  wor- 


II.  i3-i6  59 

ship,  without  regard  to  species  "  (GFM./«.  121).  —  -VCBM]  Yea,  I  destroyed, 
a  repetition  of  ^rncm,  for  the  purpose  of  adding  the  phrase  which  would 
characterize  the  destruction  as  complete  ;  on  ©  tt-ripava,  v.s.  Note  i  in  Hiph. 
after  waw  cons.,  as  frequently  in  I  sg.,  GK.  53  n. — vantr]  For  the  same 
expression,  Is.  524  I430  Mai.  319. — 11.  crvjiJD]  The  prep,  used  partitively, 
GK.  11974;;  K6.  81;  Ew.82i7,  i,  i),£).—  -ajS]  On  the  use  of  S,  GK.  119/5 
K6.  3277^  /3  2).  —  12.  >pprn]  With  a  double  ace.,  H.  31,  i ;  GK.ii;^.  In 
fH®  the  waw  cons,  construction  is  continued,  notwithstanding  the  break 
caused  by  the  insertion  of  "m  rjxn,  K6.  368  b.  —  nwajn  S>n]  The  chiastic  order 
again,  for  emphasis  and  variety;  instead  of  nix  with  ace.  of  person  (e.g. 
Gn.  26n),the  rarer  construction  of  Vj;  (still  more  rare  are  Sx  and  S)  is  used 
(cf.  also  Gn.  216  i  K.  243  Is.  56  Na.  i14) ;  the  thing  forbidden  is  here  (according 
to  the  present  text)  introduced  by  nnxS  (sometimes  with  h  and  the  inf.  e.g. 
Je.  I36).  —  1X3  jn  Xs]  In  the  direct  form  of  one  of  the  "ten  words,"  the  negative 
separated  from  the  verb  by  the  disjunctive  accent,  hence  dag.  lene  in  r,  GK. 
21  b;  not  an  entreaty,  in  which  case  ^x  would  have  been  used,  but  an  absolute 
command,  as  if  from  heaven  itself,  H.  41,  I  a,  b  ;  GK.  107  o.  —  11  b.  ^xn] 
The  interrogative  is  for  rhetorical  effect,  K6.  371^;  HN  (=  really)  giving 
special  stress  to  the  following  fx,  cf.  Gn.  i813.  —  DXJ]  This  word  occurs  about 
370  times  in  the  O.  T.,  being  especially  frequent  in  Je.  (171  times),  in  Ez.  (86 
times),  and  in  Am.  (21  times).  It  is  distinctively  a  prophetic  word,  appear 
ing  in  all  the  prophets  except  Hb.,  Jon.,  and  Dn.,  and  occurring  outside  of 
prophetic  literature  only  three  times,  viz.  Ps.  362  no1  Pr.  3O1.  It  is  followed 
by  the  divine  name  everywhere  except  in  Nu.  24,  where  it  is  used  of  Balaam; 
in  2  S.  231,  of  David;  in  Pr.  3O1,  of  Agur  (a  doubtful  text);  in  Ps.  362,  of 
transgression  personified;  and  in  Je.  2331,  where  it  is  used  as  a  cognate 
accusative.  DXJ  usually  comes  at  the  close  of  a  prophetic  statement  or  occurs 
parenthetically  in  the  midst  of  one;  it  introduces  the  utterance  only  in  Nu.  24 
2  S.  23!  Is.  i24  568  Zc.  I21  Ps.  362  no1  Pr.  3O1.  It  is  a  noun  of  the  form 
qu(ul\\\iQ  Siaa,  irim,  etc.  (so  Earth  NB.  82  e\  K6.  II.  I  p.  501);  rather  than 
a  pass.  ptcp.  (Dr.,  and  most  of  the  older  authorities).  The  root  does  not 
occur  in  Hebrew  in  any  other  form  (except  Je.  2331,  where  it  is  a  denomina 
tive  vb.),  but  cf.  Arab,  ncfama  —groan,  sigh,  murmur,  whisper,  etc.  Hence 
ex:  probably  denoted  the  divine  communication  as  imparted  secretly  and  mys 
teriously;  cf.  the  phenomena  indicated  as  accompanying  the  communication 
of  Yahweh's  word  to  Balaam  (Nu.  243f-  15f);  the  phrase  "uncover  the  ear" 
used  of  God  speaking  to  man  (i  S.  915  Jb.  3316,  etc.);  and  Eliphaz's  descrip 
tion  of  the  revelation  given  to  him  (Jb.  412).  DXJ  is  the  strongest  word 
denoting  prophetic  utterance  and  especially  marks  its  divine  character;  it  is 
best  rendered  oracle.  Cf.  BDB.,  BSZ. 

13-16.  The  impending  calamity.  The  charge  of  wickedness 
has  been  made  (vs.8"10) ;  the  futile  efforts  of  Yahvveh  to  save  the 
nation  have  been  narrated  (vs.11 12) ;  the  end  has  now  come  ;  Israel, 


60  AMOS 

for  her  sins,  must  suffer  :  (i)  Yahweh  will  bring  a  great  calamity  ; 
(2)  the  strongest  will  not  be  able  to  escape  ;  (3)  the  swiftest  and 
most  courageous  will  fall. 

This  piece,  forming  the  last  of  the  dreadful  trilogy,  goes  back  to  the  trim 
eter  movement.  The  movement  then  becomes  short  and  quick,  as  if  by  its 
very  form  to  foretell  the  coming  doom.  In  view  of  (i)  the  difficulties  sug 
gested  by  v.13  (».z.);  (2)  the  serious  interruption  of  thought  between  TDJ? 
and  -ONI  (v.14);  and  (3)  the  irregularity  of  the  first  strophe  as  compared 
with  the  peculiar  symmetry  which  elsewhere  characterizes  the  form  of  these 
chapters,  there  seems  to  be  good  reason  for  assuming  the  loss  of  a  part  of  the 
text,  perhaps  one  or  two  lines,  of  the  first  strophe.  On  the  other  hand  a  com 
plete  strophe  of  four  trimeters  may  be  obtained  by  dividing  as  follows  :  — 

•OJN  run  [pS] 


•pop 
This  arrangement  would  be  fatal  to  Gun.'s  interpretation  (ZM.). 

13.  njn]  (g  logically  reads  pV,  5td  TOUTO,  before  this,  pS  having  dropped 
out,  because  of  the  frequency  with  which  njn  is  employed  as  an  introductory 
particle,  cf.  run  pSi,  Is.  87.  —  P^E]  <&  Kv\lw;  <§A  /cwXtfw;  'A.  Tptf^<rw;  U 
strideboj  j§  /  will  press  (same  root  as  in  Hebrew).  Hi.  p">CD  (so  also  St., 
Or.  (?),  We.,  Gr.,  Val.,  Dr.  (?),  Now.,  BOB.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Oct.).  —  p>;n]  <§ 
KiA/erat;  'A.  rpffei;  %  Cresses;  F  stridet.  Hi.  pion  (so  St.,  We.,  Dr., 
Now.,  BDB.,  Oct.,  et  al.}.  Gr.  p^on  (so  e.g.  Elh.,  Lohr).  —  nSjpn]  Some  suggest 
nSjyn.  —  nS]  Gun.  om.  as  dittograph.  —  15  a.  icy  .  .  .  E>orn]  Belongs  with 
v.14,  in  strophe  2;  this  arrangement  is  demanded  by  the  meaning,  as  well  as 
by  the  versification.  —  14.  Spc]  <§  <?>c  Spo^ws;  'A.  and  6.  KovQov;  1&  S^piD. 
Gr.  D^pc.  V.15  is  om.  in  some  Mss.  of  Kenn.  and  deR.,  and  in  the  Arabic, 
probably  because  of  the  similar  endings  of  v.14  and  v.15  as  now  separated.  — 

«*  y       A* 

15  b.  taSn^]  read  aSo",  as  in  (5  5ia<ra>0?7,  &  J^sAJ,  3T  3?r??^»  TS  salvabitur 
(so  Hi.,  Gr.,  Seb.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Elh.,  Oort  (£/«.),  Oct.,  Hirscht).  Zeydner 
(7%5/.,  IV.  201  ff.;  so  also  Now.)  regards  the  words  from  Spi  (v.15)  to  omaw 
(v.16)  as  a  later  addition  (^.«.),  while  Lohr  om.  v.15  entirely  as  late;  so 
Hirscht  (with  some  hesitation)  ;  but  cf.  Je.  469.  Oct.  is  inclined  to  om.  Spi 
IPDJ  .  .  .  (v.15);  v.  Baumann,  31.  —  16.  "m  ^DNI]  @  /cat  6  /cparaids  o«)  ^ 
cvpr)<rei  rrjv  KapSiav  af>rov  iv  5vva<rTeiais,  for  which  Wkl.  (Untersuch.  184  f.), 
proposes  this  original  text  :  rvn-iaaD  i^S  nyv  ^S  ^-«CNI  =  "  the  stouthearted  — 
his  heart  will  forget  heroic  deeds."  <§,  according  to  Wkl.,  read  sV  as  N^  and 
gave  rw  its  Aramaic  sense,  find.  —  Dmaja]  &  =  maw.  ©A  Kal  cu/o^crei  T^V 
Kapdlav  (omitting  6  Kparcubs  ov  /*r?),  similarly  @Qr  and  Syr  -Hex.,  Kal 


II.  13-16  6l 

ij  KapSla  ffov;  and  @Bab  om.  ofl  yicrj.  In  view  of  these  facts  Hirscht  regards 
the  original  text  as  being  NXDI  which  was  corrected  to  pCNi;  ©  transl.  both 
and  since  the  result  was  in  conflict  with  the  preceding  vs.  added  the  negative 
of  his  own  accord.  Similarly  Vol.,  but  v.  Stek. 

13.  I  will  make  you  groan  in  your  places  just  as  the  threshing 
wagon  makes  the  (floor)  filled  with  sheaves  to  groan]  This  is  Hoff 
mann's  rendering,*  and  is  the  best  of  the  many  (v.i.)  that  have 
been  proposed.  There  is  nothing  in  the  words  themselves,  or  in 
the  context,  to  suggest  an  earthquake.!  The  writer's  mind  is  filled 
with  war,  the  coming  of  which  (cf.  527  67-14  79-17  89f-14)  shall  make 
men  cry  out  in  their  misery.  The  appropriate  manifestation  for 
such  grief  would  be  uttering  of  groans,  which  not  improperly  might 
be  compared  by  the  farmer-prophet  to  the  creaking  and  groaning 
of  the  threshing-floor  under  the  weight  of  the  threshing-sledge  and 
its  full  supply  of  sheaves.  This  does  not  differ  essentially  in  thought 
from  the  more  common  interpretation,  /  will  press  your  place,  as 
the  wagon  that  is  full  of  sheaves  presses  \  what  is  under  //§  or  on 
the  earth  ;  \\  or,  I  will  press  that  which  is  among  you  as  a  wagon 
which  is  loaded  (with  stones}  presses  the  sheaves  ;  ^[  or,  I  will  press 
down  upon  you  as  a  wagon  presses  that  is  full  of  sheaves  ;  **  or,  / 
will  make  it  totter  (p^Bfc)  beneath  you  as  a  cart  tottereth  that  is 
full  of  sheaves  (v.s.} .  The  lack  of  clearness  here  is  probably  to  be 
explained  by  the  loss  of  a  part  of  the  strophe.  —  14,  15  a.  Then 
shall  refuge  fail  the  swift"]  Cf.  916.  The  strophe  beginning  with 
these  words  presents,  in  four  sharp  utterances,  the  utter  lack  of  hope 
of  any  deliverance.  Neither  the  swift  (Je.  25^  466  Jb.  1 120),  nor  the 
strong  (Pr.  245),  nor  the  hero,  experienced  in  war,  nor  the  armed 
man,  skilled  in  handling  the  bow  (Je.  469),  shall  find  refuge,  or  be 
able  to  assert  his  strength,  or  rescue  himself,  or  stand  (Ps.  I0226 
Dn.  ii6-8;  also  Je.  4621  Na.  28),  when  the  great  calamity  shall  come. 
Everything  in  which  men  at  such  times  trust  shall  fail,  viz.  swiftness, 
strength,  experience,  and  skill  in  the  use  of  weapons  of  war.  — 
15,  b,  c,  16.  And  the  swift  of  foot  shall  not  rescue  himself]  Cf. 
2  S.  i2-3  218  i  Ch.  i28.  This  strophe,  omitted  in  some  Mss.  (v.s.), 
repeats  the  same  idea  in  largely  the  same  words,  though  differently 

*  ZAW.  III.  100 f.       J  Crocius,  Schro.,Ges.       ||  Schlier,  Ke.       **  Ew.,  GAS. 
t  Cf.  Mit.  96  f.  }  So  Hd.  H  Geb. 


62  AMOS 

arranged.  This  is  not  a  later  insertion  (v.s.)  ;  the  poet  would 
picture  again,  with  monotonous  vividness,  the  impossibility  of 
escape.  Does  the  phrase  shall  flee  away  naked]  (i.e.  having  aban 
doned  his  weapons,  armor,  or  dress  which  might  embarrass  him) 
contradict  what  has  been  said  concerning  the  impracticability  of 
any  effort  to  escape  ?  No,  for  flight  here  means  rout,  not  escape. 
But  upon  the  whole  strophe  and  its  correspondence  to  the  pre 
ceding,  v.t.  —  In  that  day\  The  day  which  was  always  uppermost 
in  the  mind  of  the  prophet,  the  day  of  Yahweh,  described  more 
fully  in  518. 

13.  run]  For  other  cases  of  nin  used  to  introduce  a  solemn  utterance, 
cf.  Gn.  617  Is.  714. —  <l?'^]  Emphatic  and  in  contrast  with  the  suffix  in  D.^nnru 
otherwise  the  more  common  ••jn  would  be  used;  cf.  Gn.  2413  Ex.  423. 
—  jvpn  .  .  .  p^p]  The  ptcp.  used  here  of  the  immediate  future,  H.  27,  2c'y 
GK.  116  d;  Dr.  §  135,  3.  This  a.  X.  has  given  rise  to  many  and  widely  differ 
ent  interpretations,  the  chief  of  which  may  be  classified:  (i)  Those  in  which 
P-IJ?  is  given  the  meaning  of  the  Aramaic  p-ix  press,  cf.  the  derivative  npp 
Ps.  554,  nppis  Ps.  6611:  (a}  both  verbs  taken  transitively:  /  will  press 
you  down  (for  this  use  of  rm  cf.  Jb.  3616)  as  a  wagon  (or,  a  cow}  presses, 
etc.  (Doderlein,  Ew.,  GAS.  v.s.};  or,  I  will  make  narrow  the  place  for  you,  etc. 

(Riickert) ;  or  (=  Arab.  (J^fr),  I  will  cut  in  pieces,  as  a  threshing  roller,  etc. 
(BSZ.  s.v.  pip)  ;  (b}  the  first  verb  trans.,  the  second  intrans. :  I  will  press  you 
doivn  as  a  wagon  is  pressed  down,  i.e.  gives  way  (Va.,  De  Wette,  Ros., 
Mau.) ;  (c}  both  verbs  intrans. :  /  am  pressed  under  you  as  a  wagon  is 
pressed,  etc.  (Cal.,  Ba.,  Pu.).  (2)  Those  in  which  pip  is  translated  creak, 
groan  (cf.  Arab.  ^^Xfc),  then  tremble,  totter :  (a)  I  groan  under  you  as 
the  wagon  groans  (Os.,  cf.  'A.  and  £T,  v.s.} ;  (b}  I  will  make  you  cry  out, 
etc.  (Jus.,  Hoffm.  v.s.}.  Against  which  Now.  urges  the  unsuitableness  of 
the  thought  as  preparatory  to  v.14;  the  uncertainty  of  the  readings  in  Ps.  6611 
and  55*  cited  in  comparison;  the  difficulty  of  making  njODn  an  ace.,  and  of 
omitting  pjn.  (3)  Those  involving  change  of  text :  (a}  I  will  make  it 
tremble  under  you  as  the  wagon  trembles  (v.s.},  by  changing  pip  to  pio  (cf. 
I  S.  2™,  >:oS  for  ^cpS;  2  S.  246,  fs*  for  ]-;•<};  (b)  I  will  make  it  tremble  under 
you  as  the  full  wagon  makes  the  sheaves  tremble,  with  -PDp  as  object,  and  rh 
omitted  (Gun.).  (4)  pip  =  Arab.  £*'*•£>  withdraw,  flee  away ;  I  will  cause 

your  place  to  yield  as  the  wagon  breaks  down  that  is  full,  etc.  (Hi.'s  later  view), 
the  reference  being  to  the  earthquake  of  I1,  though  the  words  were  probably  not 
spoken,  but  written  afterward.  The  great  majority  of  these  interpretations  are 
based  upon  the  conception  of  an  earthquake  (v.s.}.  (5)  pip  =  Arab.  ^J)«.fc, 
hinder,  I  will  cause  a  stoppage  under  you  as  the  threshing  sledge  (Is.  2827f)  stops 
(i.e.  no  longer  turns)  which  is  choked  with  straw;  cf.  <SA  (v.s.}  (Wetzstein,  ZAW. 


II.  16  63 

III.  278).—  Hal.  renders  nm]  as  "  body,"  citing  lib.  316  Zc.  612.  —  -»tt'S?]  The 
prep,  governing  the  antecedent  of  the  relative,  not  the  relative;  cf.  H-46,  3<r); 
K6.  63;  GK.  138^.  —  p^n]  Impf.  of  indef.  freq.  action,  II.  21,3;  Dr.  §33^; 
GK.  107  g.  —  '"iN^cn]  The  art.  with  ptcp.  equiv.  to  a  rel.  clause,  H.  4,  3/5  Dr. 
§  135,  7;  on  the  Qal.  ptcp.  of  stative  verbs,  GK.  50  £,  d.  —  n^]  For  another  case 
of  ethical  dative  with  ptcp.  cf.  -h  1^3  Ho.  89;  H.  n,  2<r;  GK.  1195;  K6.  36; 
Ew.8  217,  2,  2)  «)  3);  Dr.  Dt.  10  f,  1  6.  Note  Gun.'s  suggestion  that  nS  is  a 
dittograph  of  the  last  syllable  of  the  preceding  word  (cf.  K6.  402  /).  —  -ppy] 
Either  ace.  after  nxSon,  i.e.  ace.  of  spec.  (cf.  K6.  3277),  or  ace.  after  p>j?n 
(Gun.).  —  14.  p  .  .  .  n3Ni]  The  i  is  consequential,  following  the  ptcp.  H.  25,  5; 
Dr.  §  113  (i);  GK.  n6x.  p  with  -ON,  cf.  Je.  2535  Jb.  n20  Ps.  I425.  —  SpJ 
Standing  alone,  even  without  the  article,  used  as  a  superlative  (so  Va.; 
GK.  133^).  —  Dijp]  So  far  as  form  is  concerned,  either  flight  (so  Ke.,  Val.), 
the  noun  with  D  having  the  force  of  the  verb,  or  place  of  flight,  refuge  (Pu., 
Gun.),  the  a  denoting  place;  GK.  8$e;  Earth,  NB.  160  c.  —  15  a.  npn  iron 
iby  N^]  i.e.  shall  perish,  or  shall  be  put  to  flight.  —  15,  6,  c.  A  comparison 
of  the  second  and  third  strophes,  14-  15a-  and  156'c>  shows  a  general  purpose  on 
the  part  of  the  writer  to  repeat  the  thought  with  the  same  words  arranged  in 
a  somewhat  striking  manner.  If  ony  might  be  pointed  D-nj?  (skilled}  rather 
than  on^,  and  two  or  three  transpositions  made,  the  similarities  of  the 
strophes  would  become  still  more  striking,  the  parallelism  more  perfect,  and 
^  better  sense  gained.  The  following  is  suggested  as  a  plausible  conjecture  :  — 

*?ps  DUS  -asi  B{?D?  N1? 

IPD  VDN-"  N^  prm  om3J3 


>3  DU>  Dion  33^ 

Note  that  after  the  first  clause,  those  that  remain  are  circumstantial,  adding, 
in  a  subordinate  way,  details  to  the  main  picture.  This  may  in  part  be  repro 
duced  by  the  use  of  the  conjunction  while;  H.  45,  I  c  ;  GK.  156^;  Dr. 
§  162. 

Zeydner  (T/iS/.,  1886,  pp.   201  f.)  supposes  that  214-16  contains  several 
glosses,  and  that,  these  being  rejected,  the  original  text  was  :  — 


fohi 
n  oi»3  D-ir  on 


16.  nS  v^xi]  The  stoutest  of  heart,  an  epexegetical  genitive,  really  super 
lative;  GK.  128*;  cf.  K6.  336  /&.  —  any]  According  to  iftfl&  an  ace.  of  state, 
H-  33,45  GK.  nSn;  K6.  332^. 


64  AMOS 

Summary.  A  judgment  on  Israel :  (i)  The  nation  has  sinned 
grievously,  treating  the  poor  and  needy  unjustly,  and  oppressing 
them  beyond  all  measure  ;  until  her  behavior  has  become  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world  a  profanation  of  Yahweh's  holy  name.  (2)  This 
moral  condition  is  due  to  no  lack  of  effort  on  Yahweh's  part;  since 
he  had  led  Israel  out  of  Egypt  into  Canaan,  had  driven  out  the 
Canaanites  before  her,  and  had  given  teachers  who  should  declare 
righteousness  to  her;  but  all  his  care  had  been  without  result. 
(3)  For  her  sins  Israel  must  suffer,  the  nation  shall  perish;  none, 
not  even  the  swiftest  and  strongest,  shall  escape. 

§  5.  The  roar  of  the  lion ;  destruction  is  coming.  31"8.  The 
prophet's  first  message  concerning  Israel's  future  has  been  de 
livered.  The  people,  very  naturally,  refuse  to  credit  his  state 
ments.  Yahweh  is  not  likely,  in  their  opinion,  to  desert  his  own 
nation.  Everything,  politically  considered,  seems  to  be  prosperous. 
Disaster  of  any  kind  is  far  removed  from  their  thoughts.  The 
leaders  are  blind  to  the  actual  situation.  To  meet  this  condition 
of  things,  the  prophet  delivers  what  may  be  regarded  as  the  most 
striking  of  all  his  utterances,  viz.  31-8.  The  ordinary  view  *  which 
makes  this  passage  an  explanation  of  the  prophet's  mission,  upon 
the  ground  that  he  was  compelled  by  Yahweh's  power  to  speak, 
although  against  his  will,  does  not  bear  close  examination. 

The  strophic  arrangement  of  3 1~8  is  2,  4, 4, 4,  and  2  lines,  each  line  a  pentame 
ter,  a  movement  better  adapted  to  the  thought  than  the  trimeter.  Strophe  2 
seems  to  have  lost  one  of  its  four  lines,  the  restoration  of  which  (something 
like,  But  you  have  forsaken  and  rejected  Yahweh  your  God}  greatly  aids  in  se 
curing  an  intelligible  interpretation.  The  effort  of  D.  H.  Miiller  f  to  connect 
these  vs.  C1"8),  as  two  strophes,  with  a  third  strophe  (vs.9"12),  in  each  of  which 
there  is  an  allusion  to  the  "  lion  "  in  the  last  line  but  one,  seems  arbitrary  when 
one  measures  the  last  line  of  the  proposed  third  strophe,  and  observes  that, 
in  order  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  theory,  in  other  words,  to  get  in  "  the 
lion,"  he  makes  it  twice  the  length  of  any  other  line.  Cf.  the  arrangement  by 
Lohr  which  makes  vs.  1~IQ  consist  of  three  strophes  of  10,  6,  and  6  lines  re 
spectively,  involves  the  omission  of  Vs.16-4b-56and  7  and  the  transposition  of6" 
to  follow  6b,  and  disregards  the  irregularity  of  the  length  of  the  lines  thereby 
secured.  See  also  Baumann,  35  ff.  Marti  treats  v.3  as  a  gloss. 

*  This  is  held  by  nearly  all  the  commentators;  v.  the  partial  list  of  opinions 
given.  t  Die  Propheten,  I.  70  f. 


III.  I  65 

III.  1-3.  A  message  against  the  nation  which  Yahweh  brought  up 
out  of  Egypt  :  You  were  chosen  for  a  special  work  ;  but  you  have 
forsaken  Yahweh,  therefore  you  shall  be  punished  for  your  iniqui 
ties  ',  for  there  must  be  agreement  between  a  nation  and  its  God. 

1.  Strophe  I  (v.1)  is  made  up  of  two  pentameters,  and  forms  the  introduc 
tion.  —  'i">  •'jj]  is  really  superfluous  after  D^y  and  before  'crr^D  S>,  and,  since 
it  lengthens  the  line  unduly,  may  well  be  regarded  as  a  gloss.  —  >ja]  Some 
Mss.  have  no,  so  <5  of/cos,  and  Syr.-Hex.  (so  also  Get.)  ;  cf.  211  312  45  97  with 
51-  2  6U  710  99.  —  'on  So  *?>]  ©  connects  with  foregoing  by  /ecu.  Lohr  and  Marti 
omit  lb  as  an  interpolation  due  to  a  desire  to  make  the  following  speech  refer  to 
Judah  as  well  as  to  Israel.  In  favor  of  this  might  be  urged  (see  Seesemann, 
Lohr;  cf.  Baumann)  :  (i)  that  the  sentence  is  complete  with  la;  (2)  16 
drags  a  little;  (3)  the  change  of  person,  from  Yahweh  to  I,  is  a  little  awk 
ward;  (4)  this  expresses  briefly  Amos's  theory  of  divine  justice,  but  this 
theory  in  the  vs.  that  follow  is  developed  and  applied  only  to  Israel,  not  to 
Judah;  (5)  Amos  never  uses  noxV  to  introduce  a  divine  oracle.  But  this  con 
clusion  is  not  necessary.  Amos  develops  his  thesis  only  against  Ephraim. 
but  it  is  not  impossible  that  in  the  theme  he  has  Judah  in  mind  also;  by 
means  of  an  addition  to  an  address  to  Ephraim  he  briefly  indicates  that  what 
he  is  about  to  say  in  v.2  applies  to  Judah  as  well  as  Israel.  It  is  not  his 
function,  however,  to  apply  it  especially  to  Judah  (so  Seesemann).  Since  v.3 
is  synonymous  with  v.26,  this  interpretation  (#./.)  solving  what  has  already 
become  a  difficult  problem  (Oort,  7/&7'.  XIV.,  121  f.,  138,  failing  to  find  any 
connection  between  v.2  and  v.3,  and  considering  the  "particularism"  of  v.2 
inconsistent  with  the  catholic  spirit  of  Amos,  regards  vs.1-  2  as  an  interpola 
tion  ;  while  Now.  treats  3s-8  as  having  no  logical  relation  to  31-  2),  in  order  to 
secure  a  logical  antecedent  for  v.26  and,  at  the  same  time,  make  the  structure 
of  strophe  2  complete,  I  would  suggest  that  such  a  line  as,  But  you  have  for 
saken  Yahweh,  your  God,  once  formed  a  part  of  the  text.  —  2.  ,-n]  <§  TrXrjv; 
S.  fjibvovi.  —  Tiy-r]  Gr.  ^J^-  —  'iro  Soc]  &  precedes  this  with  the  phrase 
"  from  all  the  peoples,"  which  is  probably  a  marginal  note,  explaining  nnoiPD, 
that  has  crept  into  the  text  (so  Seb.).  —  DD\~nji>]  @  rds  d/iaprias  (some  codd. 

*     7    ••  7 
/ca/a'as)  ;    'A.   d^o/Aias;     S.    dSiKtas;     0.    aaepelas;    J5   ^a^^Guu;     {£    fo^n; 

U  iniquitates,  —  3.  nrv]    (§  ewl  rd  aurd  Ka66\ov.  —  nyu  DN]   @  ta.v  fjt.rj  yvupl- 
roys  (=  ijnu),  so  Marti;   but  'A.  ffwrd^bJivai;    G.  (rvi>£\0u<rt.i>. 


1.  The  form  of  statement  is  intended  to  arouse  the  attention 
of  the  people,  cf.  313  41  51  84  ;  the  prophet,  according  to  fH2T,  ad 
dresses  himself  to  the  sons  of  Israel~\  by  whom  he  ordinarily  means 
Northern  Israel  ;  *  but  here  he  adds,  as  if  by  an  afterthought,  the 

*  So  here  Cal.,  Bauer,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ew. 


66  AMOS 

whole  family  that  I  brought  up,  etc.],  thus  giving  to  the  common 
phrase  a  larger  meaning.*  A  better  sense  is  gained  by  treating 
ISP  'as  as  a  gloss,  v.s.  Cf.  for  this  use  of  family,  v.2,  Je.  83  Mi.  23. 
This  phrase  "  reminded  Israel  proper  that  any  preeminence  among 
the  nations  of  which  they  might  boast  was  the  inheritance  of  all 
the  sons  of  Jacob,  and  it  reminded  Judah  that  any  danger  that 
threatened  Israel  threatened  them  also,  so  far  as  they  had  been 
guilty  of  similar  transgressions."!  The  word  uttered  is  against^ 
not  simply  in  reference  to  the  nation  Israel;  and  here,  as  fre 
quently  among  the  prophets,  there  is  the  fond  allusion  to  the 
time  when  Yahweh  brought  her  up  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt~\  i.e. 
the  time  when  Israel  really  became  a  nation.  So  intense  has  the 
thought  of  the  prophet  become  that  he  identifies  himself  with 
Yahweh.  —  2.  You  only  have  I  known]  Not,  acknowledge  J  as  of  the 
elect,  nor  take  notice  of=  love  §  (cf.  Ho.  i35  Ps.  i6  Jb.  24")  ;  with 
the  following  preposition  from,  the  idea  is  to  distinguish  from,  to 
choose,  as  in  Gn.  i819  Je.  i5  Is.  583.  This  thought  is  found  also  in 
Dt.  f  i42  281-8-13-14  Ps.  i4719-20.  The  doctrine  that  Israel  has 
been  chosen  by  Yahweh  for  a  particular  service  to  the  world  lies 
at  the  basis  of  every  expression  of  Hebrew  thought.  Nor  is  it 
paralleled  by  a  similar  doctrine  among  other  nations  ;  in  any  case, 
the  teaching  took  a  stronger  hold  of  Israel.  This  thought,  car 
ried  too  far,  furnished  the  basis  for  a  superstition  almost  as  deadly 
as  any  of  those  which  the  Israelitish  religion  was  to  displace. 
Against  this  superstition  the  prophets  contend.  The  choice  of 
Israel  by  Yahweh,  they  maintain,  is  not  unconditional.  Israel  must 
cherish  the  right  mind  toward  Yahweh,  or  punishment  will  come  ; 
and  when  it  comes,  it  will  be  all  the  more  severe  because  of  the 
special  privileges  which  she  has  enjoyed.  Was  this  idea  true?  or 
was  it  a  fancy  of  the  Hebrew  people?  To  answer  this  question  is 
to  place  an  estimate  upon  the  whole  prophetic  work.  The  thought 
of  v.2a  suggests  the  idea  of  failure  on  the  part  of  Israel  to  fulfil 
the  divine  purpose  (cf.  Ho.  410  Je.  519  Dt.  3i16  i  S.  i523  2  K.  i;15) 
because  she  has  rejected  Yahweh  ;  and  now  I  will  visit  upon  you  all 
your  iniquities']  (cf.  Ex.  2o5  Je.  59>29  n22  232,  etc.),  because,  Israel, 


*  Os.,  Geb.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  We.  J  Ke. 

f  Mit.  $  Now.,  Dr.,  Elh. 


III.  i-3  67 

you  have  rejected  the  unique  privileges  offered  you ;  because, 
although  specially  chosen,  and  given  a  knowledge  of  Yahweh's 
will  which  others  did  not  have,  you  have  shown  yourselves  un 
worthy.  Calamity  is  here,  as  everywhere,  pictured  as  a  visitation 
of  God.  Too  much  stress  must  not  be  placed  upon  all,  which 
does  not  imply  that,  while  all  of  Israel's  sins  shall  be  punished, 
some  of  those  of  less  favored  nations  might  be  overlooked.*  Israel's 
punishment,  declares  the  prophet,  will  be  the  more  severe  because 
her  sins  have  been  more  heinous ;  the  "  all "  refers  to  the  sins  of 
the  nation  many  times  repeated.  If,  now,  Yahweh  and  Israel 
have  no  longer  anything  in  common,  can  there  be  harmony  and 
cooperation  as  in  the  past?  —  3.  Can  (they}  two  walk  together,  if 
they  be  not  agreed?^  If,  on  the  one  hand,  Israel  has  left  Yahweh, 
and  if,  on  the  other,  he  is  planning  for  Israel  terrible  punishment, 
what  will  be  the  issue?  The  prophet  sees,  what  other  men  of  his 
times  do  not  see,  viz.  the  dissolution  of  the  covenant  relationship 
which  has  hitherto  existed  between  Israel  and  Yahweh.  In  the 
remaining  strophes  he  proceeds  to  develop  this  thought.  The 
interpretations  which  connect  v.3  with  what  follows,  and  make  it 
to  be  the  thought  of  the  whole,  that  everything  has  a  definite 
cause  and  works  out  an  ordained  result  (e.g.  that  two  persons, 
seen  walking  together  in  the  wild  moorlands  of  Tekoa,  must  have 
arranged  their  meeting  beforehand,  i.e.  have  agreed  to  be  to 
gether,  cf.  Jos.  ii5  Jb.  2n),t  and  that  the  presence  of  the  prophet 
against  his  will  indicates  a  plan  of  action  formed  against  them 
by  Yahweh  himself,  |  proceed  from  a  wrong  point  of  view.  No 
tice  should  be  taken  of  that  other  class  of  interpretations  in 
which  a  special  allusion  is  found  in  sniro  to  the  agreement  be 
tween  Yahweh  and  the  prophet,  conveying  authority  to  the  latter,  § 
or  the  agreement  between  Joel  and  Amos,  ||  or  the  agreement 
among  all  the  prophets,  an  agreement  which  indicated  the  truth 
of  their  message  as  coming  from  the  Holy  Spirit,!"  this  assertion 
of  their  authority  being  rendered  necessary  because  the  proph 
ets  had  been  forbidden  (212)  to  prophesy.**  That  the  verse 

*  So  Ke.  ||  Munster. 

f  Va.,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Mit.,  Now.,  GAS.,  et  al.  IT  Os. 

t  St.  **  Ros.,  Pu. 
§  Cal,,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Ke.,  Or. 


68  AMOS 

refers  to  the  relation  between  Yahweh  and  his  people  was  rightly 
taught  by  Grotius,  Gebhard,  Marck,  Harenberg,  Justi,  Schroder, 
Henderson,  Pusey. 

!•  i"1!?  "^in'rs  WCB']  does  not  mark  a  formal  division  of  the  matter  (cf. 
41  51  ;  contra  Mit.)  ;  the  prophet  both  at  the  beginning  and  in  the  middle  of 
his  utterances  frequently  uses  this,  or  a  similar  phrase,  to  arouse  attention.  — 
-i;p]  Pf.  of  indef.  past,  H.  17,  3;  Dr.  §  9.  —  DD^>;]  The  prep,  is  not  used 
simply  as  a  dat.  (Va.  ;  cf.  Gn.  216),  nor  does  it  mean  in  reference  to  (suggested 
by  Va.);  the  common  force  against  is  more  appropriate  (Ros.  and  most 
comm.).  —  nn-sippn-*?-]  On  SD  totality  oj  \  H.  5,  I  a,  (i).  On  form  of  'pen,  Earth 
NB.  161  a  ;  used  in  this  strophe  in  both  its  narrower  and  wider  sense,  fa  mily 
and  nation  ;  on  its  derivation  from  not?  pour  out,  v.  BSZ.  868.  —  vnSyn]  On  the 
sudden  change  of  person,  see  K6.  Stil.  249.  —  onxn  px]  Appos.  annexion, 
H.  8,  3<r;  GK.  128  /£.  —  2.  D^PN]  Emphatic,  (i)  in  standing  before  its  vb. 
rather  than  as  a  suffix  in  connection  with  it,  thus  furnishing  one  of  the  neces 
sary  usages  of  PN,  H.  u,  2b,  (i),  GK.  II7<?;  (2)  in  being  preceded  by  \>~\.  — 
VI5H']  Not  a  stat.  pf.  do  I  know,  but  a  pres.  pf.  have  I  chosen;  H.  17,  2  ;  Dr. 
§  8  ;  GK.  io6g,  an  act  of  the  past  the  consequences  of  which,  at  least  in 
part,  continue  down  to  and  include  the  present.  —  I~~L'>]  Implying  a  statement 
of  Israel's  abandonment  of  Yahweh.  —  ipD«]  A  future  impf.  H.  22,  i;  GK.  107  i; 
Dr.  §  29.  —  mr>J  Strictly  error,  cf.  the  vb.  in  2  S.  y14  2417,  etc.,  and  Dr.  on 
I  S.  2030.  —  3.  inn:]  Fuller  vnir  (Je.  4612-21  493)  ;  lit.,  in  his  unities,  ace. 
of  manner  (Earth"  'ZDMG.  XLII.  356),  GK.  1  18  q,  Ols.  135  c\  cf.  Gn.  226-  8.  — 
ON  <ini^3]  From  n^s  cstr.  with  archaic  ending  t,  H.  41  rm.  e\  GK.  90  m\  Sta. 
§  343  ;  found  in  Phoen.  (Tabnith  inscr.  5)  as  conj.  ;  without  DX,  Is.  10* 
Gn.  438;  cf.  K6.  392  a.  —  nyu]  lit.  they  have  made  an  appointment  (cf. 
lyiD  appointed  time}. 

4,  5.  The  roar  of  the  enemy  may  even  now  be  heard  ;  Israel, 
unconscious  of  the  fact,  is  already  within  the  toils. 

In  a  double  figure,  that  of  a  lion  and  his  prey,  and  that  of 
a  bird  and  its  hunter,  the  situation  of  Israel,  in  the  prophet's 
times,  is  portrayed.  This  situation  is  the  result  of  the  separation 
of  Israel  from  Yahweh.  The  difficulty  lies  in  the  fact  that  Israel 
as  a  nation  has  long  been  deaf  to  the  roaring  of  the  lion,  and 
blind  to  the  hunter  and  his  snare.  Only  the  prophet  hears  and 
sees. 

The  structure  of  strophe  3  is  clear. 


4.  n>"a]  ©  £K  TOV  SpvfMov  abrov.  —  injyDD]  Baumann  om.  —  131?]  <&  adds  rl. 
Lohr  om.  46.56  as  being  superfluous  both  in  form  and  thought.  —  5.  na  hy 
pxn]  (g  M  TT]V  yr)vt  which  suggests  either  the  omission  of  no  (so  Oort 


HI.  3-5  69 

ThT.  XIV.  134  and  Em.,  Gun,  Mit.,  Val.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Hirscht,  Lohr,  Oct., 
Baumann),  as  having  crept  in  by  mistake  from  the  last  clause  of  v.5,  or, 
better,  the  corruption  into  ns  of  an  original  \J3  (Perles).  —  tppic]  (gf  I&VTOV 
(=  i^pic,  or  efanp  Vol.)  ;  so  <&&;  Mit.  E^)",  but  cf.  Gun.  —  nS>'s]  ©  o-xao-^ererai, 
F  auferetur  (=  n^ri,  so  also  Gr.).  —  'xn-jc]  <§  ^TTI  r^s  7775. —  ToS^  xS]  <& 
adds  ri.  J5  om.  and  renders  ID1?),  P^*|o,  but  this  was  not,  as  Seb.,  basing  his 
idea  upon  a  certain  conception  of  the  passage,  suggests,  the  correct  text ;  for 
it  carries  with  it  lack  of  rhythm  and  of  good  meaning. 

4.  The  prophet  is  a  countryman  and  deals  with  phenomena 
which  are  familiar  to  him.  For  a  long  time  lions  have  not  fre 
quented  Palestine,  but  the  testimony  is  unquestioned  that  they 
were  common  down  to  the  Christian  era,  and  even  later.* — Does 
a  lion  roar  in  the  forest  when  there  is  no  prey  for  him']  i.e.  Does 
he  go  hunting  without  securing  something?  or  in  declarative  form, 
When  a  lion  roars,  his  prey  is  near  at  hand  ;  let  it  beware.  The 
second  member  is  only  a  variation  in  form  of  the  first :  The  young 
lion  does  not  utter  his  voice  unless  he  has  caught  something.  In 
the  prophet's  mind  the  people,  destined  to  suffer  for  their  sins,  are 
the  prey,  which  is  already,  in  vision,  in  the  possession  of  the  lion, 
whose  roar,  though  uttered,  the  prey  has  not  understood.  The 
prophet's  voice  is  one  of  warning  ;  and,  now,  with  change  of 
figure  we  hear  it  again  ;  and  this  time,  likewise,  it  is  a  figure  which 
appeals  to  a  countryman.  —  5.  Does  a  bird  fall  upon  the  ground, 
if  there  is  no  hunter?  or  does  a  snare  fly  up  without  catching 
anything?'}  Here,  as  Mitchell  observes,  "  the  order  of  thought  is 
reversed."  The  prophet,  with  his  keen  insight,  perceives  that 
already  the  bird  has  fallen,  the  snare  has  sprung  up.  It  follows, 
therefore,  that  there  is  a  hunter  near  at  hand,  invisible  perhaps, 
but  none  the  less  real.  Cannot  the  people  see  that  they  are 
entrapped,  that  they  are  already  within  the  toils  ? 

The  first  couplet  (v.4)  has  been  interpreted  (i)  as  one  of  several  illustra 
tions  of  the  principle  of  cause  and  effect ;  nothing  happens  by  chance ;  there 
is  always  a  cause  (Reu.,  Val.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.,  et  al,~} ;  (2)  as  describing 
Yahweh  under  the  figure  of  a  lion  (cf.  v.8,  also  i2,  Je.  2580  Ho.  II10;  and, 
on  the  roaring  of  the  lion,  cf.  Ps.  IO421  Is.  529  31*  Je.  215  Ez.  2226),  i.e. 
Yahweh's  roar  compels  me  to  prophesy  (Schro.,  Hi.),  or  Yahweh's  roar  indi- 

*  Cf.  Ju.  145  i  S.  17^  2  K.  1728  ;  Reland,  Palaestina,  I.  274;  Van  Lennep,  Bible 
Lands,  247  ;  G.  E.  Post,  art.  "  Lion,"  DB. 


70  AMOS 

cates  imminent  danger  (Cal.,  Os.,  Pu.)i  or  Yahweh's  roar  should  lead  to 
repentance  (Geb.),  or  Yahweh  does  not  threaten,  and  fail  to  send  punish 
ment  (Dathe,  Jus.,  Ros.).  It  is  suggested  by  some  (Ba.,  Hi.)  that  in  the 
first  clause  the  roaring  precedes  and  is  the  cause  of  capture  ;  while  in  the 
second,  it  is  a  different  roar,  viz.  that  which  accompanies  the  eating  and  so 
follows  as  the  result  of  the  capture.  According  to  Geb.  the  young  lion  is  the 
prophet  who  joins  with  Yahweh  in  threatening  punishment ;  Hd.  suggests  that 
the  subject  of  ^  must  be  nnx,  not  "por,  since  the  young  lion  in  the  den 
roars  only  when  the  old  lion  brings  home  the  prey ;  but  the  second  clause  is 
generally  understood  to  present  the  same  thought  as  the  first  (Ros.,  Ke., 
et  a/.).  Even  greater  difficulty  has  attended  the  interpretation  of  the  second 
couplet  :  (i)  a  bird  does  not  fall  upon  the  ground,  unless  there  be  to  it,  i.e. 
the  bird  (Hi.,  Mau.,  Ba.),  or  the  ground  (Hes.),  a  snare  (Cal.,  Os.,  Dat., 
Ros.),  or  a  fowler  (Luther,  Ba. );  in  other  words,  people  do  not  suffer  except 
because  of  sin  ;  or  calamity  never  comes  except  by  a  net  which  God  stretches 
(Cal.,  Os.,  Dat.),  or  calamity  comes  through  the  snare  of  Jeroboam's  false 
worship  (Geb.).  The  ns  of  v.5  6  is  "  the  large  net  of  the  bird-catcher  which  he 
has  to  draw  up  and  which  takes  a  number  of  birds  at  once"  (Ew.).  Hence, 
will  the  net  go  up,  i.e.  be  taken  away  (Ew.,  Hes.,  Mau.),  or  treating  n^J?l 
as  Hiph.,  will  the  fowler  remove  the  net  before,  etc.  (Cal.,  Geb.,  Jus.,  Schro. ; 
cf.  U) ;  while  many  understand  it  as  meaning,  the  net  does  not  spring  up 
unless  a  bird  has  entered  it  (Os.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.,  et  #/.).  From 
one  or  another  of  these  renderings,  the  thought  is  inferred  to  be  :  Yahweh 
will  surely  not  desist  until  his  threatenings  have  been  fulfilled  (Cal.,  Os.,  Ros., 
et «/.),  or  Israel  is  to  be  captured  by  the  fowler  Satan  (Geb.).  You  cannot 
escape  a  punishment  which  God  has  announced  through  the  prophets  (Dat.). 
Just  as  none  of  these  things  happen  without  a  cause,  so  the  prophet's  preach 
ing  is  not  without  cause  —  Yahweh  has  revealed  to  him  the  coming  calamity 
(so  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Marti,  et «/.). 

4.  nnx,  -PC?]  nnx  and  nx,  which  are  but  different  forms  of  the  same 
word  (Ols.  216  d,  Earth,  NB.  237),  are  the  usual  words  for  lion.  The  original 
meaning  is  probably  to  be  seen  in  the  Ethiopic  ACT,  wild  beast.  The  Arabic 

-«? 

l<  •  \  I ,  wild  goat,  is  a  different  specialization  of  the  same  idea.     Aram,  nnx, 

O    7 

Syr.  |^|,  Assyr.  aru,  all  mean  lion.     It  is  the  usual  word  in  Hebrew ;    N>aS 

»*»1   ••f°'» 

(Arab.  &«~y  &OJ,  Assyr.  labbu)  is  the  poetic  word  and  does  not  mean  dis 
tinctly  lioness  (the  old  view,  cf.  Ges.  Thes.  738)  although  in  some  cases  it  is 
feminine.  -Pfl2  is  the  young  lion,  but  old  enough  to  seek  prey,  thus  distin 
guished  from  -vu  the  cub,  usually  of  a  lion.  —  ^S  px  HT?.1.]  Circ.  clause,  cf.  v.5, 
•"7  px  irpirM,  H.  45,  i  d;  Dr.  §  159;  GK.  141  e. —  px]  Cstr.  before  n  GK. 
1520;  Ew.8  321  b;  Sta.  §  371  a.  —  ^p  frr]  Cf.  Vip  Ntw.  —  DX  viSa]  Cf.  v.3  ; 
GK.  163*-.  — 5.  -nov]  Here  fern.,  but  masc.  in  Ps.  IO28  Pr.  723 ;  cf.  K6. 
252  a.  —  ntyn]  On  the  various  constructions,  v.s.  —  tPpvs]  The  whole  bird- 


III.  6  71 

net  or  trap  is  probably  expressed  by  no  (cf.  Pr.  723  EC.  912),  consisting  of 
two  frames  covered  with  nets,  which  fly  together,  perhaps  the  lower  one 
flying  up,  when  the  trap  is  sprung,  irpio  is  either  the  mechanism  by  striking 
which  the  bird  springs  the  trap  (cf.  Wilkinson,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the 
Ancient  Egyptians,  I.  ser.  iii.  37 f.,  46;  Hoffm.  ZAW.  iii.  101  ;  BSZ.)  or, 
better  still,  the  bait  (BDB.,  Dr.);  in  any  case  not  a  synonym  of  r\s  (contra 
Mit.  and  Hirscht).  —  "HDS]  Inf.  abs.  prec.  the  finite  vb.,  intensifying  it ;  H.  28, 
30;  GK.  113  «,  q.  On  the  position  of  the  negative,  v.  K6.  352 /. 

6,  7.  The  calamity  comes  from  Yahweh  ;  but  Yahweh  always 
warns  ;  why,  then,  do  not  the  people  tremble  ? 

Having  announced  that  Yahweh  and  Israel  must  now  separate 
and  that  the  latter  is  to  be  punished  (strophe  2),  that  a  nation, 
even  at  this  time,  is  ready  to  pounce  down  upon  Israel  as  her  prey 
(strophe  3),  the  prophet,  in  strophe  4,  asks  :  Why,  when  the  alarm 
has  been  given,  do  the  people  not  tremble?  This  calamity,  so  soon 
to  burst  upon  them,  like  every  such  calamity,  is  from  Yahweh.  Do 
they  not  understand  that  Yahweh  sends  no  disaster  without  having 
previously  made  announcement  through  his  prophets  ? 

6.  The  structure  of  strophe  4  is  chiastic,  members  i  and  4  relating  to  the 
alarm,  members  2  and  3,  to  the  agency  of  Yahweh.  Nothing  can  be  more 
certain  than  the  close  relationship  of  these  two  couplets.  The  versions 
almost  unanimously  treat  CN  as  a  particle  of  condition.  —  "pps  n;n]  Hoffm., 
ijn  n>n  (w.z.). —  ntr;?]  Elh.  nr:.  Lohr  and  Baumann  transpose  v.6a  and  66. 
—  7.  Variations  exist  as  to  the  tense  rendering  of  nS>  .  .  .  w;*,  (§  TTOIT^T; 
.  .  .  clTro/cXtfi/'T? ;  U  facit  .  .  .  revelaverit ;  %  |-£i^  •  •  •  U-*-  —  <I"1"D]  ©  iraideiav 
(reading  a  formation  from  ~\D\  Vol.);  the  suffix  avrov  is  present  in  (gAQ; 
'A.  &Tr6ppr)Tov ;  2.  6fJiL\iov ;  Q.  TTJV  Pov\r/v ;  &  oVjjj.  Oort's  suggestion 
of  rib  (Th.T.  XIV.  135;  adopted  by  Gun.)  or  \^  (Em.;  so  also  Hal.)  for 
>3  (v.7)  is  superfluous.  Oct.  would  place  v.7  after  v.8  on  the  ground  that 
>3  of  v.7  finds  no  basis  in  v.6;  while  Lohr,  Baumann,  Marti,  om.  v.7  as  a  gloss. 

6.  Shall  a  trumpet  be  sounded  in  a  city]  as  a  summons  to  bat 
tle,  or  in  order  to  give  alarm  against  destructive  animals  (Jo.  21), 
or  against  an  approaching  enemy  (Ho.  58  Je.  61  Ez.  33°),  and 
the  people  not  tremble  ?1  (cf.  Ho.  n10-11  i  S.  i64).  Why,  then, 
should  not  the  warnings  of  the  prophet  be  heard  and  heeded  ?  — 
Can  evil~\  i.e.  not  moral  evil,  but  misfortune,  calamity,  disaster 
(cf.  i  S.  69  Je.  i14  i88  Is.  457  Gn.  i919  44"*  Ex.  3214  Ez.  f), 


72  AMOS 

happen  in  a  city  and  Yahweh  not  have  caused  it?~\  He  is  over 
all  and  in  all,  the  author  of  all  fortune,  good  or  ill.  —  7.  But 
(rather  than  for)  he  does  nothing}  in  the  way  of  sending  calamity 
upon  men,*  except  he  reveal  his  {secret)  purpose  to  his  servants, 
the  prophets'}  To  the  prophets,  who  are  Yahweh's  servants  (cf. 
the  frequent  use  of  this  expression  in  Jeremiah's  times,  e.g. 
2  K.  I713-23  2i10  242  Je.  y25  25*  26*  29™  3515),  and  as  such 
represent  him  in  his  dealings  with  men  (Gn.  i817  Dt.  i818),  he 
reveals  the  significance  of  the  calamity,  and  the  purpose  which  it 
was  intended  to  subserve.  They  are  given  the  knowledge  and 
are  expected  to  sound  the  alarm  by  forewarning  and  exhortation. 
Since,  then,  every  calamity  comes  from  Yahweh  to  serve  a  purpose, 
and  since  the  prophets,  who  are  the  interpreters  of  the  divine  will, 
have  given  the  alarm,  how  strange  that  the  people  who  are  in  such 
danger  do  not  hear  and  tremble  ! 

6.  ox]  better  understood  as  an  interrogative  (=  HUM;  so  many,  e.g. 
Har.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Reu.,  Or.,  We.)  than  as  a  conditional  part. 
(Schro.  apparently,  Mit.);  rarely  (cf.  Gn.  3817  1  K.  i27  Ju.  $*  Is.  2916)  at  the 
beginning  of  an  interrog.  and  still  more  rarely,  as  here,  repeated  (cf.  Je.  4827 
Jb.  612);  cf.  H.  42,  4  a,  b;  GK.  150  A;  Ew.8  324  c,  (<•)).—  mm  xS  D>I]  Circ. 
clause  ;  note  use  of  xS  (not  ps,  see  vs.  4-5  ;  cf.  ntry  N1?  mm),  because  the  vb. 
is  finite;  GK.  152  a,  b\  Dr.  §  162.  —  m;n  n;n]  Hoffm.'s  reading,  (i)  ,-^n 
(fern,  of  jn  =  n,ym;  cf.  Ex.  3217),  and  (2)  iva,  through  a  watcher,  i.e.  a 
prophet,  is,  as  Gun.  (pp.  59-61)  has  said,  open  to  the  following  objections  : 
i)  The  word  rv;n  cannot  be  shown  to  exist;  in  Ex.  3217  it  is  either  to  be  read 
ijn  with  Qer!,  or  njn,  with  a  fern,  suffix,  with  Di.  2)  jr\  is  not  identical  with 
nv-nn,  but  means,  in  accordance  with  the  original  meaning  of  the  root, 
a  tumultuous  noise  rather  than  a  warning  cry  (Ex.  3217  Mi.  49  Jb.  36s3). 
3)  The  reading  -\"3  for  m>'3  is  very  questionable.  No  text  is  known  in  which 
TV  has  the  meaning  proposed,  synonymous  with  prophet.  4)  The  inference 
which  Hoffm.  draws,  that  "  false  prophets  do  not  warn,"  i.e.  false  prophets 
sleep  while  the  true  are  wakeful,  is  not  warranted  by  the  facts.  5)  The 
connection  with  nfc'V  xV  mm)  would  be  difficult,  and  Hoffm.  does  not  ex 
plain  it.  —  ntrp]  The  3rd  pers.  is  resumed  here;  cf.  v.26;  K6.  StiL  256.  — 
7.  v?]  Does  not  mean  here  for  (to  be  joined  with  v.8;  Schm.,  Or,  Dr.), 
nor  namely  (Hi.),  nor  surely  (Geb.,  Hd.,  BDB.,  Now.;  cf.  GAS.),  nor  is 
Oort's  suggestion  of  a  change  to  ,13  or  fp  necessary;  the  preceding  sentence 
is  virtually  a  negative  sentence,  and  ^  =  £w/(Mit.),  H.  44  rm.  (</);  GK.  163  b\ 
Ew.8  3540.  —  rnrir]  Indef.  freq.,  H.  21,  3;  Dr.  §  33  (£);  GK. 


*  Cal.,  Geb.,  Ros. 


III.  6-8  73 

•^•j  .  .  .]  A  usual  form  of  expressing  nothing  (cf.  Ex.  94  I  K.  57  io3  Is.  392) ; 
cf.  also  *?j  .  .  .  NL',  «<?  0«<?/  H.  14,  2</;  GK.  152  £.  —  DN  ^]  except  = 
unless  previously,  H.  48,  I/;  GK.  163  c;  K6.  372  /&.  —  n^j]  Fut.  pf.,  H.  19,  3; 
Dr.  §  17.  —  ITD]  The  old  derivation  was  from  ^D",  to  establish,  hence  a  de 
cree,  counsel  (Jus.;  Ges.  77ies.  602  ;  Hd.).  It  is  now  usually  assigned  to  the 
root  "no  of  uncertain  meaning  (BDB.;  K6.  II1.  p.  49;  cf.  Horn.  ZDMG. 

o  o      *. 

XLVI.  529).  Similar  is  Syr.  9010  jooifl,  secret  conversation,  f  D  has  the 
meanings,  (i)  confidential  discourse,  (2)  counsel,  (3)  secret,  (4)  assembly,  here 
probably  secret,  secret  counsel,  cf.  Je.  2318- 22.  Lohr  (v.s.,  following  Duhm, 
and  Che.  EB.  I.  154)  urges  against  the  authenticity  of  v.7  (i)  the  difficulty  of 
explaining  -o;  (2)  the  phrase  D'NOjn  may  belongs  to  Je.,  Dt.,  and  later  litera 
ture;  (3)  mo  occurs  nowhere  prior  to  Je.;  (4)  the  poetic  structure  differs 
from  that  of  the  context,  hence  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  interpolated  expla 
nation  of  v.86.  But  an  argument  from  language  is  at  best  unconvincing;  the 
ID  can  be  satisfactorily  disposed  of  as  above;  and  the  v.  fits  well  in  the  strophic 
structure  here  presented. 

8.  The  enemy  having  manifested  his  presence,  let  every  one  fear  ; 
Yahweh  having  spoken,  let  every  one  recognize  the  coming  calamity. 

The  utterance  is  the  last  of  the  rapidly  rising  climax,  and  sus 
tains  a  close  logical  connection  with  what  has  been  said;  both 
members  are  thus  connected  with  strophe  2,  the  first,  also,  espe 
cially  with  strophe  3,  and  the  second  with  strophe  4  In  view  of 
the  decision  to  punish  Israel  for  his  sins  (strophe  2),  a  movement 
has  been  inaugurated  which  makes  Israel,  though  seemingly  un 
conscious  of  the  fact,  the  prey  of  a  mighty  nation  (strophe  3) ; 
the  lion  has  roared,  let  every  one  fear  (strophe  5  a) ;  Yahweh  is 
the  author  of  this  situation,  and  has  through  his  prophets  an 
nounced  it,  though  without  effect  (strophe  4)  ;  the  Lord  God  hath 
spoken,  let  every  one  hear  and  see  beforehand  the  coming  disaster 
(strophe  5  <£). 

8.  The  parallelism  is  complete  and  synonymous,  although  "  the  lion  "  and 
"the  Lord  God"  do  not  have  the  same  reference.  —  jsr]  @  and  U  render 
by  futures,  fyerffercu,  rugiet,  &  and  &  by  pfs.,  >ooiJ,  Dnj.  —  For  15-1]  all 
have  pfs.  —  »2]  @  KCU  n's  in  both  cases.  —  N3r]  We.  mm  (so  also  Now.) ;  and 
Che.  {EB.  I.  154)  3N^;  but  no  change  is  necessary. 

8.  The  prophet,  as  has  been  seen,  recognizes  in  the  tramp  of 
the  Assyrian  army,  which  his  ear  has  been  quick  to  catch,  the  fact 
that  the  lion  has  roared^,  and,  himself  hearing  it  so  distinctly,  he 


74  AMOS 

does  not  understand  why  others  should  be  deaf  to  it.  —  Who  is 
there  that  does  not  fear  ?~\  The  purpose  of  the  roaring  was  to  occa 
sion  fear  ;  why  is  it  that  every  citizen  of  the  kingdom  is  not  terror- 
stricken  and  penitent  before  the  approach  of  this  terrible  army 
from  the  north  ?  —  The  Lord  Yahweh  hath  spoken~\  and  the  words 
have  no  uncertain  sound.  The  message  given,  as  always,  through 
his  servant,  the  prophet,  and  given  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  con 
viction  to  the  hearts  of  those  who  would  not  see,  has  been  uttered ; 
who  is  it  that  cannot  prophesy  ?  *~\  Who  is  there  so  blind  as  not  to 
see  this  coming  misfortune  and  proclaim  beforehand  its  terrible 
significance ;  in  order  that,  if  perchance  Israel  should  hear  and 
repent,  Yahweh  might  order  otherwise  ?  This  was  the  purpose  of 
all  prophecy. 

8.  JNttf  nns]  Circ.  cl.  with  vb.  in  pf.  (the  lions  having  roared}  preced 
ing  the  principal  sentence,  H.  45,  3^;  Dr.  §  165;  GK.  156^.  —  N-\"  N*?  ^D] 
i.e.  who  should  not  fear  ?  or  who  is  there  that  does  not  fear  ?  or  let  every  one 
fear.  On  the  force  of  the  tenses  here  and  the  conditional  nature  of  the  sen 
tence  z>.  GK.  159/^5  Dr.  §  154.  —  N^".]  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  (Schro.) 
that  there  is  here  a  reference  to  the  event  described  in  712,  and  that  conse 
quently  that  event  took  place  before  the  utterance  of  this  passage.  The  sub 
stitution  of  mrp  for  Nsr  (v.s^  is  too  prosaic,  but  harmonizes  with  the  general 
interpretation  adopted  above. 

§  6.  The  doom  of  Samaria.  39-43.  In  still  another  form  the 
prophet  delivers  the  message  given  him  to  proclaim,  (i)  So  great 
is  the  wickedness  of  the  capital  city,  Samaria,  that  even  Egypt 
and  Philistia,  called  upon  to  look  within  Samaria's  walls,  are 
astonished  at  what  they  see.  (2)  But  an  enemy  is  coming  who 
will  quickly  lay  waste  this  beautiful  and  luxurious  city.  What 
remains  will  be  as  nothing.  Even  the  altars  of  Bethel  will  be  in 
cluded  in  the  dreadful  destruction.  (3)  The  women  of  Samaria, 
because  of  their  debaucheries,  must  share  the  punishment.  They 
shall  be  carried  away  captives  through  breaches  in  the  wall. 

This  piece,  which  is  entirely  separate  from  the  preceding  and  following, 
originally  consisted  of  six  strophes,  each  containing  four  pentameters.  To 
restore  this,  certain  minor  changes  in  the  text  are  necessary  as  well  as 
the  transfer  of  v.15  to  follow  v.11  (see  BW.,  Sept.  1898,  pp.  179-82;  so 


*  Geb.,  Ros. ;  cf.  GAS.  "  who  can  but  prophesy? 


in.  8  75 

also  Elh.;  cf.  Lohr  who  places  v.12  after  vs.13-  14-and15;  and  Baumann  who 
places  v.13  between  v.10  and  v.11).  Here  again  Miiller's  arrangement  of 
strophes  {Die  Propheten,  I.  71)  fails,  because  he  has  not  observed  that 
41-3  belongs  with  39"15  and,  indeed,  forms  the  climax  of  the  piece  (so  We., 
GAS.)  The  first  line  of  each  strophe,  as  rearranged,  contains  a  statement  of 
proclamation  or  assertion  on  the  part  of  Yahweh,  thus  giving  great  intensity 
to  the  whole  passage.  Still  further,  the  six  strophes  logically  divide  them 
selves  into  three  groups,  each  of  two,  and  in  the  first  strophe  of  each  group 
reference  is  made  to  Samaria.  Strophes  I  and  2  (vs.9-  10,  vs.11-  15)  present  a 
judgment  scene.  Samaria  is  accused  of  tumult  and  oppression.  Outside 
nations  are  summoned  to  witness  her  wickedness  and  to  testify  against  her 
The  decision  is  rendered  —  punishment,  viz.  destruction  by  a  foreign  foe 
who  will  lay  waste  the  whole  city.  Three  clauses  are  probably  interpola 
tions:  (i)  •'HCNi  (v.9)  merely  repeats  the  idea  contained  in  -i^D^n  and, 
although  in  the  form  iDN^.  it  would  be  common,  may  be  thrown  out;  (2) 
ro-i,->3  n^iirjn  (v.9)  is  very  awkward,  meaning,  not  oppression,  but  the  op 
pressed;  does  not  join  well  with  mo-inc;  is  superfluous  in  view  of  T#  (v.10); 
and  entirely  spoils  the  measure  of  the  line  (see  BW.,  Sept.  1898,  p.  182;  so 
Lohr).  (3)  nvp  CNJ  (v.15)  does  violence  to  the  measure  and  is  tautological 
after  the  same  phrase  in  v.11,  which  constitutes  the  first  member  of  the  strophe. 
The  transfer  of  v.15  to  follow  v.11  is  justified  by  the  demands  of  the  strophic 
arrangement,  for  otherwise  all  would  be  confusion;  by  the  closeness  of 
thought  in  vs.11  and  15,  everything  having  to  do  with  houses  (palaces,  winter 
houses,  summer  houses);  and  by  the  fact  that  in  its  present  position  it  makes 
an  anti-climax,  while  by  its  removal  v.14  furnishes,  in  the  destruction  even 
of  Bethel's  altars,  the  highest  point  yet  reached  in  the  description. 


9.  nuDix]  (5  xwpcus  (=  nicnx;  so  also  Elh.),  or  m?nx  (Vol.),  so  in 
vs.10-  ll.  —  nm'N2]  ©  tv'A<r<7vpiois  (=  -tttt>Na,  so  also  Gr.,  Wkl.  Untersuch.  185, 
Val.,  Oort  Em.,  Oct.,  Marti)  ;  Elh.,  -IWND.  —  S;n]  Elh.,  -91,  omitting  a  rusiN. 
—  cnxn  P-\N]  ©  T77S  Aiyt-n-Tov,  probably  an  error  for  7775  Aiy',  which  appears 
in  22  Mss.  (so  Hirscht).  —  ncNi]  Baumann  om.  —  nn]  Read  in  sg.  with  ©J5 
and  Syr.-Hex.;  cf.  41  61  (so  Oort,  TAT.  XIV.  129;  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Lohr, 
Elh.,  Oct.,  Baumann)  ;  Gr.  ny.  —  nDinc]  &  sg.,  <§  dav^affrd,  reading  incorrectly, 
ninicn,  pass.  ptcp.  of  nnn  (Drusius,  Ba.),  S.  axoprcw/as.  —  nanpa  .  .  .  naina] 
Oort  (ThT.  XIV.  129)  naipa  .  .  .  rbina.  —  naipa  0^11:71]  om.  as  a  gloss  upon 
nninr,  which  unduly  lengthens  the  line  (v.s.}.  —  10.  ijrv]  ©  sg.  —  nn:u  nwp] 

0^.0        7 

(55  a  €<rrat  tvavrlov  aur^s  (=  nnsp  .  .  .  irx,  Va.).  —  nroj]  J5  IZn  llQOSp, 
(connecting  with  ru',  Seb.),  fa  NP-n^x.  —  ">  DNJ]  Lohr  removes  to  the  end  of 
the  v.;  Baumann  om.  —  11.  piNn  2001  is]  (§  Typos  KVK\66ev  TJ  yrj  <rov  ^prj^d-^- 
o-fTtti,  vocalizing  ii',  taking  <rov  from  fol.  line,  dropping  \  and  adding  the  vb. 
TS  tribulabitur  et  circuietur  terra.  Read  23D11  with  &  (adopted  by  St.,  Gun., 
Seb.,  We.,  Gr.,  Val.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Lohr,  Elh.,  Hirscht,  Oct.)  ;  this  is  better  than 
an;  (Ba.),  or  s'ocr  (Bauer);  cf.  Hoffm.  and  Gu.,  2001;  Jus.  a>ao  ns  (but  v. 
Gun.);  Oort  (Em.)  22101;  Rahmer  DOD  (cited  by  Hirscht),  a  dialect  form 


76  AMOS 

for  3 or  =  flame  ;  Va.  3"3D  nx;  Gr.  "oxr,  for  is,  on  basis  of  0;  Hal.  "n;x?  "i*. 

—  -mm]  5  =  Tvm,  with  fol.  suffixes  in  3  sg.  fem.  @  /card£et.     We.,  TVIHI  (so 
also  Gr.,  Now.,  Lohr,  Elh.,  Oct.,  Hal.).  —  "pc]  Hal.  nee.  — iraji]  Oct.,   I'taj). 
— 15.    TTom]     @    <rvyx€&    Ka^    ira-rd-fa,    explained    by   Vol.   as   a    double 
rendering   based    on   a   reading,   Ten  or  vncn;    cf.  (Jl's  rendering  of  Darn 
in  i  S.  710.  —  ISDI]  @  irpo<TTedri<rovTa.i  =  1DD11  or  IBDU  (Va.,  Oct.)  or  ISDN  (Vol.). 

—  D'm  DTO]  @  ZrepoL  oT/cot  TTO\\O[  ;  @AQ  oT/cot  trepoi  iro\\ol.   There  is  no  need 
to  suppose,  with  Oort  (TAT.  XIV.  128),  that  JftE  is  corrupt;   cf.  Baumann, 
ja>n  TO.  —  nin^  DNJ]  Lohr  om.  as  a  later  addition  (^.j.). 

9-11.    Samaria1  s  wickedness  astonishes  the  neighboring  nations. 

9.  The  opening  words  accord  with  the  oriental  usage  of  sum 
moning  assemblies  by  proclamation.  Proclaim}  i.e.  let  it  be 
proclaimed,  the  word  being  used  indefinitely,*  and  not  addressed 
specifically,  either  to  the  prophets  |  (for  Amos  seems  everywhere 
to  be  standing  alone  in  his  work),  the  hostile  nations,  J  or  any 
general  messenger.  §  —  Over  the  palaces'}  Because  either  the 
upper  classes  are  addressed,  as  corresponding  to  the  upper 
classes  of  Samaria,  upon  whom  judgment  was  coming,  [|  or  the 
palace  is  the  natural  place  from  which  proclamation  is  dissemi 
nated.^" —  Ashdod  .  .  .  Egypt}  The  prophets  not  infrequently 
represent  pagan  peoples  as  morally  superior  to  the  rebellious 
people  of  Yahweh,  because  the  former  sin  in  ignorance,  but  the 
latter  with  full  knowledge.**  These  two  names  are  representative, 
Ashdod  standing  for  Philistia.  In  explanation  of  the  selection  of 
these,  it  has  been  suggested  that  they,  of  all  nations,  rejoiced 
most  over  Israel's  humiliation ;  -ft  that  these  two  in  contrast  with 
Edom,  Ammon,  Moab,  Syria,  and  Phoenicia,  stood  apart  from 
Israel ;  J  that  they  were  the  nations  whose  unrighteousness  Israel 
had  experienced  ;  \\  that  "  even  the  chief  cities  of  the  Philistines 
and  Egyptians,  who  indeed  are  not  weak  and  can  tolerate  much, 
would  be  amazed,  if  they  saw  the  mad  extravagance  and  the 
injustice  in  Samaria  ";§§  that  Ashdod  especially  was  chosen  be 
cause  of  its  similarity  to  112?,  the  word  used  in  v.10  to  denote  the 
violence  of  which  Amos  accuses  the  people.  ||  ||  —  Gather  ye  upon 
the  mountain  of  Samaria}  If  the  plural  is  read,  the  reference 

*  Ros.,  Mau.,  Mit.,  Dr.        §  Hd.  **  Cf.  Hal.        $§  We. 

t  Hi.,  Ke.  ||  Hi.,  Mau.,  Ke.,  Mit.        fr  Ew.  ||||  GAS. 

J  Ba.  H  Mercer,  Ros.,  Ba.  JJ  Ke. 


m.  9-ii  77 

is  to  the  mountains  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  from  which  may  be 
seen  the  mountain  or  hill  on  which  Samaria  is  built  and  on 
which  the  witnesses  might  stand  and  look  down  into  Samaria  (cf. 
i  K.  1 624)  ;  *  but  the  better  reading  is  in,  i.e.  the  mountain  or 
hill  of  Samaria  (cf.  41  61).  —  Samaria'}  is  declared  to  have  been 
founded  by  Omri  (i  K.  i624).  It  is  on  a  hill  about  three  hun 
dred  feet  high,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  mountains,  but 
open  toward  the  west.  Later  it  was  fortified,  especially  by 
Ahab,  so  that  it  was  strongly  defended.  It  took  a  siege  of  three 
years  for  Assyria  to  capture  it.  From  that  time  on  it  was  of 
little  importance.  —  And  see  the  manifold  tumults  therein}  In 
other  words,  the  turbulent  and  voluptuous  life  of  the  nobles 
(Pr.  i516),t  including  oppression,!  confusion  and  overturning  of 
justice,  §  arbitrary  deeds  of  might,  ||  strife  of  poor  and  rich,^[ 
terrores**  — 10.  And  (how}  they  know  not  to  do  good~\  The  igno 
rance  carries  with  it  indifference  and  hostility  (cf.  Je.  4s2).  The 
emphasis  is  on  know,  all  ideas  of  right  having  been  lost.ft  The 
reference  is,  of  course,  to  the  wealthy  Samaritans.  —  These  who 
treasure  violence  and  oppression}  That  is  either  (i)  store  up 
money  and  goods  which  are  the  fruit  of  violence  (cf.  26<7),  \\  or 
(2)  heap  up  oppression  as  one  heaps  up  treasure.  §§  — 11.  There 
fore'}  Because  of  the  iniquities  which  have  been  mentioned,  for 
the  existence  of  which  there  is  ample  evidence,  an  adversary  shall 
surround  the  land~}  An  enemy,  ||  ||  rather  than  affliction*^  in  view 
of  the  following  phrase ;  in  any  case,  the  invasion  is  one  which 
shall  include  the  whole  country.  —  And  he  shall  strip  from  thee  thy 
strength^  The  subject  is  the  adversary  of  the  preceding  clause ; 
this  is  better  than  to  treat  the  verb  as  impersonal,  one  shall  strip*** 
or  to  make  it  passive,  thy  strength  shall  be  stripped  from  thee,^ 
or  to  understand  the  subject  to  be  Yahweh.  fft  —  And  thy  palaces 
shall  be  plunder ed~}  The  beginning  of  the  more  detailed  description 
of  the  results  of  the  invasion,  the  principal  effect  of  which  is  seen 
in  the  destruction  of  the  more  prominent  and  splendid  buildings 


*  So  Cal.,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ba.,  Mit.,  Dr.  f  Hes.  +  Cal. 

§  Jus.,  Schro.  ||  Va.  IT  Ros.  **  Mich.  ft  We. 

J+  Dat.,  Va.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Gun.,  Now.,  Dr.  $$  Jus.,  Pu.,  We. 

Jill  Cal.,  Geb.,  Mich.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Gun.,  We.,  Now.,  Elh. 
UH  Jer.,  Hi.,  Hes.,  Ba.,  Dr.  ***  Hi.  fft  Ba. 


78  AMOS 

of  the  city.  This  is  continued  directly  (according  to  the  re 
arrangement  suggested  above)  in  v.15. —  And  I  will  smite  the 
winter  house  together  with  the  summer  house~\  The  older  opinion, 
that  the  winter  and  summer  houses  were  distinct,  being  built  and 
arranged  differently,  although  close  together,*  seems  to  have  little 
support.  They  were  rather  different  parts  of  the  same  house,  f  the 
upper  story,  if  there  were  two,  or  the  exterior,  if  there  was  but  one 
story,  being  used  for  summer.  Cf.  Ju.  320  Je.  3622.  An  inscrip 
tion  recently  discovered  at  Zinjirli,  dating  but  shortly  after  Amos's 
time,  furnishes  an  interesting  parallel  to  this  expression.  Bar- 
rekub,  King  of  Sham'al,  a  vassal  of  Tiglathpileser  III.,  relates  his 
activities  in  decorating  his  father's  house  in  honor  of  his  ancestors, 
the  kings  of  Sham'al,  and  says,  "  and  it  is  for  them  a  summer  house 
and  a  winter  house."  J  —  The  houses  of  ivory']  That  is,  houses 
adorned  with  ivory  (cf.  Ps.  45*  and  Ahab's  house,  i  K.  2239),  an 
evidence  of  great  luxury,  for  ivory  was  costly  (cf.  i  K.  io18).  All 
these  were  houses  of  nobles  rather  than  of  kings.  §  — Many  houses 
shall  perish~]  According  to  some  D'sn  may  be  translated  great,  cf. 
Is.  59 ;  ||  but  the  more  natural  idea  is  that  many  houses  (cf.  611  Is.  59 
2  K.  i75  fi),  even  those  of  the  common  people,  shall  be  destroyed.^" 
The  writer  sees  a  great  catastrophe,  the  destruction  of  every  struc 
ture  in  the  city. 

9.  hy~\  According  to  Massora  Magna  (cf.  Mercer,  Ba.),  here  and  in  twelve 
other  cases,  yw  with  Sj;  instead  of  Ss.  —  "inB>&a]  On  prep.  3  after  noun  in 
cstr.  state  to  define  more  closely  the  force  of  annexion,  H.  9,  2,b\  GK.  130 a; 
Ew.s  289  £;  K6.  336 u;  cf.  also  }nN;j.  Against  ffl^T  and  in  support  of  his  own 
reading  (Z/..T.)  Elh.  urges  (i)  that  the  coupling  of  a  Philistine  town  with  the 
great  land  of  Egypt  is  unlikely  ;  (2)  that  one  would  not  expect  only  two  people 
to  be  summoned  to  witness  Samaria's  corruption,  but  rather  the  whole  world; 
(3)  that  the  reference  to  "palaces  "  is  strange;  it  is  not  uncommon  to  speak 
of  the  land  when  the  inhabitants  of  it  are  really  referred  to,  but  "  palaces  "  is 
never  used  for  the  people  of  the  land  ;  (4)  @'s  reading  roniN ;  consequently  the 
reading,  "  Proclaim  to  the  lands,  from  Assyria  to  the  land  of  Egypt,"  etc.,  was 

*  Bauer,  Ros.,  Dr. 

f  Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  115;  Thomson,  LB.  I.  478;  Ri.  HBA.  I.  574-80; 
Reu.;  GFM.  Judges,  96  flf;  DB?  I.  1403-8;  Benz.  Arch.  111-24. 

J  Quoted  by  Dr.  from  an  article  by  Sachau  in  Sitzungsberichte  d.  Akademie  d, 
Wissenschaft,  Berlin,  Oct.  22,  1896,  p.  1052. 

§  Gun.,  We.,  Now.  ||  Ki.,  Cal.,  Geb.,  Bauer,  Mau.,  Hd. 

H  Hi.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Gun.,  We.,  Gu.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Now.,  GAS. 


in.  ii  79 


probably  the  original  one.  But  (i)  the  plural  rnDiN  occurs  only  once,  Ps.  4912, 
and  there  not  in  the  sense  of  lands,  countries,  but  as  denoting  the  landed 
possessions  of  individuals  ;  (2)  Ashdod,  a  representative  town  of  Philistia, 
and  Egypt  are  summoned  as  two  of  the  lands  most  closely  concerned  with 
Israel's  affairs  ;  (3)  "  palaces,"  a  favorite  word  with  Amos,  are  mentioned  as 
representative  of  the  ruling  classes.  —  isDsn]  Niph.,  with  its  original  reflexive 
meaning,  GK.  51  c.  —  nn"?j?]  The  difference  between  the  sg.  in  and  the  pi.  nn 
is  important  ;  if  in  is  read,  the  outside  nations  are  invited  into  Samaria 
itself  (cf.  4161,  v.s.}.  —  *v]  here  and  2  S.  i;11  2  K.  2220,  instead  of  *?N  after 
f|DN,  according  to  Massora  Magna  (cf.  Mercer).  —  pintr]  The  name  of  the 

1  V 

city  is  in  Aram,  fpj?^,  in  Syr.  ^v*  ^T  Assyr.  Samerina.  It  probably  means 
watch-tower,  from  iptt;.  Cf.  however,  Sta.  ZA  W.  V.  165-75  ;  GAS.  HG. 
346-9.  —  nnmn]  Cf.  Pr.  y11  2O1.  The  pi.  may  intensify  the  idea  (GK.  124^)  or 
represent  a  condition  finding  frequent  expression  (GK.  I24/)  ;  according  to 
Hi.  made  pi.  by  the  proximity  of  the  pi.  o^pw;?;  elsewhere  (i  S.  59-11  14'-*°  Zc. 
I418)  in  sg.  —  o^pityy]  Taken  (i)  as  a  pass,  ptcp.,  those  oppressed,  calumniam 
patientes  (  Jer.,  Va.,  Ros.)  ;  (2)  as  connected  with  rcinc  as  a  case  of  hendiadys 
=  the  great  cry  of  the  oppressed  (Geb.)  ;  (3)  as  a  ptcp.  used  as  a  noun  (Jb. 
359  EC.  41),  cf.  SiaT,  noiSo  (Hd.,  Ba.);  (4)  as  a  noun,  oppression  (Jus.,  Schro., 
Mau.,  and  most  modern  comm.),  used  collectively  and  then  abstractly,  GK. 
I24<r;  K6.  261  d\  but  evidently  here  it  is  a  gloss  (v.s.~).  —  10.  I>;"P  N^I] 
Grammatically  dependent  on  INI  (v.9),  see  .  .  .  and  how  they  do  not  know  (cf. 
Ho.  710  Je.  219  EC.  610).  Cf.  GK.  157;  Ew.8  351  b  ;  K6.  413/4,  and  Stil.  259. 
—  pitry]  The  inf.  as  obj.  of  verb  (cf.  i  K.  37;  Is.  i14,  etc.)  ;  cf.  H.  29,  i  d, 
GK.  114  c;  K6.  3992.  —  nnsj]  Fern,  for  neut.,  cf.  n;»i,  Gn.  5o20;  nSpj,  Je.  6U; 
rwaj,  Ps.  510  ;  cf.  H.  2,  2  b  (2)  ;  GK.  122  q.  —  onmi]  Cf.  construction  cf 
0'flNB>n  (27);  K6.  411/5  GK.  126  b.  —  11.  a>3Di  is]  Besides  the  textual 
changes  above,  the  following  constructions  have  been  suggested:  (i)  the 
supplying  of  Nb;  (Ros.);  (2)  aoo  =  na^ao  used  as  a  prep.,  Ps.  5O3  (Hi.); 
(3)  supply  ix  rnrp  after  i  (Ros.),  the  i  =  and  indeed,  cf.  Je.  I513  Ez.  137.22 
(GK.  154*);  (4)  aoD  =  -s?a;  Cf.  2  K.  176  (Hd.);  (5)  aoo  =  S  a^ao;  cf. 
Ex.  i613  4033  Nu.  i53,  ^  here  omitted  on  account  of  the  sententious  brevity 
of  the  message  (Ba.,),  cf.  Ko.  319  q,  375  </.  —  "n^]  1  written  defectively; 
for  subj.  have  been  suggested,  i*  (Mau.),  Yahweh  (Ba.),  in;  on  (Hi.),  H.  37, 
2c\  GK.  144  ^/,  e\  Ew.8  294/5  (2);  cf.  v.8  Is.  636;  We.'s  reading  ii-ini  is 
suggestive,  but  not  really  necessary.  —  -j^  r^op]  A  change  in  the  suffix  from 
the  3d  m.  pi.  to  the  2d  f.  sg.,  i.e.  to  the  city  of  Samaria  or  the  Israelitish 
nation,  GK.  I22h  ;  Ew.8  317  £;  i>  =  might,  with  the  idea  of  glory  (Ke.), 
not  fortresses  (Ew.),  which  would  require  a  more  specific  word  (Ba.);  cf. 
liaa,  niNon,  Ps.  29*  96°  I328.  —  voj]  On  form,  GK.  67  /.  —  15.  T^rrn]  The 
use  of  the  1st  p.  is  no  more  striking  after  -via  3  (v.11)  than,  according  to  fH®, 
after  .  .  .  iSan  I>HJ^  (v-14)  >  °n  "•-»  instead  of  •>_,  GK.  75^  —  H?."?  n\a]  On 
annexion  as  a  substitute  for  the  adjectival  construction,  H.  8,  3  d\  GK.  128  q  ; 
here  used  collectively.  —  Sy]  together  with  =  and,  cf.  Gn.  3212  289  (Ros., 


80  AMOS 

Mau.,  Or.,  We.,  Mit.,  Now.),  not  upon,  i.e.  the  stones  of  one  falling  upon 
those  of  the  other  (Ba.,  Ke.,  GAS.)-  —  ?£n  v?3]  On  via  =  bat-te,  GK.  96; 
Sta.  §  187  a  ;  BSZ.  and  BOB.  s.v.  ]&?  (also  I  K.  io18;  cf.  Ez.  2;15)  is  for  the 
fuller  o^njt',  tooth  of  elephants  (cf.  I  K.  io22  2  Ch.  Q21).  For  further  allu 
sion  to  houses  of  this  kind,  see  I  K.  2239  Ps.  459.  — ISDI]  Pf.  3  pi.  of  *]-io,  cf. 
Is.  6617  (BDB.),  or  of  nao,  cf.  Je.  I24  (suggested  by  Ros.,  cf.  BSZ.  where  it  is 
assigned  to  both  roots !).  —  D>31  DTia]  Singularly  like  the  Assyr.  bitu  rabu, 
the  ideographic  equivalent  of  the  word  ekallu,  Sa/n,  which  has  gone  over  into 
Heb.,  Aram.,  and  Syr.  The  Assyr.  ekallu  is  itself  a  loan-word,  being  the 
Assyrian  form  of  the  Sumerian  e-gal  =  great  house.  The  phrase  here  may 
then  be  equivalent  to  DiSa<>n  =  palaces. 

12-14.  Nothing  will  be  left  to  Samaria's  luxurious  nobles ;  and 
even  the  altars  of  Bethel  will  be  destroyed. 

These  strophes  furnish  pictures  in  detail  of  the  coming  destruc 
tion,  the  first,  of  its  effect  upon  those  who  have  been  living  lives 
of  luxurious  ease ;  the  second,  of  its  effect  upon  the  religious 
institutions  of  the  period. 

12.  Sia]  Hoffm.  (ZAW.  III.  101  f.)  -aS.  —  tar]  &  ^o^s&J  =  shall  be 
carried  away,  which  makes  better  sense,  unless  with  We.  we  understand  the 
last  part  of  the  line  to  have  been  lost,  e.g.  from  the  invading  enemy.  —  jnntPa] 
Oort  (ThT.  XIV.  128;  so  Baumann)  om.  as  a  later  insertion.  —  ntan  nNca]  @ 
KiTtvavri  TTJS  <t>v\i)s  (explained  by  Hirscht  as  =  n^n  nxnpS;  by  Oort,  loc.  cit. 
as  =  'D  ^03  j  cf.  Stek.  102) ;  cf.  6.  Kartvavri  /cX^aros;  j&  ^  *  *•  ,_^o9  Jj^al^rj 
(=  nt?p  oxnoa,  x  and  n  having  been  transposed,  D  being  a  dittograph;  Seb.); 
££  jaSw  f|ipna  =  in  the  strength  of  power.  Oort,  ntoa  >ri^pa  (so  also  Val.); 
Hal.  'D  rppa;  Marti,  n^cx  cushion.  —  cn>']  ©  iepets;  against  the  explanation 
of  Jer.,  adopted  by  most  critics,  that  ©  did  not  understand  the  meaning  of  the 
word  and  so  merely  transliterated  it,  fyes,  and  that  it  was  afterward  modified, 
Hirscht  rightly  urges  the  fact  that  in  64  <&  renders  eny  correctly;  ©Qms,  2.,  9., 
and  Syr.-Hex.  have  K\(VT\,  and  some  codd.  K\lvei,  following  Aa/xa<r/c<£.  &  has 

\     7 

^SffiS  (=  Vnx%)»  which  may  be  a  part  of  the  translation  of  pt'^nai,  as  it  was 

vocalized  (Seb.),  cn>'  being  wholly  omitted.  (£  rr1?"!  =  trust,  which  points 
to  a  different  reading  from  fttd,  since  in  64  v~\y  is  rendered  correctly.  On  the 
basis  of  O's  rendering,  and  the  supposition  that  (JIJ53E  all  point  to  a  word 
ending  with  D,  while  9T  seems  to  have  read  a  word  beginning  with  a,  Hirscht 
proposes  D^DS  (=  their  confidence}.  U  has  Damasci.  Hoffm.'s  proposal  to 
read  Damascus,  and  to  connect  12&,  beginning  D>3B"n,  with  v.13,  does  not 
commend  itself.  We.  suggests  that  pts>m  is  a  corruption  of  some  word  corre 
sponding  to  PNC.  Lohr  om.  "m  ooti'in  as  a  gloss  combined  from  39  41  64.  Elh. 
proposes  v-\y  pferpn  -a 31,  the  construction  being  like  that  of  mm  no  men  ^Sa 
in  2  Ch.  3610.  Oct.  fcnp  na-jnai,  cf.  Pr.  716.  Gr,  »ip  na>p^ai,  cf.  Ju.  418. 


III.    12  8 1 

Margolis  (AJSL.  XVII.,  1901,  170 f.),  en?  p'n&ta-i,  translating:  "So  shall  the 
children  of  Israel  that  dwell  in  Samaria  rescue  the  corner  of  a  couch  and  the 
leg  of  a  bed,"  regarding  i  as  dittog.  of  a,  and  s  as  dittog.  of  B',  and  treating  3 
as  3  of  accompaniment,  3  S*j,  meaning  "  escape  with,  rescue."  Che.  {EB.  I. 
149)  substitutes  aajpn  for  ppoi;  Duhm  and  Marti,  ntfa^. — 13.  >nS«  nin>  ijnx 
niNaxn]  (§  Ki5/)ios  6  6ebs  6  iravTOKpdrwp,  omitting  ^JIN;  so  also  U.  &  "the 
Lord  of  Hosts,  the  Mighty  One,  the  God  of  Israel,"  reading  apparently  "UIN 
SaoiS"  TI^N  niN3X  mm;  probably  the  Sxitt"  TI^N  is  a  gloss  explaining  mm 
nisoxn  (Seb.).  Lohr  om.  the  whole  of  v.135,  "ui  'm  DNJ,  as  a  later  addition 
having  no  place  in  the  original  strophic  structure.  — 14.  mro?D]  Oort  ro-XD 
(TAT.  XIV.  142;  so  also  Val.,  Elh.;  cf.  Stade  and  Marti).  We.  om.  v.146 
as  a  later  addition  which  is  wholly  foreign  to  the  context  (so  also  Now.,  Lohr; 
Che.  EB.  I.  154;  Bu.,  art.  "Amos,"  Jew.  Enc.},  but  v.i. 

12.  As  the  shepherd  rescues  from  the  mouth  of  the  lion].  The 
mind  of  the  prophet  reverts  to  his  own  experiences,*  and  not  sim 
ply  to  a  popular  saying  |  (cf.  i  S.  i;34^  Is.  31*).  The  shepherd 
(cf.  Ex.  2213)  was  accustomed  to  produce  the  remains  of  a  beast 
as  evidence.  Amos's  references  to  lions  are  not  infrequent ;  cf. 
34>8  519.  The  force  of  the  comparison  lies  in  the  insignificant 
character  of  what  is  rescued,  viz.  two  legs  or  a  piece  of  an  ear~\, 
the  merest  remnant,  something,  indeed,  not  worthy  of  mention. 
Some  \  think  of  an  allusion  to  a  variety  of  goat  with  exceedingly 
large  ears,  which  would  be  of  sufficient  value  to  account  for  the 
shepherd's  rescuing  them  at  such  danger  to  himself;  but  this  is 
unnecessary.  —  So  the  children  of  Israel  shall  be  rescued^  There 
is  to  be  added,  perhaps,  from  the  enemy  (v.s.)  ;  cf.  the  rendering 
rescue  themselves ;  §  in  other  words,  practically  none  of  the  Is- 
raelitish  voluptuaries  described  shall  be  saved,  there  being  no 
possible  reference  to  the  remnant  referred  to  in  99,  an  idea  so 
cherished  by  Isaiah  (613).||  —  They  who  sit  in  Samaria  on  the 
corner  of  a  couch,  on  the  damask  of  a  divan\  One  may  put  aside 
without  much  consideration  most  of  the  interpretations  proposed 
for  this  passage,  e.g.  (i)  the  inhabitants  dwelling  in  two  particular 
streets  in  Samaria,  viz.  Peath  Mittah  and  Demesek  Eres ;  ^[  (2)  by 
hypallage,  for  in  a  bed  of  extremity,**  i.e.  brought  from  afar, 
and  in  a  couch  of  Damascus,ft  *•*•  covered  with  Damascene 

*  Ros.,  Schro.,  Hd.        f  Hi.        J  Jus.,  Hd.        §  EwM  Ke.         ||  Contra  Ba. 
U  Based  upon  the  use  of  DOB'11  rather  than  DODir  (Drusius,  cited  by  Geb.). 

**  HNS  ntDD3.  ft  ptf  m  tsnpa. 

G 


82  AMOS 

stuff;  *    (3)    those   few   should  be   saved   who   had   crept  into 
beds  for  safety,  into  couches  covered  with  Damascene  stuff  ;f 

(4)  in  Samaria,   that   is,  in  the  corner  of  a  bed,  etc.,  the   city 
being  thus  compared  to  a  bed  from  its  geographical  position ;  | 

(5)  there  shall  be  saved  only  the  sick  lying  on  couches  ;§  (6)  shall 
secure  themselves  with  the  corner  of  a  couch,  etc.,  connecting 
'Ul  HKSH  with  te2'.  ||     We  have  a  picture  of  Samaria's  nobles  lying 
free  from  care  on  soft  couches  (61).^[      Perhaps  there  is  contained 
a  thrust  at  the  new  court  method  of  sitting  on  the  corners  of  sofas 
instead  of  lying  on  them.**  — 13.  Hear  ye]  Addressed,  not  to  the 
Egyptian  and    Philistine  nobles  who  are  thus   commissioned  by 
Yahweh  to  make  to  his  people  the  announcement  of  their  doom,t| 
nor  to  Israel  herself,  \\  nor  to  the  few  faithful,  §§  nor  to  the  proph 
ets  (v.s.)  ;  ||  ||    but  for  rhetorical  purpose,  to  individuals  among 
the  people,  or  to  any  who  might  hear.^F  —  And  testify  against] 
Meaning  more  than  declare  unto,  cf.  Gn.  433  Dt.  426  30™.  —  The 
house  of  Jacob]  i.e.  the  house  of  Israel  (cf.  p8  with  99) ;  but  the 
writer  means  not  all  Israel  (31),  who  would  have  an  interest  in  and 
be  witnesses  of  the  sin  and  punishment;***    but  rather  the  ten 
tribes  (710),ttt  as  is  indicated  by  the  mention  of  Bethel. —  The 
declaration  of  the  Lord  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Hosts']  Cf.  similar  ex 
pressions  in  514  614  Ho.  i25  Is.  i9-24,  here  either  wholly  or  in  part  a 
gloss ;    v.s.  for  the  great  variations  of  the  versions.  — 14.    Thai] 
What  follows  is  an  object  clause  after  testify  against  (v.13) ;  cf.  the 
renderings,  for,  |||  surely.  §  — In  the  day  that  I  visit  the  trans 
gressions  of  Israel  upon  him']  i.e.  when  the  threatened  disaster 
comes.  —  /  will  inflict  punishment  upon  the  altars  of  Bethel~\ 
Peculiar  sacredness  attached  to  the  altars  (cf.  28)  at  Bethel,  for 
here  Abraham  and  Jacob  had  erected  altars  (Gn.  i28  357),  and 
here  sacrifice  had  been  offered  in  all  later  times  (i  S.  io3).     Allu 
sions  to   the  worship  at  Bethel  are  found  in   i    K.  I22831   13* 2 
Am.  91  Ho.  415  io1>2  8.     The  destruction  of  these  altars  meant  in 
reality  the  entire  abolition  of  Israel's  worship,  and  was  the  great 
est  blow  which  could  be  struck.      Wellhausen  argues  that  v.14b 

*  Geb.  ||  Gun.  tt Cal-  Ba-  ***  Ba-«  Ke- 

t  Jus.,  Hes.  H  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ew.  §§  Geb.  ttt  Mit.,  Seesemann. 

t  Ros.,  Pu.  **  Hoffm.  ||i|  Ros.,Gun.  ttt  Ros- 

§  Hd.  ft  Hi.,  Mau.,  Ke.,  Reu.  HH  Mit. 


III.  12-14  83 

is  an  interpolation,  because  (i)  not  the  altars  but  Samaria's  aris 
tocracy  are  the  sinners,  (2)  the  sins  of  Samaria's  aristocracy 
could  not  be  visited  upon  Bethel's  altars,  and  (3)  in  the  preceding 
verses  and  in  v.15  Amos  speaks  of  Samaria's  excesses ;  but  this  is 
not  convincing,  for  (i)  just  as  the  punishment  threatened,  takes,  in 
one  case,  the  form  of  destruction  of  dwelling  houses,  so  it  takes 
here  the  form  of  destruction  of  religious  structures ;  (2)  Bethel  is 
described  by  Amaziah  as  a  sanctuary  of  the  king  and  a  royal  resi 
dence  (713),  and  its  destruction  would  mark  the  humiliation  of  the 
royal  house,  as  well  as  the  disappearance  of  the  last  refuge  of  the 
people  (i  K.  i50  228)  ;*  (3)  as  has  been  shown  above,  v.15  is  to  be 
taken  with  vs.11' 12,  and  this  utterance  is  the  highest  yet  reached  in 
the  prophetic  climax.  —  Horns  of  the  altar\  An  important  part  of 
the  altar,  since  they  were  needed  for  the  performance  of  a  certain 
part  of  the  ceremony  (Lv.  430).! 

12.  S>x\]  Impf.  of  clef,  freq.,  H.  21,  2;  Dr.  §  33  (a) ;  GK.  107  £-.  —  ...  njnn 
nNn]  On  the  use  of  the  article,  GK.  I26r. —  TS']  On  form,  GK.  97  a,  note; 
Sta  §  361  b.  On  use  of  the  numeral  with  the  dual  to  express  a  certain  emphasis, 
GK.  88/~;  K6.  257^. —  IN]  Used  especially  in  legal  expressions.  —  S-o]  Only 
here;  cstr.  of  V^3,  a  piece,  from  S?:i,  in  Hiph.  divide  ;  =  •yun,  lobe  of  the  ear, 
Ex.  192°;  but  note  the  suggestion  of  -oV  (z/.j.) ;  cf.  Is.  2613  (cf.  Gun.  per  contra). 
—  DO'-J^n]  Hoffm.'s  conjecture  that  with  this  word  v.13  begins,  O yc  who  dwell, 
etc.,  etc.,  hear,  has  nothing  for  its  support;  it  goes  better  with  what  precedes. 
The  ptcp.  with  the  art.  —  rel.  clause,  GK.  126^.  The  usual  objections  to 
the  fH2T  of  this  clause  are:  (i)  on  the  basis  of  the  rendering  Damascus, 
(a)  that  the  presence  of  Israelites  in  D.  is  inexplicable,  (b)  that  some  word 
corresponding  to  HNOJ  is  necessary  before  any;  (<:)  that  it  requires  a  change 
of  pointing,  viz.  pir^n;  (2)  on  the  basis  of  the  rendering  damask,  (a)  that  in 
the  time  of  Amos  Damascus  was  not  renowned  for  the  manufacture  of 
the  material  now  named  after  it,  (£)  the  old  versions  are  all  against  it, 
(r)  in  Arabic  the  name  of  the  material  (dimaks)  differs  from  that  of  the  city 
(Dimaksh),  so  that  it  is  doubtful  whether  there  really  is  any  connection 
between  the  two.  Cf.  Frankel,  Aramaische  Fremdworter  im  Arabischen,  40, 
288;  Ko.  Stil.  26  f.;  BDB.  For  the  various  attempts  to  emend  the  text  v.s. 
— 13.  niNaxn  >nS«  mm  >.PN]  This  is  the  only  occurrence  in  the  O.  T.  of  this 
full  title.  Other  combinations  with  PIJOX  in  Amos  are  nifoxn  \iS«  nini>,  614; 

*  Mit. 

t  On  an  Aramaic  inscription  from  Teima,  to  the  S.E.  of  Edom,  an  altar  is 
represented  with  horns,  curved  like  those  of  an  ox,  rising  from  the  corner.  Perrot 
and  Chipiez,  History  of  Art  in  Sardinia,  Judaea,  etc.,  I.  304. 


84  AMOS 

nisax  >nSs  mm,  413  514f-27  68;  rn&osn  mm  ^is,  g5;  ^IN  rnsax  TI^N  mm,  5**. 
€1  has  ni*ox  also  in  96- 15.  Other  divine  titles  used  in  Amos  are :  mm,  54  times; 
mm  >jnN,  19  times;  ^JTN,  3  times;  and  OTI^N,  once,  viz.  411.  Lohr  (p.  58) 
maintains  (i)  that  of  the  titles  in  which  mxax  appears,  the  oldest  one  is 
niNax  mm,  a  form  not  appearing  in  Amos,  but  especially  frequent  in  Is.,  Je., 
Hg.,  and  Zc.;  (2)  that  nisax  was  not  used  at  all  by  Amos,  but  is  to  be 
ascribed  to  later  editors  wherever  it  appears  in  the  book;  (3)  that  the  earliest 
passage  in  which  niNax  appears  is  2  S.  510,  which  belongs  to  the  9th  century, 
and  shows  that  the  name  has  been  long  familiar  to  the  people;  (4)  that  the 
earliest  use  of  nisas  that  has  come  down  to  us  was  that  which  denoted 
Yahvveh's  warlike  might,  and  (5)  that  later  it  came  to  denote  Yahweh  as  the 
ruler  of  the  powers  of  nature.  The  title  is  distinctly  of  a  prophetic  character, 
occurring  only  in  the  prophets,  the  prophetic  histories,  and  in  six  Psalms  of  a 
prophetic  tone.  For  other  discussions  of  the  meaning  and  use  of  the  name 
see  De.  ZLTh.,  1874,  pp.  217  ff.;  Schra.  JPTh.,  1875,  pp.  316  ff.;  Sm.  AW. 
185;  Kautzsch,  ZAW.  VI.  17  ff.,  260;  Dr.;  BOB. —14.  o^a]  in  cstr.  rela 
tion  with  the  following  inf.,  which  serves  as  protasis,  H.  29,  i,b;  GK.  114^. 

—  '•rn^Di]  The  i  marks  the  apodosis,  H.  25,2^/5   GK.  112  mm;   K6.  3672; 
ace.  to  Ew.  the  protasis  includes  all  of  v.14,  the  apodosis  beginning  with  v.16. 

—  niji|5   .   .   .  ninarn]  PI.  fern.,  referring  to  inanimate  objects,  H.  2,  2b  (i); 
GK.  122  m,  n. 

IV.  1-3.  The  women  of  Samaria  who  by  their  debaucheries 
have  oppressed  the  poor  wUl  be  carried  away  captive  through 
breaches  in  the  walls  of  the  city.  The  fifth  and  sixth  strophes 
close  the  piece  and  present  in  form  and  thought  an  almost 
perfect  climax. 

At  first  sight  the  pentameter  seems  to  have  been  abandoned;  but  a  study 
of  the  double  strophe,  as  a  whole,  shows  a  purpose  in  this  on  the  part  of 
the  artist.  One  serious  difficulty  remains,  however,  upon  any  hypothesis  of 
construction,  viz.  the  evident  shortness  of  strophe  5,  line  2,  fnptf  nna  n#«  (41). 
It  is  probable  that  a  word  like  las"  has  dropped  out  after  lt?N.  The  tetram 
eter  of  lines  3  and  4  is  explained  by  the  evident  desire  for  double  phrases 
ending  in  rn  and  D11-,  by  the  length  and  full  sound  of  two  of  these  phrases  thus 
brought  into  juxtaposition,  and  by  the  preparation  of  the  poet  for  the  climactic 
effort  which  is  to  be  made  in  strophe  6.  This  last  point  will  perhaps  also  explain 
the  shortness  of  strophe  6.  Having  now  used  every  art  at  his  disposal  with  which 
to  prepare  for  the  final  scathing  words  of  taunt  and  rebuke,  line  3  is  drawn  out 
with  words  long  and  strong  sounding,  while  line  4  is  still  longer  and  stronger, 
a  fitting  expression  of  the  terrible  thought  which  has  been  accumulating. 
Isaiah,  in  later  times,  adopted  not  only  the  idea  of  reaching  a  climax,  in  the 
description  of  a  coming  calamity,  by  charging  the  women  with  responsibility 
because  of  their  debaucheries,  but  also  the  use  of  words  ending  in  rn  and  o> 


iv.  i-3  8s 

for  the  effect  of  the  sound.    Cf.  Is.  3la~23,  in  which  this  method  is  developed  at 
great  length  and  most  skilfully. 


1.  f£>an]  U  pingues ;  2C  N^DDJ;  S.  al  /36f$  e(;r/)o0oi;  other  versions  treat 
as  proper  name.  —  D.-pjiN1?]  We.  pinnS;  so  also  p->Sj?  and  pnx  (v.2)  (so 
Now.,  Elh.,  Oet.,  Lohr). —  rwan]  6<8  pi.,  and  add  to  us  (=1^);  this,  if 
original,  would  make  five  words  in  this  line.  —  2.  mm  >JIN]  @  om.  one 
of  these  titles,  having  merely  jct/ptos.  — wnpa]  @  Kurd,  TUV  aylwv.  Gr.  itrcja, 
cf.  68  Je.  5 114.  — 13]  Baumann  om.  —  N'^JI]  ©  icai  Xij/^oirat;  similarly  &F. 
We.  wfew  (so  Gr.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Oort  Em.,  Oct.,  Hirscht).  —  JTIJM]  <g  <?j/ 
dfTrXots;  'A.  ^v  dupeots;  6.  ^v  86pa<n;  <&  p^S;  U  in  contis ;  2T  pmonn  Sy. 

—  pnnrwi]  ©  rat  roi)s  /*e0'  y/icov;  {£  panm —  run  nwoa]   @  ets  X^ras 
UTTOKato/A^ovs    ^/SaXoGtrtv   e/j,irvpoi    \oi/j.ot,   of  which,   according   to  Vol.,   e/s 
\4prjras  is  the  translation  of  nn^Da,  vTroKaio^vovs  an  explanatory  addition, 
i[j.pa\ov<riv  a  vb.  supplied  from  the  context,  and  e/Airvpoi  Xoi/uo£  ( =  burning 
plagues}  an  erroneous  translation  of  run.    @AQ  om.  viroKatontvovs  t/j,j3a\ov(riv', 
7  codd.  om.  ffjLirvpoi  Xoipot;   hence  Hirscht  regards  @  as  containing  a  double 
rendering  of  run,  which  was  either  unknown  to  the  translators  or  else  illegible. 

r py 

—  nwo]   &  M&r-O.  —  njn]    Gr.  run,  on  basis  of  A.  ix6v5lwi>,  and  %  li-1??-  — 
3.    nnjj  n^x  njxxn  D^nai]  @  icai  ^evcx^orecr^e  (=  njxxini)  yvfj.val  Kartvavri 
dXXiJXwi',  of  which  yvfj.va.1  Kartvavn  is  probably  a  corruption  of  7uva?Kes  evavn 
(so  Va.,  Ba.,   Hirscht),   or   perhaps   yvftval  =  n^ns,   cf.  Lv.    I345  Nu.  58 
(so  Vol.).     Gr.   D^ifl  IN.     Hal.   ni^i  'x  njxxn  'fli.  —  njnaWn]  < 

o-eo-^e;  so  U,  reading  njnaStsn;    cf.  S  ,— »?iufcJo. — njionnn]  @  eis  r6 
r6  'Po/j.fjidi>  (=  njinnn  nn);  0.  c/s  rd  tyr)\bv  6pos;  U  inArmon;  'A.  ' 

»<        7         P     ^ 

S.  eJs  'Apueviav;  &  >JBVI;  5  ^l^i?]?  l'^-^-  Many  emendations  have 
been  suggested  for  these  last  two  words,  e.g.:  Hi.  HJID  inn  fruWrn  (ruin 
being  a  contraotion  of  njiyc)  =  and  ye  shall  be  cast  out  on  the  mountains 
as  a  refuge.  Ew.  rmnn  nnn  =  and  ye  shall  cast  Rimmonah  to  the  moun 
tains.  Ba.  PD-)  Tin  ^pWrn.  New.  njoinn  nj>nDS^ni  =  and  I  will  cast  it 
forth  utterly  destroying  it.  Doderlein  and  Dahl,  pDin,  the  former  trans 
lating  "  Schlachtbank,"  the  latter  "  Verweisungsort."  Meier  (SK.,  1842, 
pp.  1028  f.)  HMD  nnn  nj^jaWnj  =  and  ye  shall  cast  (each  one  of  you)  on  the 
mountain  her  false  godj  ruin  being  derived  from  pn  =  divide,  decide  (cf. 
Arab.  /7jLx>»  to  lie),  and  meaning  an  image,  an  idol ;  cf.  nj-inn  (Jb.  416  Dt.  416 
Ex.  2o3).  Gr.  njiD-m  mn  njnDS^ni.  K6.  (II.  i.  p.  459,  N.  5),  njimn  mnn. 
Hi.  (ist  ed.),  nro-)  nnn  inaSi^ni  (so  also  St.,  Gun.).  Elh.  njicnnn  ^aSni  (so 
also  Gun.  ThSt.  XVIII.  218).  Oet.  nyiovi  PN  njrjoWni  (cf.  Or.  njnaSiprn 
nro-^n).  Lohr,  pnoir  mja-\N  n«  -jn^ni.  Oort,  njiDinn.  Mit.  pm  n->ri 
=  toward  the  highlands  of  Ramman,  i.e.  Syria.  Che.  (£7?.  II.  1966), 
rfltshipa  njS^ni.  Hal.  njpipn  (cf.  Is.  2O10  Je.  2219).  Marti,  rhiar\y_.  The  orig 
inal  text  seems  to  be  beyond  recovery  (so  We.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.,  et  a/.). 


86  AMOS 

1.  Ye  kine  of  Bashan~\  The  attention  of  the  prophets  is  not 
infrequently  turned  to  women  (cf.  Is.  316  41).  The  women  of  the 
times  are  here  designated  by  a  figure  strikingly  appropriate. 
Bashan  *  was  the  northernmost  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  the 
mountainous  range  east  of  the  Jordan,  reaching  to  the  Yarmuk, 
south  of  which  were  Mt.  Gilead  and  Ha-Mishor,  and  was  known 
for  its  oaks  (Is.  213  Ez.  2f  Zc.  u2),  '^pastures  (Mi.  714  Na.  i4  Je. 
5019),  and  especially  its  cattle  (Dt.  32"  Ps.  2212  Ez.  3918),  which  are 
represented  as  being  both  fat  and  ferocious.  The  allusion  is  not  to 
the  men,t  especially  judges  and  counsellors,  called  cows  by  way  of 
contempt,  which  supposition  would  explain  the  masculine  form  of 
watf  ;  but,  in  view  of  one,  Je.  5o27  Ps.  2212,  where  men  are  intended, 
and  the  feminine  forms  occurring  so  frequently  in  the  passage,  to  the 
noble  women  and  princesses  \  who  are  now  rebuked  because  of  their 
sjns. —  Who  .  .  .  in  the  mountain  of  Samaria]  Cf.  above  and  on 
39.  —  Injure  the  poor  and  crush  the  needy]  Not  difectly,  to  be  sure, 
but  through  their  husbands']  (cf.  27  S6),  not  the  rich,  §  of  whom 
the  rulers  ask  bribes,  for  oppressing  the  poor ;  nor  the  kings  and 
princes  ||  urged  to  intemperance  by  their  counsellors  ;  nor  the  king, 
the  plural  being  a  plural  of  excellence  (cf.  Gn.  4O1  2  S.  io3), 
but  the  lords,  or  husbands  of  the  debauchees  ^[  (cf.  Gn.  i812 
i  K.  i17ff-  Ps.  4511),  the  masculine  suffix  being  due  to  careless 
ness,  to  whom  they  say  bring  that  we  may  feasf\  i.e.  the 
husbands  are  induced  to  deal  oppressively  with  the  poor  in 
order  that  they  may  procure  the  viands  needed  for  their  wives' 
debaucheries  (cf.  Is.  28lff>),  which,  from  the  general  character  of 
the  language,  may  be  understood  to  have  included  drinking, 
feasting,  and  wanton  luxury  of  every  kind.  —  2.  The  Lord  Yahweh 
hath  sworn]  Cf.  similar  expressions  (68  S7).  —  By  his  holiness"] 
Not  by  his  sanctuary,  §  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  by  which, 
as  the  symbol  of  his  holiness,  he  may  swear;  nor  by  his  holy 
name**  (Je.  4426) ;  but  rather  by  his  majesty,! t  "nis  sacred  awe- 


*  Wetzstein,  Hauran,  39-42,  83-6;  Gu.  ZDPV.,  1890,  230  ff . ;  GAS.  HG.  53, 
549  ff.  575  f.,  and  art.  "  Bashan,"  DD. ;  Dr.  art.  "  Bashan,"  EB. 
t  Jer.  (fol.  2T),  Cal.,  Os.,  Mercer,  Har.,  Dat.,  Hd. 

J  Geb.,  Jus,  Va.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Ke.,  Gun.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.  §  Cal. 

||  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hd. 
11  Geb.,  Jus.,  Va.,  Ba.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  We.,  Dr.       **  Va.       tt  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Now. 


IV.  i-3  8; 

inspiring  personality/'*  with  the  implication  that  he  will  vindicate 
his  holiness  by  inflicting  punishment  for  sin.|  —  Days  are  coming 
upon  you~\  The  sad  and  serious  forecast  of  gloom  and  wretched 
ness  so  common  in  prophecy  (cf.  811  9"  of  the  bright  future,  i  S. 
231  2  K.  2O17  Is.  39®,  and  fifteen  times  in  Je.,  e.g.  y32  i614).— 
And  ye  shall  be  taken  with  hooks']  The  translation  shields  j  gives 
no  sense  here ;  the  same  is  true  of  thorns ;  §  the  figure  is  that  of 
fish  (no  longer  cows)  caught  by  hooks.  ||  This  is  better  than  to 
understand  the  representation  of  animals  led  by  rings  in  their 
noses. IT  —  Even  the  last  of  you~\  That  Amos  does  not  mean  here 
their  posterity  **  (cf.  Je.  3i17  Ps.  lop13  Dn.  n4)  is  clear  from  y17,  in 
which  he  looks  forward  to  an  immediate  destruction.  In  the 
synonymous  member,  for  the  sake  of  emphasis,  he  adds  that  even 
of  those,  if  there  are  any,  who  may  be  left,  the  last  without  excep 
tion  shall  suffer  in  like  manner,  viz.  be  carried  away  with  fish 
hooks^  thus  interpreting  the  expression  already  given.  |t  The 
older  interpretation  pots  was  strange  enough  in  connection  with 
the  word  fifiT,  fish.  Calvin's  idea,  that  though  they  thought  them 
selves  so  large  they  should  be  carried  away  by  a  very  small  instru 
ment  (fish-hooks),  and  Gebhard's,  that  the  instruments  were  poles 
sharp  like  thorns,  which  were  to  be  used  for  rescuing  the  women 
from  fish-ponds  into  which  they  had  fallen,  are  equally  absurd ;  cf. 
the  view  of  G.  A.  Smith  that,  the  hooks  ordinarily  used  for  such 
purposes  having  all  been  used  on  account  of  the  great  number  of 
captives,  fish-hooks  will  be  used  for  the  last  of  them.  The  correct 
idea  is  the  same  as  in  Hb.  i145,  i.e.  that  of  women  as  helpless  as 
the  fish  in  the  hands  of  the  angler  (Mitchell)  ;  cf.  also  the  usage  of 
the  Assyrians  in  leading  captives  by  ropes  fastened  to  rings  in  the 
under  lip.  \\  —  3.  And  through  breaches']  Emphatic  by  its  posi 
tion;  these  could  hardly  have  been  prepared  beforehand  for  secret 
escape,  §§  nor  were  they  made  by  the  people  themselves  in  their 
hurry  to  escape ;  ||  ||  but  were  those  made  by  the  enemy,  and, 
according  to  the  picture,  are  so  many  as  to  furnish  the  easiest 
exit  from  the  city  ;  cf.  2  K.  i  f-*,  also  Gn.  3S29.  —  Ye  shall  go  forth] 

»  Mit.  f  Os.,  Hd.,  Ke.  J  'A. ;  QS&  weapons.  §  Doderlein. 

||  Cal.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Mau.,  Pu.,  Gun.,  Mit.,  Now.,  Dr. 

1  Jus.,  Hi.,  GAS. ;  cf.  Duhm  and  Marti.  **  Geb.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Gun.,  Elh. 

ft  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ke.      JJ  Rawlinson,  Anc.  Man.  1. 243.      §§  Hi.      U[|  So  apparently  Cal 


88  AMOS 

Direct  address ;  not  escaping  as  fugitives,*  but  carried  away  as 
captives,  f  —  Each  woman  straight  before  her]  i.e.  not  one  after 
another ;  \  nor  each  caring  only  for  herself  §  (cf.  Jos.  65- M  Is.  4715), 
nor  each  one  alone,  unaccompanied  by  a  man,  ||  nor  each  one 
in  a  captive  state,  not  permitted  to  turn  to  the  right  hand  or 
the  left ;  ^[  but  each  one  straight  forward  "  from  the  place  where 
she  is  captured,"!  i.e.  through  the  breach  which  is  directly  before 
her  **  (cf.  here  also  Is.  4715  Jos.  65-  *>) .  —  And  ye  shall  be  casf}  The 
passive  is  easier  than  the  active  with  the  object  supplied,  "ye  shall 
cast  yourselves."-—  Toward  Harmon\  In  favor  of  understanding 
this  word  as  the  name  of  a  place,  however  uncertain  may  be  its 
exact  significance  (v.i.),  may  be  urged  (i)  the  general  testimony 
of  the  versions,  (2)  the  weight  of  interpretation,  (3)  the  demands 
of  the  passage,  and  (4)  that  this  piece,  like  other  pieces  of  Amos, 
might  be  expected  to  close  with  a  statement  of  the  place  to  which 
Israel  is  to  be  sent  captive  ;  cf.  $*  614.ft 

1.  -ly^r]  Masc.,  though  women  are  addressed,  because  standing  first  (cf. 
Is.  3211)  GK.  1440,  K6.  205  c.  —  t^an  rn-r?]  rna  for  rn?,  hence  _  unchange 
able,  even  in  cstr.,  GK.  25  e ;  the  art.  used  in  jc'an  regularly  in  historical 
statements  (e.g.  Nu.  2i33  Dt.  I*  Jos.  ly1  but  not  in  I  Ch.  523),  and  fre 
quently,  though  not  in  the  majority  of  cases,  in  poetry;  it  is  present,  e.g.,  in 
Is.  213  Je.  2220,  but  lacking  in  Ps.  2213  6816- 23  Is.  339  Ez.  276  391S  Mi.  714 
Na.  I4  Zc.  ii2 ;  cf.  Dr.  Dt.  47  ;  GAS.  HG.  549  ;  it  is  the  distinctive  art.,  as 
in  n~^!?>  GK.  126  e.  —  rnpB?;H]  Art.  with  ptcp.  =  rel.  clause;  ptry  is  very 
general,  including  the  doing  of  an  injury  whether  open  or  secret  ;  while 
>'Xi  refers  rather  to  open  attack  and  assault  (Ho.  511  Ju.  io8) ;  both  words 
are  found  together,  as  here,  in  Dt.  2833  I  S.  I23-4.  ia;r  indicates  a  more 
entire  destruction. —  rnxsrn]  Note  asyndeton  in  case  of  the  ptcps.  with 
the  art.  —  on^nxS]  nn  is  either  an  error  in  grammatical  usage  (Ba.),  or  the 
masc.  because  the  cows  (fern.)  are  used  to  represent  men  (Ros.,  Mau.), 
or  a  copyist's  mistake  (v.s.~),  or  the  masc.  used,  as  including  the  fern.  (Schro.), 
cf.  DD^S;,  oanN  (v.2)  with  the  use  elsewhere  of  the  fern.;  see  GK.  1350; 
K6.  14.  —  ^a?]  Sg.,  although  addressed  to  cn>r»N;  to  be  urged  perhaps 
in  favor  of  interpreting  DH^TN  king  (Ros.,  Mau.,  Hd.);  on  He  cohort., 
GK.  48  i  ;  Sta.  §  595  b.  —  nri^i]  The  simplest  expression  for  purpose,  H. 
26,  2 a,  Dr.  §  60,  GK.  io8</.  —  2.  yarj]  Pf.  of  indef.  past;  H.  17,  3;  Dr. 
§  9;  GK.  io6£.  —  -pa]  This  a  falls  under  the  general  head  of  means  or  in 
strument,  cf.  its  use  in  nca  (Dt.  613,  etc.) ;  as  here  in  Jos.  212  and  fre- 


*  Hi.,  Or.  f  Mit.  t  Jus.  \  Ew.  ||  Geb. 

II  Hd.,  Dr.  **  Ros.         ft  Hoffm.,  ZA  W.  III.  102 ;  but  cf.  Marti. 


IV.  3  89 

quently,  Is.  628;   cf.  Arab.  s«j  which  must  be  used  in  swearing  rather  than   « 

or  Ui>,  before  a  pron.  suf.,  and  when,  as  here,  the  vb.  is  expressed  (Wright, 
Arab.  Gram.  II.  §  62).  —  ^]  Either  a  part,  of  asseveration,  surely,  or  equiva 
lent  to  quotation  marks  (Hd.),  GK.  157  £. —  NiJO]]  Shall  it  be  taken  (i)  as 
a  Niph.  pf.  used  impers.  (Hi.),  cf.  Gn.  u9  Ex.  I37  Is.  23!,  H.  25,  2  </, 
or  (2)  as  Qal.  impf.  I  pi.  (sugg.  by  Va.),  or  (3)  as  Pi'el  pf.  (GK.  7500) 
with  3ViNn  understood  as  subj.  (Ke.),  or  used  impersonally,  cf.  i  K.  911 
(Schro.,  Ba.,  Ke.),  or  (4)  with  the  text  changed  to  wc»j  (z/.j.)  ?  Preferable 
is  (3)  or  (4).  On  pf.  with  i  cons,  here,  GK.  112  x  ;  K6.  361  c.  — .  .  .  rv*:x3 
rn-vD3].  This  is  the  only  case  where  TD  has  the  meaning  hook,  its  usual 
sense  being  thorn,  and  the  only  occurrence  of  the  fern,  form  of  the  plural. 
rm  also  is  found  only  here,  the  usual  form  being  a^v,  pi.  of  jv.  The 
primary  force  of  both  words,  as  also  of  ryn,  is  brier,  thorn  (cf.  Pr.  225  Jb.  55 
Is.  3413  Ho.  2s  96),  and  the  meaning  hook  is  of  later  origin  ;  cf.  Assyr.  hahin, 
hihinu,  thorn.  Hal.  urges  that  usage  of  the  kind  here  described  was 
never  accorded  to  women,  but  only  to  dangerous  prisoners,  and  that  njNsn 
of  v.3  shows  that  women  go  forth  voluntarily,  hence  that  the  statement 
is  made  not  of  living  women  but  of  the  carcasses  of  women  that  are 
dragged  out  and  cast  upon  the  dung  heap.  —  ?3~<nnN]  Stronger  than  n  iNtf 
(Ew).  —  3.  a^ioi]  Ancient  interpreters  (so  Dat.,  Jus.)  seem  to  have  read  with 
3  =  through;  but  it  may  be  the  ace.  as  obj.  of  NP  (Va.,  Schro.,  Ba.);  cf. 
Gn.  444  GK.  u8</;  K6.  211  d\  on  position,  Ew.8  309  a,  i.  —  mrs]  As  dis 
tributive  pron.  GK.  139  b.  —  ^^pb'f  ?]]  Read  by  ©  and  other  versions  (v.s^)  as 
a  Hoph. ;  otherwise  with  an  obj.  supplied  (Geb.),  the  n_  is  either  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  last  syllable  of  njxxn  (Ke.,  Mit.);  or  to  be  taken  as 
n  paragogic,  though  rare  in  pf.  (Va.,  Ros.),  cf.  Is.  72  2  S.  I26;  or,  better, 
as  a  case  of  dittography,  GK.  44 /£  (^.j.).  —  rwcnnn]  In  addition  to  the 
explanations  of  this  term  involving  emendation  of  the  text  (^.^.),  the  fol 
lowing  renderings  may  also  be  cited:  (i)  pcin  has  been  regarded  as  a 
stronger  pronunciation  of  pens  and  interpreted  (a)  of  the  king's  palace, 
(b}  of  the  fortresses  or  palaces  of  the  enemy  (so  Jus.,  Schro.,  et  al.}  ; 
(2)  it  has  been  identified  with  Armenia  (so  <§?&  £.,  Jer.,  et  al.}  ;  (3)  high 
lands  which  had  to  be  crossed  on  the  way  to  Assyria  (so  Hes.,  Mau.); 
(4)  the  name  of  the  mountain  on  which  Samaria  stood,  or  some  portion  of  it 

(AE.);    (5)   Mt.  Amanus  (Luther);    (6)  pride  (Rashi);     (7)  it  has  been 

6^' 
connected  with  Arab.  »»*J&  and  referred  to  the  harem  of  a  hostile  king.     It 

is  regarded  as  inexplicable  by  many  (so  We.,  Val.,  Dr.,  Now.,  GAS.,  et  a!.}. 
It  is  to  be  taken,  in  any  case,  as  a  place-name,  and  We.'s  objection  to  this, 
that  such  a  name  would  be  suitable  if  the  people  as  a  whole  were  spoken  of, 
while  it  does  not  suit  where  the  women  in  particular  are  mentioned,  does  not 
hold  in  view  of  the  preceding  njxxn  O^IDI.  All  efforts  to  discover  such  a 
place  as  Harmon  have  thus  far  failed. 


90  AMOS 

§  7.  Israel's  failure  to  understand  the  divine  judgments.    44'13. 

The  occasion  is  perhaps  a  festival.*  The  prophet  in  an  ironical 
vein  exhorts  Israel  to  continue  in  the  formal  ceremonial  worship 
—  the  cultus  at  Bethel  and  Gilgal  —  but  it  is  all  an  illusion,  and 
displeasing  to  the  very  God  whose  favor  they  thus  seek  to  gain. 
Again  and  again  Yahweh  has  indicated  his  displeasure  with  their 
conduct  in  drought,  in  famine,  in  blight  of  crops,  in  pestilence 
and  war,  and  in  earthquake  ;  but  alas  !  they  have  not  turned  back. 
It  remains,  therefore,  to  inflict  upon  them,  —  what?  In  any 
event,  "  Prepare,  O  Israel,  to  meet  thy  God  !  "  Who  is  he  that 
speaks  thus  ?  The  God  of  creation  and  history. 

This  piece,  though  very  different  in  movement  and  structure  from  any  that 
has  preceded,  is  none  the  less  artistic.  The  arrangement  presented  here  appeared 
in  BW.,  October,  1898,  pp.  251  f.  In  its  original  form  the  piece  consisted  of 
nine  strophes,  each  containing  four  trimeters.  Of  these,  I  and  2,  which  form 
the  introduction,  are  closely  connected,  likewise  8  and  9,  which  form  the  con 
clusion.  Strophes  3-7,  each  of  which  is  introduced  by  a  vb.  in  the  first  per 
son  (76  and  8a  are  a  gloss),  and  characterized  by  the  refrain  But  you  did  not 
return  to  me,  saith  Yahweh,  make  the  body  of  the  poem  (cf.  below  on  strophes 
4,  5).  Miiller's  arrangement  {Die  Propheten,  I.  68  f.)  of  this  section,  in 
cluding  41"3,  is  arbitrary  and  artificial.  His  attempt  to  secure  strophes  of 
5+4+3  +  2+ i»  and  refrain,  i.e.  16  lines,  with  an  introduction  of  8  lines 
and  a  closing  strophe  of  8  lines,  is  an  utter  failure.  One  need  only  examine  the 
lines  to  see  that  they  have  been  arranged  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  theory. 
It  is  important  to  note  the  more  serious  changes  of  text  involved  in  the 
reconstruction  here  adopted.  These  will  be  discussed  in  detail  in  their 
proper  places : — 

(i)  the  rejection  in  v.7a  of  the  gloss  o^enn  npStP  iipa;  (2)  the  rejection 
of  v.76  and  all  of  v.8,  except  the  refrain,  as  a  gloss;  (3)  the  rejection  of 
the  gloss  DD'DiD  oi?  DJ?;  (4)  the  treatment  of  v.13  as  a  later  addition,  although, 
if  the  line  ist?  niN3X  -riSs  mn>  might  be  fitted  into  strophe  8,  the  place  of  a 
lost  line  would  be  supplied  in  that  strophe  and  an  extra  line  avoided  in 
strophe  9. 

The  arrangement  proposed  by  Lohr  (in  1901)  has  much  in  common  with 
the  present  reconstruction,  viz.  (i)  the  rejection  of  vs.7-8  as  a  later  addition 
(so  also  Baumann);  7«8&,  however,  are  regarded  here  as  genuine;  (2)  the 
treatment  of  vs.126-  13  as  an  interpolation;  (3)  Lohr  finds  in  vs.4-6  and  9^u  six 
strophes  identical  with  strophes  1-3  and  5-7  of  the  present  arrangement  (ex 
cept  that  he  makes  two  lines  out  of  the  refrain  instead  of  one,  as  here,  and 
retains  DIPDID  ot?  Dy).  But  Lohr  differs  also  in  connecting  314ft  91  (as  far 

*  We. 


IV.  4  91 

as  trsDn)  and  g7  with  the  present  piece,  which  he  regards  as  only  a  frag 
ment  of  the  address  against  the  sanctuaries  at  Bethel  and  Gilgal,  the  begin 
ning  and  end  of  44'12a  being  lacking. 

4,  5.  Continue,  O  Israel,  your  efforts  by  sacrifices  to  secure 
YahweWs  favor,  —  but  it  is  useless. 

The  strophe  consists  of  three  couplets,  each  containing  an  ironical  command 
relating  to  the  cultus,  with  a  fourth  couplet  explaining  Israel's  strange  conduct, 
viz.  their  love  for  all  this  empty  show.  The  structure  is  perfect,  every  line 
being  regular  in  length. 


4.  S-iVjn]  £»  and  H  precede  by  3.  —  imn]  Oort,  wnm  (ThT.  XIV.  143; 
so  also  Gun.,  Elh.,Oet.).  —  5.  mm  pnriD  ntopi]  <5/ccu  dvtyvaxravefa  v&(jjov=w\p) 
rrvin  yinc;  &  =  DDDD  (so  also  Hirscht);  Ew.,  niopi  (so  also  Gun.,  Oort  Em., 
Elh.  and  Oct.,  who  omits  conj.)  ;  cf.  Margolis  (A/SL.  XVII.  171),  who  suggests 
mm  firn  laqi^,  Call  out  in  the  streets,  Thanksgiving!  —  niaij  -ix-)|-n]  <&  en 

P     ^ 

6caX6rai>To  =  w^;  5  jJyJ  cjcjJo  (=  M  -ITUI).  —  ipD»n]  @  joins  to  fol.  cl., 
while  &  translates  nSiS»o  = 


4.  <?<?  /#  Bethel  and  —  transgress.  ~\  It  is  only  necessary  to  read 
the  whole  phrase  to  see  that  the  prophet  is  not  serious  ;  "  going 
to  Bethel  "  carries  with  it  transgression,  the  two  are  synonymous. 
The  tone  of  voice,  doubtless,  indicated  the  irony  of  the  expression. 
The  transgression  was  not  (i)  the  worshipping  on  high  places, 
a  violation  of  the  law  of  the  central  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem 
(Dt.  i24"7),*  for  that  law  had  not  yet  been  promulgated;  nor 
(2)  the  changing  of  the  details  of  the  ceremonial  by  adapting 
them  to  the  heathen  worship  outside  of  Israel  ;  f  nor  (3)  the  calf- 
worship  which  was  in  vogue  at  Bethel  (cf.  Ho.  415  85f-)  ;  |  nor 
(4)  the  failure  to  give  Yahweh  a  proper  place  in  the  worship  ;  § 
nor  (5)  the  fact  of  engaging  in  worship  though  morally  unfit,  ||  — 
but  the  fact  of  engaging  in  any  kind  of  ceremonial  worship  for 
the  purpose  of  finding  Yahweh,  when,  indeed,  the  more  zealously 
they  observe  the  cultus,  the  farther  do  they  remove  themselves 
from  Yahweh.f  —  In  Gilgal']  For  situation  and  description,**  cf. 
Jos.  419  i57  ;  for  the  place  which  it  had  occupied  in  Israelitish  his- 

*  Cal.          f  Geb.,  Os.          +  Jus.,  Hd.          §  So  apparently  Pu.          ||  Dr. 
IT  We.;  WRS.,  Proph.  94-99;   Now.,  Mit. 

**  Conder,  Tent  Work,  II.  7  ff.;  Rob.  BR*.  I.  557;  GAS.  HG  494;  Bliss,  art. 
"  Gilgal,"  DB.  ;  GAS.  art.  "  Gilgal,"  EB.  ;  Marti. 


92  AMOS 

tory,  cf.  Jos.  419- »  53-10  i  S.  716  io8  n14  i5loff  2  S.  ig15  Ho.  41S  9U 
i2n.  The  site  has  only  recently  (1865)  been  identified  *  as  Jiljul, 
4^  miles  from  the  Jordan,  i^  miles  from  Jericho.  —  And  bring 
every  morning  your  sacrifices]  The  ironical  vein  still  continues ; 
the  sacrifices  were  those  which  were  offered  annually  (i  S.  i3-7-21)  ; 
the  worshipper  is  invited  to  offer  them  daily  instead  of  annu 
ally  ;  f  the  exaggeration  does  not  consist  in  offering  instead  of  a 
usual  morning  offering  an  earlier  one ;  J  nor  is  the  sense  satisfied 
by  understanding  the  invitation  to  be  merely  the  description  of  a 
custom,  viz.  that  of  making  an  offering  on  the  next  morning  after 
arrival  at  the  sanctuary.  §  —  Every  third  day  your  tithes'}  The  tithe  || 
was  differently  administered  at  different  periods.  According  to  the 
regulations  of  Dt.  (i428  2612),  which  seem  earlier  than  those  of  P 
(Nu.  i821'28),  the  third  year  was  the  tithing  year  /car'  e£oxqv,li  be 
cause  only  in  this  year  was  the  whole  tithe  given  away,  the  offerer 
himself  and  his  family  eating  it  in  the  other  years.  In  strict 
parallelism  with  the  preceding  line,  the  prophet  urges  the  wor 
shippers  to  offer  their  tithes  every  third  day  instead  of  every  third 
year.**  Note,  however,  should  be  made  of  the  renderings,  every 
three  years,  a'tf  =  year  ft  (as  in  Lv.  25^  Ju.  ly10  2  Ch.  2i19),  on 
three  days  ( =  at  the  times  of  the  three  great  feasts,  which,  it  is 
claimed,  lasted  originally  each  a  single  day),  \\  every  three  days,  i.e. 
frequently,  §§  and  especially,  on  the  third  day  (after  arrival),  ||fl  on 
the  ground  that  Amos  is  exaggerating  nothing,  but  as  above,  describ 
ing  the  custom  of  the  visiting  worshipper  at  Bethel,  who  offered 
his  sacrifice  on  the  morning  after  arrival  and  his  tithe  on  the 
third  day,  a  supposition  for  which  no  one  offers  a  good  reason. 
—  5.  And  burn  of  leavened  bread  a  thank-offering]  The  prophet 
exhorts  the  people  still  further  to  increase  their  zeal  by  burning 


*  By  Zschokke ;  but  Schlater  (Zur  Topogr.  u.  Gesch.  Palastinas,  246  ff.)  ;  Buhl 
(Geogr.  des  alt.  Pal.,  1896,  pp.  202  f.)  and  BSZ.  identify  this  Gilgal  with  Julgjll, 
opposite  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  east  of  the  plain. 

t  Mit.  J  Ba.  $  Os.,  We.,  Now.,  Dr. 

||  Hermann,  Gottesdicnstl.  Alterth.  d.  Griechen,  §  20,  4;  Ri.  HBA.  II.  1792-7; 
Di.  on  Lv.  2788;  Ryssel,  PRE2  XVII.  442 f.;  We.,  Die  Composition  des  Hexa- 
teuchs ;  WRS.  ,&?#*.  244-54;  Sayce,  Patriarchal  Palestine ,  175. 

II  Dr.  Dt.  173.  ++  Oort,  Th  T.  XIV.  143  f. 

**  Ros.,  Ke.  §§  Schro. 

ft  Cal.,  Va.,  Hd.,  Pu.  || ||  Os.,  We.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Marti. 


IV.  4-5  93 

(i.e.  turning  into  sweet  smoke)  what  ordinarily  was  not  burned, 
viz.  the  leavened  bread  which  formed  a  part  of  the  thank-offer 
ing.  Amos  does  not  here  refer  to  the  transgression  of  any  law  in 
existence  (e.g.  Lv.  211  712)  ;  but  to  a  new  custom,  just  now 
being  developed,  the  thought  being  that  a  thank-offering  prepared 
with  yeast  or  grape-honey  (Ho.  31)  would  be  more  acceptable. 
This  use  of  leaven  (cf.  the  raisin-cakes  of  Ho.  31)  was  probably 
regarded  as  pleasing  to  the  Canaanitish  deities,*  hence  in  later 
times  it  came  to  be  forbidden  (Lv.  y12  Ex.  2318).  The  transla 
tion  of  2T,  from  violence  =  that  which  is  gained  by  violence  (v.s.) 
seems  to  relieve  a  serious  difficulty,  but  like  the  rendering  without 
leaven~\  is  quite  far-fetched;  cf.  (§  (v.s.}.  —  And  proclaim  free 
will  offerings,  make  them  known\  The  freewill-offering  (cf. 
the  later  regulations  Dt.  i26-7  Ex.  35^  Lv.  2218-21)  was  intended 
to  be  given  as  the  freest  possible  expression  of  the  heart's  feeling. 
The  irony,  which  still  continues,  lies  in  the  prophet's  urging  the 
people,  not  the  priests,  J  to  publish  far  and  wide  §  their  voluntary 
gifts,  an  action  which  was  directly  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  such 
gifts.  The  language  does  not  convey  the  idea,  ordinarily  assigned 
to  it,  of  a  command  to  the  priests  to  make  freewill  offerings 
compulsory.||  — For  so  ye  love  to  do~\  Cf.  Je.  531.  The  prophet 
has  described  a  tendency,  indeed  the  fundamental  error,  of  the 
Northern  religion.  This  fault,  which  has  now  become  an  organic 
part  of  the  national  system,  is  not  that  the  offerings,  correct  in 
themselves,  were  made  at  the  wrong  place,^"  but  that  Israel  is 
laboring  under  a  delusive  idea ;  for  outward  forms  of  any  kind, 
however  zealously  executed,  will  not  take  the  place  of  the  essentials 
of  religion. 

4.  "m  SMDO  1x2]  The  parallelism  rules  out  the  rendering,  "Go  to  Bethel, 
and  transgress  at  Gilgal,"  etc.  (Hi.).  —  SN  JTO]  Ace.  of  direction  after  1x2,  GK. 
ii8</.  —  SjVjn]  This  might  be  taken  (i)  with  lain  =  place  in  which,  GK. 
118^;  cf.  the  2  of  the  versions  (GAS.,  Dr.);  (2)  with  1N3  of  prec.  member, 
or  with  a  verb  of  motion  supplied  =  ace.  of  direction  (Jer.,  St.,  Or.,  Gun.,  We., 
Mit.,  Now. ,  Elh.)  5(3)=  ace.  of  specification,  "  as  far  as  concerns  Gilgal  "  (Ba.) 
GK.  118^;  (2)  is  preferable.  The  name  is  a  reduplicated  formation  from  SSj 

*  Cf.  WRS.  OTJC1  434  and  Sem.  220  f.  §  Ba. 

t  Oort,  TAT.  XIV.  144;  but  cf.  Gun.  ||  Schro.,  Hi.,  Pu.,  Ke. 

t  Os.  IF  Cal.,  Os. 


94  AMOS 

and  means  the  circle,  the  reference  being  probably  to  a  circle  of  sacred  stones 
(cf.  Jos.  4°  S29*1'-);  for  a  similar  formation,  cf.  133  from  113;  the  art.,  which 
is  always  retained,  except  Jos.  5°  I223,  is  an  indication  that  the  appellative 
force  of  the  word  was  long  felt;  cf.  Ko.  295^.  —  y&gh  lain]  Lit.,  multiply  in 
transgressing,  inf.  with  V  having  the  force  of  the  gerund,  H.  29,  3  e;  GK.  1 14  o\ 
Ko.  399  m.  —  ~ipaS]  Distributive,  cf.  Je.  2i12  (but  here  npa1?  may  =  in  the 
morning,  early),  Ex.  2938-39  I  Ch.  i640;  Ko.  331/5  cf.,  however,  Now.,  who 
maintains  that  for  the  expression  of  the  idea,  every  morning,  every  third  day, 
there  would  be  used  either  the  pi.  (cf.  Ps.  7314  Jb.  718),  or  a  repetition  of 
the  word  (cf.  I  Ch.  927) ;  GK.  123^.  On  the  force  of  the  art.,  v.  Ko.  300  £. 
Giesebrecht  {Die  hebr.  Praeposition  Lamed,  p.  23)  makes  ipaS  =  early  every 
where  except  Ps.4915.  —  nianj,  mm,  ysn.nBpi  Da>mis>i7B,  aznnar]  This  vocabulary 
of  religious  worship  is  noteworthy  for  its  size  and  scope,  its  definiteness,  and 
the  peculiar  connection  in  which  it  is  introduced.  If  this  passage  is  genuine, 
and  no  one  doubts  this,  it  must  be  conceded  (i)  that  a  fully  developed  cultus 
was  in  existence  at  this  time;  (2)  that  it  was  showing  a  pronounced  tendency 
towards  a  still  fuller  expansion;  (3)  that  the  priest-power  was  very  consider 
able,  and  one  with  which  the  prophet  was  coming  into  antagonism;  (4)  that 
the  prophet,  at  all  events,  represented  an  idea  in  religion  which  did  not  have 
much,  if  any,  prevalence  at  this  time.  —  5.  TJp]  Inf.  abs.  for  imv.,  II.  28,  5  c; 
GK.  1132;  Ew.8  328^;  Ko.  218  b.  The  original  meaning  of  the  word  is 

-C»  i  «« 

to  give  out  vapor  or  smoke,  like  Arab.  -£5  to  give  forth  vapor,  >Lo  smoke, 
steam,  Assyr.  kutru,  smoke.  Pi'el  and  Hiph.  are  commonly  used,  meaning  to 
burn  on  the  altar.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  Pi'el  is  the  proper  word  to  be 
used  for  burning  incense,  and  the  Hiph.  of  sacrifices  (Gun.).  The  Massorites 
attempted  to  make  the  distinction  that  the  Pi'el  designates  either  irregular  or 
idolatrous  sacrifice,  the  Hiph.,  lawful.  But  this  is  arbitrary  (cf.  2  Ch.  3425). 
Rather,  the  Pi'el  is  the  older  expression,  and  the  Hiph.  the  younger,  used 
chiefly  in  P;  cf.  Ko.  96  (We.  Prol  64;  ZA  W.  VI.  298  f.;  Kit.  Theol. 
Studien  aus  Wiirtemberg,  II.  53;  SS.  660;  Now.  Arch.  II.  246  f.). —  p]  Is 
not  partitive,  some  leaven  for  a  thank-offering,  but  local,  a  thank-offering 
made  up  of  leaven.  —  *r'cn]  The  usual  term  for  leavened  bread.  In  general, 
all  leavened  bread  was  forbidden  to  be  offered  on  the  altar  (Ex.  2318  Lv.  211). 
Traces  of  greater  freedom  appear  in  Lv.  713  2317.  This  passage  shows  the  custom 
in  Israel  to  have  been  different  from  that  in  Judah.  Amos  does  not  necessarily 
regard  it  as  unlawful  (We.).  Indeed,  the  custom  may  be  regarded  as  in  har 
mony  with  the  original  ideas  of  sacrifice  (WRS.  Sem.  220  f.,  242;  OT/C.2  345). 
—  n-nr]  The  thank-offering  is  a  particular  kind  of  the  D^nStf  (Lv.  712).  It  is 
also  called  rninn  naj,  Lv.  712  2229,  and  fully  D>oV^  rnm  nar  Lv.  713-  15  (Now. 
Arch.  II.  238;  Benz.  Arch.  446).  —  manj]  The  freewill-offering,  a  spon 
taneous  offering,  not  one  prescribed,  often  united  with  TU  vow,  both  being 
extraordinary  offerings  (Now.  Arch.  II.  238  f.  ;  Benz.  Arch.  446,  451). 
They  might  take  the  form  of  burnt-offerings  (Dr.  Dt.  143;  Lv.  2218-  21), 
but  more  usually  of  o^vhv  (Lv.  716).  The  nmj  were  often  made  the 


IV.  6-8  95 

occasion  for  free-handed  hospitality,  with  perhaps  a  general  invitation  to 
all  to  come  and  partake  (We.;  WRS.  Sem.  254).  —  Dnans]  Stative  pf., 
H.  18,  i;  Dr.  §  ii;  GK.  iobg. —  D3var]  The  root  nar  means  to  slaughter 
for  sacrifice,  as  originally  all  slaughtering  was  connected  with  sacrifice, 
n?;  is  therefore  the  generic  word  for  sacrifice,  usually  designating  the  sacri 
ficial  meal,  for  which  in  later  times  D>DSe>  was  commonly  substituted  as  a 
more  specific  term  (WRS.  Sem.  222,  237;  Dr.  Dt.  141  f.,  145;  BDB.  s.v. ; 
Now.  Arch.  II.  210,  215;  Benz.  Arch.  435;  We.  Prol.  73).  —  DDTHB^D]  The 
tithe  was  a  widespread  institution  in  antiquity.  On  tithes  in  general,  see 
Spencer,  De  Legibus  Hebraeorurn,  III.  IO,  §  I  ;  Ew.  Antiquities,  p.  300; 
Ryssel,  s.v.  "Zehnten,"  PRE?;  WRS.  Sem.,  Lecture  VIL,  and  Proph.  383  f., 
and  art.  "Tithes,"  Enc.  Br. ;  We.  Prol.  I56f.;  Dr.  Dt.  166-73;  Now.  Arch. 
II.  257  f.  Among  non-Semites  may  be  cited  the  Greeks,  who  tithed  the 
spoils  of  war,  the  annual  crops,  and  other  sources  of  revenue  (Xenophon 
and  his  followers,  e.g.,  reserved  a  tithe  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  captives 
for  a  thank-offering  to  the  gods,  Xenophon  himself  using  his  own  share  to 
erect  a  small  temple  in  Scillus,  near  Olympia;  v.  Anabasis,  V.  3;  cf.  Her 
mann,  Gottesdienstl.  Alterth.  d.  Griechen  (2d  ed.),  §  20,  4) ;  the  Romans, 
who  paid  tithes  to  Hercules  (Diodorus,  IV.  21 ;  Plutarch,  Moralia,  II.  267  E), 
and  the  Lydians,  who  tithed  their  cattle  (Nic.  Damasc.  in  Miiller's  Fragm. 
Hist.  Gr.  III.  371).  Among  the  Semites  the  custom  was  general;  the  Car 
thaginians  sent  an  annual  tithe  of  their  increase  to  Tyre  to  the  temple  of  Mel- 
karth  (Diodorus,  XX.  14) ;  there  are  many  references  to  tithes  and  monthly 
tributes  in  the  records  of  the  Babylonian  temples  (Jastrow,  Rel.  668).  A 
common  vow  among  the  Arabs  was,  "  If  God  gives  rne  a  hundred  sheep,  I  will 
sacrifice  one  in  every  ten"  (Arnold,  Septem  Moallakat,  p.  186).  The  only 
pre-Deuteronomic  references  to  the  tithe  in  the  O.  T.  are  Gn.  2822  and  this 
passage.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  both  connect  the  payment  of  tithes  with 
Bethel.  It  is  probable  that  in  early  times  the  religious  tithe  of  each  district 
was  given  for  the  support  of  the  sanctuary  of  the  district.  This  tithe  was 
probably  not  compulsory,  but  was  spontaneously  given;  it  is  classed  by  Amos 
with  freewill-offerings,  thank-offerings,  and  vows,  and  may  have  been  used  to 
furnish  a  sacrificial  banquet.  The  absence  of  any  regulation  concerning  tithes 
in  the  earliest  legislation  seems  to  point  to  the  voluntary  character  of  the  gift. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  in  the  earliest  times  the  tithe  and  the  "  firstfruits  "  and 
"  firstborn  "  were  identical. 


6-8.  Famine  and  drought  have  failed  to  draw  you  unto  me. 
These  two  strophes,  with  the  later  insertion,  have  never  been  made 
entirely  clear,  either  in  structure  or  meaning. 


6.  >nnj]  <j|  5c60-u>. — ?vpj]  ©  yofj-^iaa-^v,  toothache; 
all  reading  jvnp  =  bluntness,  from  nnp,  to  be  dumb  (Ba.,  Seb.;   Lag.  BN. 
200  f.;   BSZ.,  BDB.);   cf.  Je.  3i29  Ez.  i82;   'S  stupor  em ,   'A.,  TrX^i/;   2.,  0, 


96  AMOS 


Ka6api<Tn6v.  —  7  a.  "vsp1?  owin  ntrV.y  -nj?3]  though  in  all  the  versions  (cf.  6  rpv 
y-rjTov  but  Qms  0e/na>oO),  is  a  gloss,  added  as  a  meteorological  calculation,  and 
disturbing  not  only  the  strophic  arrangement,  but  also  the  poetic  generaliza 
tion.  —  "viocx  N^J  Closes  the  third  member  of  the  strophe,  after  which  the  refrain 
from  v.8,  "»  DNJ  i-\y  oratr  N1?!,  belongs.  —  7  &.  npSn]  This  word,  with  what  follows 
in  v.7  and  v.8  as  far  as  the  refrain,  is  evidently  an  interpolation,  repeating  the 
idea  of  the  famine  already  described.  In  favor  of  this  are  (i)  the  awkward 
ness  of  the  two  circumstantial  clauses  in  their  present  position  at  the  end  of 
v.7,  although  necessarily  dependent  on  iy:i  of  v.8;  (2)  the  redundancy  in  the 
repetition  of  "vy  with  the  numerals;  (3)  the  utter  extravagance  and  lack  of 
poetical  force  in  the  whole  expression;  (4)  the  impossibility  of  securing  a 
symmetrical  structure  for  the  poem  if  this  section  is  to  be  included;  (5)  the 
lack  of  reason  for  dwelling  at  such  length  on  the  drought,  when  other  calami 
ties  are,  in  some  cases,  treated  in  a  single  line.  —  T>t3Dn]  Gr.  "ODri  ;  Oort 
(Em.},  fol.  @,  fiptfa,  -VBBN  (so  Gun.,  Now.,  Elh.)  ;  but  ffl&,  though  unex 
pected,  may  be  intended  for  the  sake  of  alliteration  (Oct.).  —  8.  lyji]  Should, 
in  any  case,  stand  closely  connected  with  what  precedes;  @  Kal  ffwaffffpoiffdj- 
ffovTdi,  reading  possibly  ii^ui;  cf.  Nu.  i6n  (Vol.),  so  J5. 

Lohr  om.  all  of  vs.7-  8  as  a  later  insertion  coming  from  two  hands,  the  first 
of  which  contributed  a  strophe  consisting  of  Vs.7att-  76  and86  (the  refrain), 
while  the  second  furnished  a  variation  of  this  strophe,  consisting  of  vs.7a£-8 
(including  the  refrain),  which  crept  into  the  text  from  the  margin.  These  two 
strophes,  according  to  Lohr,  differ  from  the  original  strophes  in  having  one 
more  line  each,  and  they  interrupt  the  progress  of  the  thought,  while  they 
also  closely  resemble  8llf-  (endorsed  by  Now.  ThLZ.  XXVI.  164). 

6.  I  also  it  was  who  gave  to  you~\  The  pronoun  is  emphatic, 
and,  with  the  particle  DJ,  marks  the  contrast  between  Yahweh's 
attitude  of  punishment  and  their  conduct  described  in  vs.4-5. 
—  Cleanness  of  teeth~\  Nothing  to  eat,  interpreted  in  the  following 
member  as  "lack  of  bread,"  i.e.  famine  ;  on  the  frequency  of 
famine  in  Palestine,  cf.  Gn.  i210  26*  4I54  Ru.  i1  2  S.  2I1  i  K.  ly1.* 
The  meaning  stupidity,  favored  by  some  of  the  versions  (v.s.),  does 
not  accord  with  the  etymology  of  the  word,  the  parallelism,  or  the 
context.  The  idea  of  "  innocency  of  eating  what  was  forbidden,"! 
or  that  of  "emptiness,"  |  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  word.  —  In  all 
your  cities~\  The  calamity  referred  to  affected  the  whole  country. 
Such  famines  are  recorded  as  having  taken  place  under  Ahab 
(i  K.  ly12),  and  under  Jehoram  (2  K.  4s8  81),  but  the  reference 
here  is  probably  to  a  later  famine  of  which  no  record  has  been 

*  See  C.  Warren,  art.  "  Famine,"  DB.  f  Geb.  J  Va. 


IV.  6-8  97 

preserved.  —  But  ye  did  not  return  to  me~\  Yahweh  expected  the 
calamity  to  bring  the  people  to  their  senses,  but  it  failed  to  do  so.* 
This  expression  is  common  and  important  (cf.  Ho.  61  i4L  2  Is.  io21 


yS34  Mai.  37),  since  it  with  the  N.  T.  Greek  cirurrptyav  (e.g.  Acts  319 
9s5  ii21  i  Thes.  i9)  prepared  the  way  for  the  later  idea  contained 
in  the  word  "  conversion."  |  —  7.7  also  it  was  who  withheld  from 
you  the  rain~\  Lack  of  rain  was,  of  course,  the  occasion  of  the 
famine  described  in  v.6.  Perhaps  this  strophe  originally  preceded 
that  in  v.6.  In  any  case  the  famine  and  the  drought  are  treated 
distinctly.  —  While  yet  there  remained  three  months  to  the  harvest^ 
This  clause,  which  is  to  be  treated  as  a  gloss,  \  contains  an  expla 
nation  by  some  later  hand  as  to  the  details  of  the  withholding  of 
the  rain.  The  interpolator  may  have  had  in  mind  either  (i)  the 
so-called  latter  rains  of  the  last  of  February  or  first  of  March,  the 
harvest  beginning,  in  some  sections  of  the  country,  April  i  and  con 
tinuing  into  June  ;  this  rain  fell  when  the  grain  was  beginning  to 
grow,  and  without  it  the  crops  would  be  ruined  (but  see  Nowack, 
J35)j§  or  (2)  a  drought  for  the  entire  three  months  preceding 
harvest  ;  ||  or  (3)  the  rain  which  fell  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  that 
is,  three  months  before  the  fruit  harvest,  ^[  or  within  three  months 
of  the  last  of  the  grain  harvest  in  June  ;  **  or  (4)  the  heavy  rain 
due  six  months  before  harvest,  i.e.  in  November  and  December, 
which  in  this  case  Yahweh  had  withheld  until  three  months 
before  the  harvest  time,  that  is,  until  sometime  in  January.tt  — 
Rain  upon  one  city~\  Not  at  intervals,  upon  various  occasions,  \\ 
but  in  the  particular  case  which  the  prophet  has  in  mind,  the 
tense  denoting  vivid  representation.  §§  Yahweh  is  represented 
as  withholding  rain,  although  he  gave  evidence  of  his  power  to 
bestow  it  on  certain  cities,  which  stood  in  striking  contrast  with 
those  from  which  it  was  withheld.  This  phenomenon  is  not  an 
uncommon  one  in  Palestine  ;  ||  ||  cf.  Ju.  6s6  ff>  —  7  b,  8.  One  field 


*  On  the  ancient  belief  that  natural  calamities  were  an  indication  of  displeasure 
on  the  part  of  the  deity,  and  consequently  of  sin  on  the  part  of  the  people,  v.  GAS. 
I.  169  f. ;  HG.  73-76.  t  Dr.  J  So  also  Marti. 

§  Jus.,  Va.f  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Mit.  ||  Ros.  f  Jer.  **  Ba. 

ft  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.  #  Mit.,  Dr.  §$  Va.,  Ew. 

|||j  Thomson,  LB.  II.  66. 
H 


98  AMOS 

being  rained  upon  and  another  field,  which  was  not  rained  upon, 
drying  up,  tiuo  or  three  cities  staggering  unto  one  city  to  drink  water 
without  being  satisfied^  An  insertion,  which  really  adds  nothing  to 
the  picture  already  presented,  made  by  some  one  who  felt  perhaps 
that  a  description  of  a  drought  was  imperfect  if  it  did  not  include 
the  country  as  well  as  the  city ;  the  interpolator,  however,  forgets 
himself  and  in  a  very  tautological  way  goes  back  to  the  cities,  two 
or  three  of  which  he  represents  as  exhausted  because  of  the 
drought,  and  as  staggering  in  their  weakened  condition  to  a  more 
favored  city,  where,  after  all,  they  are  doomed  to  disappointment. 
How  remarkably  this  picture  resembles  that  given  in  69'  10,  which 
must  also  be  treated  as  an  interpolation  !  *  —  But  ye  did  not  return 
unto  ?ne~\  The  refrain,  which  contains,  as  Mitchell  has  said,  "  a 
world  of  pathetic  tenderness." 

6.  DJ]  Correlation,  expressing  correspondence,  here  of  a  retributory  char 
acter,  not  simply  emphasizing  •'JN  (Pu.),  nor  \nnj  (Mau.),  but  the  whole 
thought  (Ba.,  Reu.,  We.);  cf.  Gn.  2O6  Jos.  2418  2  S.  I213  Mi.  613  (see  BDB. 
s.v.,  CJ!  (4)  p.  169;  Ko.  394  </).  —  D>JB>  fvpj]  Versions  (v.s.}  seem  to  have  read 
prr,  the  root  of  which  is  used  with  ftp  in  Je.  3129-80  £z>  ,g-2.  tnis  reading  was 
favored  without  good  reason  in  BSZ.12;  cf.  Lag.  BN.  201 ;  the  phrase  is  pecul 
iarly  significant  as  a  figurative  designation  of  famine;  cf.  iflO  fvpj  Gn.  2O5 
Ps.  26°  7313,  cleanness  of  my  hands.  —  n>%]  Stronger  than  ^x  (cf.  La.  340)  ;  Ss 
represents  only  the  direction,  iy  the  attainment  of  the  purpose  (Fleischer,  Kl. 
Schriften,  I.  402  f.).  —  7.  D"'J]  Really  a  shower,  or  biirst  of  rain,  used  (i)  of 
abundant  rain  (e.g.  I  K.  i;14  i841-  44) ;  (2)  in  poetry  for  IBC,  the  generic  word 
for  rain;  but  also  (3)  of  heavy  winter  rains  (e.g.  Ct.  211;  cf.Lv.264);  cf.  also 
n-V",  Ho.  63  Dt.  ii14  Je.  524;  rn;2  Jo.  223  Ps.  847,  early  rain;  PipSe  Je.  33 
Pr.  i615  Zc.  lo1,  latter  rain.  On  these  words,  see  Rob.,  BR?  I.  429 f.;  Chap 
lin,  PEF.  1883,  pp.  8ff.;  Klein,  ZDPV.  IV.  72  f.  —  nya]  K6.  401  x.  —  rwW] 
H.  15,  2b;  GK.  134^.  —  ^manni]  Not  freq.,  Dr.  §  114  (a),  but  equiv.  to  a 
vivid  impf.,  GK.  II2/&,  note;  so  also  -VBSN  (v.8).  —  nnx  .  .  .  PHN]  one  .  .  . 
another,  GK.  139  e,  note  3.  —  npSn]  Introducing  the  first  of  the  two  circ. 
clauses,  H.  45,  3^;  Dr.  §  165.  —  -vann]  Not  2d  p.  addressed  to  Yahweh, 
nor  2d  p.  addressed  to  the  water  (Va.),  nor  3d  p.  used  impersonally,  nor 
with  T;  understood  as  subject  (Ros.,  Schro.),  but  3d  p.  fern.  (=  neut.)  impf. 
(Mau.,  Hi.,  Hd.),  or  to  be  read  -P3BN  with  ©  and  U  (w.J.)>  GK-  I44<:;  Ko'- 
323  k.  —  8.  i>ui]  Freq.;  lit.  to  move  with  unsteady  gait,  and  so,  of  a  drunkard 

*  On  the  method  of  water  supply  in  Eastern  cities,  viz.  by  cisterns,  cf.  the 
Mesha  inscription,  Is.  9,  24 f.;  Je.  2^  2  K.  i83i  Dt.  6"  Is.  36"  Pr.  5"  EC.  126 
2  Ch.  2610  Xe.  925.  See  S.  A.  Cook,  art.  "  Conduits  and  Reservoirs,"  EB.  ;  Benz. 
Arch.  51  ff.,  230 f. ;  7.DPV.I.  (1878)  132-76. 


iv.  8-s  99 

(Is.  2420),  of  a  blind  man  (La.  414),  of  one  exhausted  (Ps.  5916)-  —  vh*  ointe>] 
Used  to  express  an  indefinite  number,  GK.  134  s;  Ko.,  Stil.  163,  212.  —  N1?)]  = 
without. 

9-11.  Blight  of  crops,  pestilence  and  war,  and  earthquakes 
have  failed  to  draw  you  to  me.  These  three  strophes  conclude  the 
five  which  have  the  refrain. 

t>  7 

9.  pp-pai]  fol.  in  J$  by  jjj_aoo  =  -naai,  an  insertion  from  Hg.  217;  cf. 
Dt.  2822  I  K.  837  (Seb.).  —  rnann]  @  iv\iietva.Tc  =  ornayi;  so  also  Syr.-Hex. 
(so  also  Oct.);  but  read  ""na^rn,  -to  which  Oct.  objects  (i)  that  ain  else 
where  has  only  the  sea  and  rivers  as  objects,  tra11  always  being  used  of  vegeta 
tion,  and  (2)  that  this  emendation  destroys  the  contrast  intended  by  the 
author,  viz.  "You  increased  your  gardens  and  your  vineyards,  but  your  fig 
trees  and  olive  trees  the  locust  devoured."  But  the  contrast  exists  only  after 
the  text  has  been  emended  by  Oct.  in  order  to  produce  it;  the  change  to  the 
2d  p.  involved  in  Oet.'s  reading  is  too  abrupt;  and  mn  is  used  of  other 
things  than  rivers  and  seas,  e.g.  Je.  212  (the  heavens)  ;  Ju.  16"  f-  (green  withes); 
Ez.  I97  (palaces);  Zp.  36  (streets);  2  K.  ip17  (land,  though  Din  should  per 
haps  be  read  here).  —  oa^nuj]  is  joined  by  @  with  what  precedes,  while  U 
makes  the  division  after  oa^Diai.  —  *6]  <&  oi)5'  &s,  so  also  in  vs.10-11.  —  10.  ia^l 

f>  P         9 

©  e6.va.Tov;  F  mortem;  &  jJZolc;  {£  N^ID.  —  anna]  Zeydner  (  ThSt.  1888, 
pp.  249  f.;  so  also  Val.)  anna.  —  >ati>]  There  is  no  ground  for  the  readings: 
>ax  (Gr.,  so  also  Elh.,  Oct.);  oar  (Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  103);  (oamna  =)  Danpa 
(ox  =)  ofc*  D^  (Hal.);  or  nfer  (Zeydner,  loc.  cit.,  so  also  Val.).  —  tt»Na]  @  ^ 

iri/pf  ,  reading  C'sa  ;  so  also  6  Hebr.  Mss.  (so  also  Zeydner,  /0<r.  cit.,  Val.,  Elh.)  .  — 

>.  v 
Da^nn]    @  in  some  Mss.  om.  suf.  while  S  renders  .  osZo^jJfl  {your  stench'}, 

connecting  it  with  ,_**  (Seb.).  —  onaNai]  Omit  -i  with  (@<SH,  'A.,  S.  (so  We., 
Gr.,  Now.,  Lohr,  Hirscht,  Oct.,  Hal.,  Baumann).  Ethiopic  =  D^OJXI;  Zeydner, 
DDiflii  (loc.  cit.,  so  also  Val.)  ;  Elh.  ••cxa,  following  ©AQ.  Marti  om. 


9.  I  smote  you]  Each  of  the  five  strophes  begins  with  a  verb  in 
the  perfect  ist  singular  ;  cf.  (i)  /  it  was  who  gave  you  (famine}, 
(2)  /*'/  was  who  withheld  from  you  rain,  (3)  I  smote  you,  (4)  / 
sent  upon  you  pestilence,  (5)  I  overturned  you.  —  With  blight  and 
decay~\  Both  words  are  used  of  human  diseases  in  Dt.  2822.  The 
first  is  the  scorching  of  the  east  wind,  cf.  i  K.  837  2  K.  ig26  2  Ch. 
6<28  Is.  278  Ez.  i710;  the  second,  mildew  caused  by  dampness 
and  heat,  having  a  yellow  appearance,  cf.  Je.  3O6.  —  /  laid  waste 
your  gardens  and  vineyards']  This  reading,  on  the  basis  of  Well- 
hausen's  emendation,  satisfies  every  demand  of  the  context.  The 
difficulties  of  the  old  text  are  seen  in  the  efforts  to  translate  it, 


IOO  AMOS 

e.g.  many  of  your  gardens,*  the  multiplying  of  your  gardens,f 
your  many  gardens,  J  or  much  mildew  §  (taking  mmn  with  what 
precedes),  or  as  an  adverb,  most,  often.  ||  —  Your  fig  trees  and  olive 
trees  the  locust  devoured^  With  this  rendering  it  is  no  longer  neces 
sary  to  discuss  whether  of  the  four  nouns,  gardens,  vineyards,  fig 
trees,  olive  trees,  only  the  first  depended  on  "  I  smote,"  f  or  the 
first  two,**  or  none,ft  all  being  taken  as  the  object  of  "  devoured." 
The  word  for  locust  is  a  general  word  meaning  the  one  that  gnaws  ; 
cf.  Jo.  i4  2^.  This  visitation  was  not  infrequent,  and  was  always 
attended  with  the  greatest  possible  destruction.  \\  — 10.  The 
pestilence  after  the  manner  of  Egypf\  The  many  possibilities  of 
this  ambiguous  phrase  have  been  seized  upon ;  the  sending  of 
the  pestilence  was  (i)  sudden  as  was  the  destruction  of  Egypt's 
firstborn  ;  §§  (2)  a  visitation  upon  the  wicked,  not  the  righteous, 
as  was  the  case  of  the  Egyptians,  as  compared  with  the  Hebrews  ;  ||  || 
(3)  as  if  Israel  were  God's  enemy  as  Egypt  had  been  ;ff  (4)  sent 
while  they  were  on  their  way  to  Egypt  ;^[  (5)  sent  from  Egypt, 
lit.  on  the  way  on  which  one  comes  from  or  goes  to  Egypt ;  *** 
(6)  in  the  same  way  as  that  in  which  it  was  sent  against  Egypt, 
cf.  Is.  io26 ;  ftt  (7)  Just  as  m  Egypt,  the  home  of  the  pestilence,  \\\ 
"a  thoroughly  Egyptian  plague,"  §§§  "with  the  same  severity  and 
malignity "  with  which  it  visits  Egypt,  ||  ||  ||  after  the  manner  of 
Egypt.^FlHI  Does  the  prophet  have  in  mind  a  particular  historical 
event?  No.  For  the  estimation  in  which  the  Hebrews  regarded 
pestilence  as  a  punishment  for  sin,  cf.  Lv.  26^  2  S.  2415.  —  I  slew  with 
the  sword'}  Reference  is  made  not  to  any  particular  battle,  e.g.  the 
slaughter  by  Hazael  and  Benhadad  of  Syria,  when  Jehoahaz  was  king 
(2  K.  812  If)****  but  rather  to  the  long  Syrian  conflict,  which 
lasted  many  years.tttt —  Together  with  the  captivity  of  your  horse  s~\ 
An  interpolation,  \\\\  meaning  that  horses  were  captured  and 
slain,  §§§§  or  that,  while  the  men  were  slain,  the  horses  were  cap 
tured.  ||  ||  ||  ||  The  word  <otp  is,  however,  here  used  in  an  uncommon 

*  GAS.  +  Ros.,  Mau.,  Mit.,  cf.  Pu.        ||  BaM  Ew.,  Or.  **  Ros.(  Schro. 

t  Geb.  $  Hd.  H  Jus.  ft  Bauer. 

Jt  Thomson,  LB.  II.  102  ff. ;  Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  313.          §§  Os. 
HI  Geb.,  Ros.  UH  Cal.  ***  Va.  ttt  Hd.,  Pu.       J+J  Hi.,  Ke. 

§§$  Ew.,  GAS.          IHIII  Dr.  UHU  Ba.,  We.     ****  Ros.,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ba. 

tttt  We.,  Now.        tttt  So  also  Baumann.  $$§§  Va.,  Schro'.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke 

||  ||  ||  ||  Os.,  Geb.,  Ros.,  Ba. 


IV.  9-1 1  IOI 

sense,  viz.,  the  act  of  taking  captive  (Ezra  g7  Dn.  n33),  but  ordi 
narily  it  denotes  either  the  condition  of  captivity  or  the  sum  of  the 
captives.  In  Ex.  229,  the  verb  is  used  as  here  of  animals,  though 
elsewhere  of  men.  The  preposition  Dp  here  =  besides  and  is  used 
in  a  late  or  Arabic  sense.  The  peculiar  usage  of  the  more  important 
words,  the  anti- climax,  the  fact  that  the  line  interferes  with  the  stro 
phe,  and  the  evident  afterthought  implied  in  it  show  its  character  as 
a  later  insertion.  —  And  I  caused  the  stench  of  your  camps  to  rise  in 
your  nostrils']  The  slaughter  was  so  great,  the  unburied  bodies  and 
carcasses  so  many  (cf.  Is.  343) ,  that  pestilence  arose,  the  result  of 
war.  As  above,  drought  followed  famine,  though  the  occasion  of  it, 
so  here  war  follows  pestilence,  though  the  occasion  of  it.  Justi's 
reading,  "  I  caused  your  camps  to  burn  in  mine  anger  "  (cf.  2  K. 
51  i33),  although  supported  by  (@,  cannot  stand.  — 11.  I  over 
threw  among  you~\  That  is,  some  of  your  cities;  the  overthrow  was 
evidently  that  of  an  earthquake,  perhaps  that  mentioned  in  i1* 
(which,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  from  a  later  hand),  or  some 
earthquake  unspecified;  f  others  understand  an  overthrow  by  a 
hostile  attack ;  J  and  still  others,  a  general  summing  up  of  all  the 
preceding  judgments.  §  The  word  TOSH  is  always  used  of  the 
destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  cf.  Gn.  iQ25  Dt.  2922  Is.  i7 1| 
i319  Je.  4918  5o40.  The  shortness  of  this  line  may  be  due  to  the 
omission  of  some  phrase.^"  —  As  God  overthrew  Sodom  and  Go 
morrah}  The  point  of  comparison  is  not  the  manner  of  the  over 
throw,  but  its  thoroughness.**  The  form  of  expression  is  so 
similar  to  that  in  Gn.  19  as  to  lead  some|t  to  suppose  that  Amos 
had  that  text  before  him.  The  use  of  the  word  Elohim,  in  con 
trast  with  the  subject  of  TOfin,  strangely  enough  has  been  thought 
to  prove  the  existence  of  more  than  one  person  in  the  Godhead.  \\ 
The  reading  "  the  great  overthrow,"  using  Elohim  as  a  superla 
tive,  §§  is  grammatically  possible,  but  out  of  harmony  with  the  con 
text.  —  And  ye  were  as  a  brand  snatched  from  the  blaze~\  i.e.  ye 
were  barely  rescued,  saved  as  by  a  miracle,  cf.  Zc.  32,  ||  ||  not,  the 
destruction  was  only  partial.^  —  But  ye  did  not  turn  unto  me~] 

*  Schro.,  Hi.,  We.  f  Mau.,  Schlier,  Pu.,  Mit.  J  Ke.,  St.  §  Ba. 

||  Where  a^D  is  probably  to  be  read  for  D^"V. 

U  See  B  W.,  October  i8q8,  p.  252;  so  also  Lohr  and  Baumann.  **  Mit. 

ft  E.g.,  Va.         JJ  Geb.,  lies.         $$  New.         ||||  Jus.,  Va.,  Mit.  HI  Hi. 


102  AMOS 

Every  effort  was  futile  which  Providence  put  forth  to  rescue  Israel 
from  total  destruction. 

9.  ps-iso]  On  the  art.,  GK.  I26w;  K6.  297^. —  vannn]  Instead  of  main, 
which  is  grammatically  impossible  (cf.  K6.  402^-);  cf.  We.  (v.s.*). — DD-'js'p] 
On  the  masc.  pi.  ending,  cf.  Na.  312,  K6.  253^ —  ?JN-]  Impf.  of  vivid  repre 
sentation  of  past  event,  Dr.  §  27  (i)  (/z) ;  GK.  107  d ;  H.  20,  I  a.  —  an]  Cf. 
other  names  for  locust,  all  of  which  are  likewise  descriptive  terms:  ro^N  (Jo. 
i*  225),  ,V?>  (Na.  316),  yon  (Jo.  i*  Is.  33*),  :nn  (2  Ch.  713),  SsSx  (Dt. 
2842),  3J  (Is.  334).  —  10.  DDU]  a  =  against ;  for  other  cases  cf.  Gn.  i612  2  S. 
2417.  —  c;]  For  other  cases  of  Djp  in  this  sense,  cf.  Is.  2511  347  Je.  611  Na. 
312  Ps.  6615.  —  11.  DDD]  3  partitive,  among  you,  some  of  you;  cf.  Nu.  n17 
Zc.  615.  —  rocncD]  An  old  inf.  form  in  the  cstr.  relation  with  'N,  GK.  115^; 
Earth,  NB.  171  c,  a;  Ko.  233  c  ;  as  an  inf.  it  governs  mDTN  as  a  direct 
object,  GK.  II5</.  We.  regards  this  old  inf.  followed  by  the  general  title 
DTI^N  as  an  indication  of  an  old  and  not  distinctively  Israelitish  idiom.  — 
S*::]  A  Hoph.  ptcp.,  u  appearing  in  the  sharpened  syllable. 

12,13.  Therefore  you  shall  suffer.  What?  Prepare  for  the 
worst.  It  is  Yahweh  who  speaks. 

The  remaining  strophes  of  the  poem  have  suffered  greatly  in  their  text. 
It  may  be  accepted,  in  general,  that  a  part  of  v.12  and  all  of  v.13  are  from  the 
hand  of  a  later  writer  (so  Duhm,  Theol.  109;  Oort,  ThT.  XIV.  117/5 
We.,  Sta.  GVI.  I.  571;  Taylor,  DB. ;  Lohr,  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  XV. 
and  EB.  I.  153;  Bu.  Jew.  Enc.;  Now.,  Co.  Einl.  176;  Baud.  Einl.  509; 
Marti;  but  on  the  contrary  see  WRS.  Proph.  400;  Kue.  Einl.  II.  347; 
Mit.,  Hoffm.  ZAW.  III.  103;  cf.  GAS.  I.  201  ff.;  Dr.  118  f.).  It  may  be 
supposed  that  the  original  poem  contained  a  conclusion,  predicting  a  punish 
ment  more  severe  than  any  of  those  \\hich  had  been  described;  that  this 
prediction  was  in  form  consistent  with  the  strophes  which  preceded,  though, 
of  course,  without  the  refrain;  that  the  later  editor,  for  one  or  more  of  several 
reasons  which  might  be  given,  substituted  the  present  concluding  lines,  which 
are  general  in  character,  for  the  more  specific  statement  in  the  original;  that 
this  later  editor,  here  as  everywhere,  ignored,  consciously  or  unconsciously, 
the  poetic  form  of  the  production  which  he  thus  modified.  It  is  not  strange 
(contra  We.)  that  the  conclusion  here,  as  perhaps  in  Is.  9,  should  thus  be 
broken  off.  We  may  well  understand  that  in  a  multitude  of  cases  the  closing 
words  of  earlier  sermons,  having  lost  in  later  times  the  direct  and  specific 
reference  which  they  were  intended  to  convey,  have  given  place  to  utter 
ances  presenting  more  modern  thought  and  form.  In  view  of  this  we  need 
not  be  surprised  to  find  that  while  vs.12- 13  as  thus  modified  contain  eight 
lines  (the  number  for  two  strophes),  they  are  so  constructed  that,  except  by 
a  transposition  which  is  more  or  less  violent,  the  division  is  3  -f  5  instead  of 
4  +  4- 


iv.  12  iO3 

12.  m]  U  haec;  &  no.  Oort  (7^71  XIV.  117)  regards  the  phrase 
Ssi-^  .  .  .  nj  as  due  to  dittography.  —  "O  ap>']  ©  TrXryi'  Sri;  "$  postquam  autem 
&  9  \^£e  ]^i  ^^;  'A.  varepov;  6.  €<TXO-TOV,  &  NT  NnniN1?  nan  tfSi  «^n 
r£  -Qj7N;  Elh.  drops  the  clause  -|S  nojjN  rw  o  ap;»  as  a  gloss  on  the  preceding 
clause.  Oct.  regards  the  first  two  clauses  as  doublets,  but  suggests  also  that 
the  original  text  may  have  read  ^NTJ"  n>t^  nxr  ^  ap>',  with  second  clause  p1? 
T?  nfc'y'x  ro.  Oort  (Em.}  inserts  i  before  ap>.  —  nanpS]  <§  rov  ^Tri/caXeurflcu  = 
<&  Ij-o^?  (=(5,  perhaps  PN  Nip4?,  Seb.);  E  fjSiN  N^i?1? 
'A.  KartvavTi;  S.  =  ut  adverseris  ;  Q.  els  aTravTijaLv.  —  13.  "ixv 
ann]  ©  arepeuv  ppovrriv,  reading  -\D,I  (Va.),  or  as"  (cf.  asj,  a^o  ;  cf.  Na. 

28  La.  24,  Vol.)  and  n>"n  (Va.  Vol.);  5  1|-S  for  ^F'  as  wel1  as  N^-  — 
^ni^-.-i,;]  <g  rbv  xp«rT6t>  aiirov  =  ^nc'o  or  vvtro;  so  also  Syr.-Hex.  'A.  ris  17 
6fj.L\ia  avrov;  S.  r6  ^wi/^a  ai)roG;  9.  rd?  \67oi'  a^rou;  U  eloquium  suum  ; 
^  «*i^  ~<^*.'  ^01  |i^  (  =  ina*^  no,  Seb.);  E  'ninaty  nn  (=  infc-yo).  Get. 
regards  'no  '«S  'jo  as  a  marginal  gloss  and  reads  ^BSB'O  for  in^'n?:.  Hoffm., 
ZAW.  III.  103,  -VHP  (P"1!?)  ncisS  l>JC-i,  seeking  thereby  to  bring  the  clause 
into  harmony  with  the  context.  Hal.  infe'D  }nx  ^^in'Di.  —  no>>'  nnj']  @A 
inserts  Kal;  so  some  Hebrew  MSS.;  so  also  Oort,  ThT.  XIV.  117;  'A. 
renders  nj^  by  xv/J-a>  flood;  S.  eairepav,  evening;  U  faciens  matulinam 

OP  7 

nebulam;  S) 


12.  Therefore}  In  view  of  the  failure  of  Yahweh's  previous 
judgments  to  bring  Israel  to  terms.  —  Thus  will  I  do  to  thee\  The 
threat  is  addressed  to  each  individual  of  the  nation,  and  thus 
becomes  more  vivid.  But  what  is  the  threat  implied  in  the  word 
thus?  It  does  not  refer  specifically  to  the  punishments  proposed 
in  the  preceding  statements,  e.g.  42"3,*  nor  to  punishments  of  such 
a  character  in  general.  f  nor  to  a  complete  destruction  like  that 
just  cited  in  the  case  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  \  But  as  always 
in  the  case  of  thus  in  Amos,  §  and  as  evident  from  the  tense  of  the 
following  verb,  ||  the  reference  is  to  the  future.^"  The  prophet 
thus  theatrically  **  predicts  the  final  punishment,  a  punishment  all 
the  more  severe  because  it  is  left  thus  indeterminate.  Whether  of 
purpose  or  not,  the  form  is  that  of  the  Hebrew  oath,  God  do  so  to 
me  and  more  also  if,  etc.  (i  K.  223),  which  is  most  terrible  in  its 
significance  because  of  its  indefiniteness.  —  Because  I  will  do  this~] 
The  words  "  this  "  and  "  thus  "  refer  to  the  same  thing  ;  i.e. 
because  this  punishment,  so  terrible  in  its  nature,  is  to  come  upon 

*  Contra  Ros.,  Schro.,  Mau.,  Hd.  f  Os.  J  Geb. 

§  Ba.  ||  Ke.  H  So  Now.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Dr.  **  Ew. 


104  AMOS 

you.  —  Prepare  to  meet  thy  God~\  This  can  scarcely  refer  to  a  rising 
up  in  preparation  like  that  of  an  accused  person  when  the  judge 
approaches  *  or  when  sentence  is  about  to  be  pronounced.t  Nor 
does  the  injunction  have  reference  simply  to  the  hard  fate  which 
is  before  them,  J  the  inevitable  doom  (cf.  Je.  46"  Ez.  2214)  which 
the  nation  could  not  escape,  whatever  might  be  true  of  the  indi 
vidual.  §  It  is  not  a  challenge,  ||  calling  upon  Israel  to  endure 
Yahweh's  anger.  It  is,  in  accordance  with  the  whole  spirit  and 
purpose  of  prophecy,  a  call  to  repentance  (cf.  (§,  to  call  upon  thy 
God),  in  other  words  the  spiritual  application  of  the  threat ;  for 
every  prediction  of  disaster  was  in  itself  an  exhortation  to  repent 
ance,  in  order  that,  if  possible,  the  disaster  might  be  averted. 
Whatever  befell  the  nation,  there  was  an  opportunity  for  the 
repentant  individual  to  receive  divine  favor.^[  — 13.  The  logical 
connection  between  v.12  and  v.13  is  somewhat  uncertain.  To  make 
v.126  a  challenge  and  translate  13a,  But  (remember),  —  who 
formeth  mountains,  etc.,  ||  is  un- Hebraic.  The  strophic  arrange 
ment  would  be  satisfied,  and  a  good  thought  obtained  by  combin 
ing  12c  and  1M  thus,  (12c)  Prepare  to  meet  thy  God,  O  Israel, 
(13d)  Yahweh,  God  of  Hosts  is  his  name;  (13a)  for  behold,  etc.] 
In  any  case,  an  ellipsis  in  thought  must  be  supplied,  e.g.,  Prepare 
to  meet  thy  God,  O  Israel  !  (and  do  not  doubt  his  power  to  bring 
the  threatened  punishment).  For,  lo !  he  forms  the  mountains^ 
"  By  his  power  the  visible  world,  with  all  its  grandeur,  exists " 
(Ps.  I048).**  —  And  he  creates  the  wind  ~\  The  invisible  world,ff 
not  the  spirit  of  man.  {f  —  And  he  tells  man  what  is  his  thought^ 
This  seems  out  of  place  in  the  midst  of  an  utterance,  all  the  other 
members  of  which  refer  to  nature.  Its  uncertainty  of  meaning  is 
attested  by  the  variety  of  interpretations  accorded  to  it,  e.g.  (&  his 
Messiah  ;  &  how  great  is  his  glory  ;  01  what  are  his  works  ;  U  his 
declaration  ;  his  (God's)  thought  to  man,  §§  his  (man's)  thought  to 
him  ;  ||  ||  and  the  attempts  to  emend  the  text  (?>.s.).  Hirscht  pro 
poses  to  take  mK  as  a  proper  name  and  interpret  it  in  view  of 
Gn.  311.  —  He  makes  dawn  darkness~\  Not  dawn  and  darkness  ;  ^ffl 

*  Ew.  f  Reu.  t  Suggested  by  Jus.  §  Hd.  ||  Mit. 

II  So  Cal.,  Os.,  Geb.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Ba.(  Pu.,  Ke.,  Dr.         **  Bauer,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro. 
ft  Ros.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  and  most  comm.         ++  Cal.,  Geb.,  Or.         §§  Geb.,  Ew. 
Jill  Cal.,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Dr.  IN  <G.,  fol.  by  Cal.,  Geb.,  Jus.,  Ke.,  et  al 


IV.  12-13  105 

nor  spiritual  light  and  darkness,*  but  either  he  changes  dawn  into 
darkness,  i.e.  the  change  from  day  to  night,t  or  from  night  to 
day,  \  or  better,  the  change  of  day  at  the  approach  of  a  storm 
(Ps.  i89).§  —  He  treads  on  the  heights  of  the  earth\  i.e.  goes  forth 
in  storm  and  thunder  (cf.  Mi.  i3  Jb.  98  Matt.  5s4). 

12.  pS]  Very  similar  in  meaning  to  p  hy.  In  usage,  however,  they  vary, 
pS  being  often  used  as  in  this  case  where  the  inference  is  important  and  of 
a  threatening  character,  and  also  having  sometimes  the  meaning,  nevertheless 
(Je.  52);  cf.  Ew.8  -^53  b  (2).  —  no]  Regularly  refers  to  something  that  follows 
(BSZ.,  BDB.,  and  SS.,  s.v.\  Ko.  332  £,  and  Stil.  112);  rarely  of  something 
present,  Is.  2O6.  —  >a  3p>]  Cf.  the  same  expression  in  2  S.  I210,  and  the  similar 
IPS  3|i>  in  Gn.  2218  265  2  S.  I26;  cf.  Ko.  389  n,  and  Stil.  171.  —  rw]  Neut., 
H.  2,  3«;  GK.  122  q.  —  onn]  Art.  om.,  H.  5,4;  GK.  126  /$;  Ko.  277  £.  — 
DIN]  Here  collective,  H.  I,  2.  —  n^]  On  the  ptcp.  in  cstr.  with  the  object  and 
governing  product  in  ace.,  see  GK.  116^,  N.  2;  Ko.  241  f.  —  nov  in"'] 
Double  obj.  H.  31,  6,  rm.  c  ;  Ko.  327  w.  —  T£?]  ^-  is  the  archaic  ending  of 
fern,  cstr.;  cf.  GK.  87  s\  Ew.8  211  d.  The  form  is  ba-m°-the,  perhaps  a  mis 
taken  vocalization  for  ba'-mo-the,  the  6  written  defectively,  Ols.  164  £; 
GK.  95  o. 


§  8.  A  dirge  announcing  Israel's  coming  destruction. 

A  lamentation  is  pronounced  :  "  Israel  shall  fall,  her  forces  shall 
be  reduced  to  a  tenth  ;  for  she  has  disobeyed  Yahweh's  direct 
command,  '  Seek  me  ;  not  Bethel,  nor  Gilgal,  nor  Beersheba  !  '  " 
and  now  again  it  is  commanded,  '  Seek  Yahweh,  lest  ye  perish.' 
[Who  speaks?  The  creator  of  the  luminaries,  the  controller  of 
the  seas,  the  destroyer  of  the  strong.] 

The  original  poem  consisted  of  six  strophes  (vs.1"6).  The  second  and 
third  strophes  are  elegiac  in  their  movement,  a  short  line  (dimeter)  follow 
ing  a  longer  line  (trimeter).  Bu.,  ZAW.  II.  30,  considers  only  the  second 
strophe  to  be  elegiac;  so  Mit.,  125;  Dr.  175.  The  nrp  (dirge)  was  a  formal 
composition,  somewhat  artistically  constructed,  the  second  or  shorter  line 
being  intended  to  echo  the  first,  "  producing  a  plaintive,  melancholy  cadence." 
To  the  six  original  strophes  were  added,  by  a  later  hand,  two  strophes,  each 
having  four  trimeters.  V.7  belongs  to  the  section  which  follows,  and  should 
precede  v.10.  The  addition  is  after  the  analogy  of  the  insertion  already 
noticed  in  413.  There  is,  notwithstanding  the  statements  of  Oort  (z/.z.)  and 
Volz,  entirely  satisfactory  connection  between  vs.4"6  and  vs.1'3. 

*  Grotius,  Geb.,  Dathe.  f  Gun.  \  Or  $  Mit.,  Dr. 


106  AMOS 

V.  1-3.  Israel  shall  fall,  never  again  to  rise;  only  a  tenth  shall 
survive. 

1.  nn  -o-»n]  (g  adds  Kvplov,  perhaps  substituting  mm  for  n?n(Va.).  —  n>a 
SNT.T-]  (SU  join  with  following  v.  and  make  suhj.  of  nScj.  —  2.  Dip]  2T  adds  N.IU? 
jon  =  in  one  year. — Ssia"  n"?ira]  ©U  join  with  n^aj;  1&  assembly. —  nnoiN] 
&  om.  suf.;  @  has  his.  —  3.  mm  >j-ux  ICN  .13  ^]  To  be  transferred  to  v.1  to 
follow  SN-V.?»,  thus  relieving  (i)  a  serious  interruption  in  the  thought  of  vs.2-3, 
(2)  the  lack  of  a  line  in  one  strophe  and  superfluity  of  a  line  in  another. 
Baumann  om.  —  mj?n]  <JIF<2>&  add  from  which,  thus  making  f^x  subj.  of  nNXTi. 
—  TN^r]  @U  have  passive  (=  iN£;n)  with  HND  as  subj.  (Vol.,  so  also  Gr.); 
J62T  have  Hithpa'el,  while  JSUC  insert  in  it ;  so  also  in  v.36.  —  SJOB»  noS] 
To  be  transferred  to  fol.  ns1^,  thus  conforming  to  the  nrp  measure  (so  Now.; 
Lohr  places  it  after  mm,  v.3;  Gun.  and  Oct.  regard  it  as  a  repetition  from  v.4). 

1.  Hear  this  word.']  The  beginning  of  a  new  discourse,  intended, 
if  possible,  to  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  and  thus 
lead  them  to  repentance.  Such  a  message,  uttered  in  the  pros 
perous  days  of  Jeroboam  II.,  would  certainly  seem  to  be  in  con 
trast  with  the  time  in  which  it  was  uttered.  —  Which  I  fake  up 
against  you,  even  a  dirge']  This  rendering  is  to  be  preferred  to 
(i)  as  I  uplift  a  dirge,  making  iffK  =  as ;  *  or  (2)  because  I  uplift, 
etc.,  t  since  it  is  the  more  simple  and  at  the  same  time  accords 
better  with  the  versification.  The  word  "  take  up "  (Ktw)  i.e. 
on  the  lips,  is  found  in  the  technical  term  K&a,  so  often  used  by 
the  prophets ;  it  means  "  to  pronounce,"  "  to  denounce,"  and  is 
used  regularly  of  a  dirge  (Je.  y29  Ez.  iQ1,  etc.).  Just  as  in  the  case 
of  an  individual's  death  there  was  uttered  a  lamentation  (cf. 
2  S.  i17  Ez.  2812  322  2  Ch.  3525)  so  here,  the  death  of  the  nation 
being  assumed,  the  mourner  utters  the  dirge-song.  This  dirge  is 
not  restricted  to  v.2,  \  nor  does  it  include  the  entire  chapter,  §  but 
is  contained  in  vs.2and3.  —  O  house  of  Israel^  The  fH(E  connects 
these  words  with  the  preceding,  as  against  (gF  (v.s.),  thus  greatly 
increasing  the  pathos  of  the  appeal.  —  For  thus  says  the  Lord  Yah- 
weh~\  Transferred  from  v.3,  introducing  in  the  most  solemn  way  the 
sad  and  severe  announcement  which  is  to  follow.  —  2.  Shall  fall~\ 
The  certainty  of  the  event  being  indicated  by  the  use  of  the  per 
fect.  Very  unreasonable  is  the  interpretation  which  renders  the 

*Ba.,  We.  tOs.,Hi. 

t  Dahl,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Bu.,  Ba.,  Pu.,  GAS.,  Dr.  §  Ki.,  Schro. 


v.  1-2  io7 

perfect  literally,  and  has  fallen,  and  upon  this  basis  rejects  vs.1"3,* 
because,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Israel  did  not  fall  until  after  the  reign 
of  Jeroboam  II.  The  expression  is  used  of  violent  death  (e.g. 
2  S.  i19-25-27),  especially  of  death  in  battle,  and  of  loss  of  honor  or 
possessions  (e.g.  28.  i10  Ps.  io10  Pr.  n28).  For  its  use  of  nations 
cf.  Is.  2 19  Je.  5 18.  —  Not  to  rise  again~\  i.e.  as  a  people;  the 
prophet  always  held  out  hope  of  pardon  and  mercy  to  indi 
viduals.  —  Virgin  Israel^  In  personifications  the  word  "  virgin  " 
is  used  alone  with  no  other  name  besides  Israel  (Israel  never 
occurs  with  "  daughter  "  in  this  sense) ;  aside  from  this  passage, 
this  expression  is  found  only  three  times,|  viz.  Je.  i813  3i4'21.  The 
explanations  of  the  phrase,  used  here  for  the  first  time,  may  be 
classified  according  as  the  principal  thought  is  found  in  (i)  the 
figure  of  chastity,  whether  political  chastity,  i.e.  as  being  free, 
unconquered,  independent  of  other  powers  \  (cf.  the  use  of 
"  daughter "  in  the  same  sense,  and  sometimes  in  combination 
with  "  virgin,"  in  connection  with  Idumea,  La.  422 ;  Judah,  La.  i15 
21-5;  Egypt,  Je.  46n-19-24;  Babylon,  Is.  471-5  Zc.  27 ;  Jerusalem, 
Is.  3722 ;  in  La.  213  and  Je.  i813  the  reference  is  to  Jerusalem  before 
her  capture),  or  religious  chastity,  i.e.  freedom  from  contaminating 
contact  with  other  gods ;  §  or  (2)  the  idea  of  the  delicacy  and 
self-indulgence  of  the  people  ;  ||  or  (3)  the  idea  of  collectivity, 
the  feminine  being  used  to  convey  this  thought,  —  in  this  sense  it 
has  been  taken  (a)  as  a  designation  of  the  people  in  general ;  ^f 
(fi)  as  a  poetic  term  for  state  (cf.  Is.  3722  Je.  i417  2  K.  i921)  ;  (t)  as 
the  designation  of  a  city,  and  usually  the  chief  or  capital  city  of 
the  kingdom,  Samaria,  or  Jerusalem.**  It  here  refers  to  northern 
Israel  ft  (m  Isaiah,  Jerusalem),  and  is  employed  to  mark  the  con 
trast  between  Israel's  past  and  future  condition.  —  She  shall  be 
hurled  down  upon  her  own  sotl~\  A  stronger  figure  than  that  con 
tained  \T\fallen  ;  the  description  is  expanded  in  Ez.  2Q5  (leave  thee 
(thrown)  into  the  wilderness),  324  (leave  thee  forsaken  upon  the 
land) ;  there  is  no  thought  of  an  uprooted  and  prostrate  tree,  \\ 
nor  of  a  depraved  woman  in  difficult  child-birth.  §§  She  will  be 
left  to  die  where  she  has  fallen.  —  With  none  to  raise  her  up]  An 

*  Oort,  Th.T.t  XIV.  118.  t  Mit.  ll  Va.,  Ros.  JJ  Geb. 

t  Geb.,  Har.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Now.,  Dr.  **  Schro.,  Ew.  §$  Har. 

$  Os.  ||  Gal.,  Pu.  ft  Mit.,  Now.,  GAS. 


108  AMOS 

advance  upon  what  has  preceded,  for  not  only  will  she  not  be 
able  to  raise  herself,  but  no  one  else  will  be  able  to  render  her 
assistance.  The  Jewish  interpreters  in  general  follow  &,  and 
regard  the  calamity  as  of  temporary  character.  —  3.  The  city  that 
goeth  forth  a  thousand  having  (but}  a  hundred  left~\  The  two 
circumstantial  clauses  of  this  verse  add  to  the  picture  portrayed  in 
v.2  an  additional  feature,  viz.  the  ninefold  decimation  of  the  forces 
sent  out  to  war,  a  terrible  slaughter.  The  statement  is  general, 
the  city  being  any  city  in  the  kingdom.  The  thousand  refers  not 
simply  to  the  levy  or  census,*  but  to  the  warriors  who  marched 
out  for  war.t  While  it  is  evident  that  in  Amos's  time  the  basis 
of  military  enrolment  was  the  towns  and  villages,  in  earlier  days 
it  was  tribes  and  families.  \  For  allusions  to  similar  companies, 
cf.  i  S.  812  2  S.  i8L4  2  K.  ii4-19  Ex.  i821  etc.§  —  Of  the  house  of 
Israel~\  Transferred  (v.s.). 

1.  T^N]  Depends  for  its  construction  upon  n^p;  if  as  a  pronoun  it 
refers  to  i:nn,  nrp  is  either  in  apposition  with  it,  or  an  ace.  of  purpose, 
GK.  131  £;  K6.  327^,  384 c  (Now.);  but  if  -i^N="as"  (Ew.8  334 a,  Ba., 
We.),  r^p  is  the  ace.  after  Ntt>j;  the  former  is  preferable.  —  xr:]  Ptcp.  of 
immediate  future,  GK.  u6/;  since  the  lifting  up  of  a  word,  or  of  the  voice, 
is  but  an  Oriental  phrase  for  utterance  or  speech,  perhaps  the  word  speak  would 
fairly  represent  srj ;  cf.  sip  xrj  (=  ^?ip  onn,  *?ip  pj),  Ju.  97 ;  also  NS-J  alone, 
Is.  37  42--  n  (see,  however,  Paton,  JBL.  XXII.  201-7).  —  nyp]  The  verb  frp 
is  doubtless  a  denominative  from  nrp.  A  plausible  derivation  ( Thes.\  for 

nrp  is  the  Arabic  root  ULJJ,  to  forge,  devise,  hence  a  skilfully  wrought 
production,  so  named  either  from  its  poetic  form,  or  from  its  contents  as 
glorifying  the  dead  (Wetzstein,  Zeitsch.  f.  Ethnologic,  1873,  pp.  270  ff.).  Bu. 
prefers  the  former  reason  (ZAW.  II.  28).  This  derivation  from  the  Arabic 
is  doubted  by  some  (e.g.  Ba.).  The  closest  parallel  is  found  in  the  Syriac 
]A  1  »  n,  which  means  both  song  and  elegy.  We  may  also  compare  Eth. 
Vi  *  song,  and  *i\  •  to  sing.  The  nj>p  is  an  elegy,  a  poem  of  lamenta 
tion,  thus  distinguished  from  Tip,  which  means  sometimes  a  song  of  lament, 
but  sometimes  simply  the  cry  of  mourning  (Je.  3i15);  cf.  the  vb.  in  I  S.  72. 
nrp  is  used  commonly,  as  here,  with  N:-]  (Je.  729  99  Ez.  19*  2617  272-32 
2812  322);  with  rvp  (2  S.  i17  Ez.  32™),  and  with  -^%  With  HB>J,  hy  gen 
erally  precedes  the  person  or  thing  which  is  the  object  of  lamentation,  but 
sometimes  SN  (Ez.  19*  2732) ;  V"  is  sometimes  used  of  the  place  (Je.  729). 
For  the  importance  of  elegies  among  Oriental  nations,  cf.  Wetzstein  (TAJ.) 
and  the  Arabic  work,  Hamasa,  365-497.  The  principal  rhythm  of  the  nrp 


Ew.         f  Hd.,  Ba.,  Schegg.         J  We.,  Now.         $  Cf.  Benz.  Arch.  359. 


V.  3 

is  a  long  line  followed  by  a  shorter  one,  the  favorite  measures  being  3  and  2 
words,  4  and  2,  and  4  and  3.  However,  a  nj>p  may  be  written  in  another 
measure,  and  the  Qinah  measure  may  be  used  for  other  poems,  as  a  later 
usage.  On  Qtnah  rhythm,  see  Bu.  ZAW.  II.  6  ff.,  38-45;  III.  299  f.;  XL 
234 ff.;  XII.  261  ff.;  and  in  Preuss.  Jahrbucher,  1893,  PP-  460  ff.;  Ley,  SK., 
1896,  p.  637;  DHM.  Prop/i.  I.  209;  Ko.  Stil.  315  ff.;  BDB.  s.v.  The 
principal  examples  of  the  nj<p  in  the  O.T.  are  the  following:  the  Book  of 
Lamentations;  Is.  I44-21  Ez.  ig1'14  2615~17  2y2-36  2812~19  (doubtful)  322-16  Je.  99, 
and  several  separated  vs.  following,  Is.  4514"25  Ps.  137  2  S.  i19-27  3S3f-  (the 
last  two  not  in  the  technical  measure)  2  K.  1921-28  (=Is.  3722ff-)  Is.  I21'23 
Ho.  67tf-  Am.  810.  — SN-IS"  no]  Vocative;  not  subj.  of  rV?cj  (v.2).  — 2.  nSsj] 
Proph.  pf.,  H.  19,  2;  GK.  106  w;  Dr.  §  14. — «voin  xS]  Impf.  in  contrast 
with  preceding  pf.,  used  to  intensify  the  idea  that  the  destruction  will  be 
permanent,  H.  20,  2,  rm.  b;  Dr.  §36;  on  the  inf.  with  rpoir,  H.  36,  3  (2); 
GK.  1 20  a;  Ko.  399  b.  —  nSina]  On  the  cstr.  state,  GK.  i28/£;  Ko.  337^. 
—  nDipD  PN]  Circ.  cl.,  H.  45,  2  e;  on  force  of  p>N,  Ko.  361  d,  402  /«. — 
3.  "PJ?n]  Stands  first,  not  because  emphatic,  but  in  a  circ.  cl.,  H.  45,  3, 
rm.  d.  —  nxpn]  On  art.  with  ptcp.,  H.  4,  3/5  here  joined  poetically  to  "Pj?n, 
the  city  being  thus  represented  as  going  out  to  war.  —  nSs]  Ace.  of  limitation, 
or  specification,  H.  33,  3;  GK.  1172;  Ko.  332  >£;  so  also  nsp;  for  a  similar 
construction,  cf.  2  K.  52,  DIITU,  and  2  K.  925,  ones.  The  same  idea  is  ex 
pressed  by  V  with  the  numeral;  cf.  I  S.  292.  —  noS]  Not  a  case  of  h  used 
when  the  preceding  governing  word  is  absent,  but  like  nnS  in  Je.  I313  (Hi.); 
cf.  Ko.  281  n. 

4-6.  Israel  shall  fall  (vs.1"3)  because  she  has  disobeyed  the 
divine  command  given  in  ike  past  to  seek  Yahweh  alone.  [But 
even  now  the  entreaty  comes  again]  Seek  Yahweh,  lest  ye  perish. 

These  verses  contain  the  second  half  of  the  dirge  (strophes  4,  5)  and  the 
concluding  strophe  of  the  original  poem,  somewhat  mutilated.  The  second 
half  gives  the  explanation  of  the  destruction  announced  in  the  first  half; 
while  in  the  concluding  strophe,  the  prophet,  as  so  many  times  before,  turns 
in  exhortation  to  the  people  to  do  the  thing,  the  neglect  of  doing  which  in  the 
past  has  cost  them  so  dearly.  The  logical  connection  of  vs.4"6  becomes  plain 
when  -CN  (v.4)  is  taken  as  historical  pf.,  or  plup.  (v.i.};  and,  therefore,  the 
proposal  to  throw  out  vs.1-3  (Oort),  or  to  treat  v.4  as  introducing  a  new  section 
(Now.,  Marti),  may  be  rejected. 

5.  najjn  N<?  yap  iN3>]  To  be  transferred  to  the  beginning  of  v.5;  it  is 
entirely  rejected  by  Baumann,  since  (i)  it  spoils  the  strophic  arrangement, 
(2)  has  nothing  to  correspond  to  it  as  in  the  case  of  Bethel  and  Gilgal;  cf.  44, 
where  only  the  two  cities  are  mentioned;  also  814.  —  yiv  iN3i]  @  has  eirl 
rb  <f>ptap  rov  VpKov;  cf.  same  in  Gn.  2681  2i31,  but  in  Am.  814  it  has  proper 
name.  —  psS  rrm]  @  ea-rcu  ws  oi>x  virdpxov<ra,  similarly  &  and  {£,  all  seeming 


I IO  AMOS 

l.o  take  fi«S  in  the  sense  of  ps1?  (Seb.,  so  Hal.);  U  erit  inutilis.  —  6.  It 
seems  probable  that  an  entire  member  has  been  lost,  perhaps  ^ioa"  no  nnjn. 
- •nL>i"1]  (§  dva\dfj.^r}  with  ^DT>  no  as  subj.  =  3ix  or  p*n  (Va.)  or  ncx,  cf. 
Is.  42  (Vol.) ;  U  comburatur,  similarly  &.  Read  "•  nos  tfs  rktf\  (so  We., 
Elh.,  Lohr,  Gun.  Th.  St.  XVIII.  221;  cf.  Baumann);  cf.  Gun.  tt>NO  nSe"  (in 
his  comm.,  but  abandoned  later  in  favor  of  We.'s  reading;  so  also  Gr.). 
Now.  !i'N3  nvr;  Oct.  oto  r:v;  Elh.  trs  -pV^(?);  Hal.  nSr(?);  Duhm  (£.#. 
3799)  and  Marti,  i^N  snS  nSx\  —  n^x]  <§  adds  avrbv.  Now.  om.  as  gloss. 
—  Vx  nos]  (&  r£  ofrcy  'I<rpa.7]\  (cf.  Ho.  io15);  one  cod.  has  r$  'lo-pa^X;  so 
also  one  cod.  of  Kenn.  SsiS'i1',  and  one  of  de  R.  SNTJH  noS  (so  also  Dathe, 
Gr.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Hal.,  Lohr,  Oort  Em.).  'A.  and  S.  r£  Bcu0i)X;  6.  ry  0r/cV 
Bai^X.  Hirscht  explains  the  reading  I?NI^>  as  due  to  a  marginal  note  by  a 
reader  contrasting  fix  no  and  •V-"  no,  which  resulted  in  the  blending  of  no 
•w  and  ^x  no  into  SN-IB"  no.  We.  and  Now.  om.  SN  noS  as  a  gloss;  Marti 
transposes  it  to  v.7.  Oct.  transposes  thus:  'D  f&o  SNI^-"  no  H^DNI.  Lohr 
rejects  v.66  as  an  interpolation  based  on  I4,  and  introducing  a  thought  entirely 
foreign  to  Amos. 

4.  For  thus  said  Yahweh  to  the  house  of  Israel^  The  prophet 
has  just  described  the  coming  desolation.  This  description  sug 
gests  at  once  the  question,  Are  we  not  zealously  engaged  in  the 
worship  of  Yahweh  ?  Why  are  we  then  to  suffer  ?  The  answer  is 
furnished  :  '  Yahweh  in  times  past  spoke  thus  and  thus,  —  com 
mands  which  ye  have  disobeyed.'  The  verb  is  not  to  be  rendered 
saith,  but  said,  referring  to  the  injunctions  of  the  past.  The  dirge 
may  well  describe  the  occasion  of  the  impending  calamity.  The 
ordinary  interpretation  which  makes  this  an  exhortation  uttered 
by  the  prophet,  after  announcing  the  calamity,*  takes  away  the 
force  of  the  most  impressive  portion  of  the  piece,  and  compels 
the  prophet  to  give  two  exhortations  in  practically  the  same  lan 
guage  (see  v.6).  —  Seek  me~\  A  common  phrase  for  the  expression 
of  religious  desire  implying  worship  and  obedience,  and  used  alike 
of  God  and  idols. t  —  And  live\  i.e.  that  you  may  live,  implying  that 
ihe  danger  ahead  may  not  be  averted  otherwise  ;  cf.  Is.  i19  Am.  515. 
The  life  of  course  includes  national  life  and  prosperity  (Baur).  For 
other  examples  of  two  imperatives  used  in  this  way,  either  condi 
tionally,  if  you  seek  me  you  will  certainly  live,  the  conclusion  being 

*  Nearly  all  comm. 

f  Besides  ;r-n,  the  word  here,  typj  is  also  used  in  the  same  sense;  cf.  Ps.  246 
Is.  819  556.  The  exact  meaning  here  as  gathered  from  the  context  is  to  make  e/ort 
to  obey  his  will  and  to  practise  a  righteous  life. 


V.  4-5  III 

thus  rendered  more  certain,  or  as  an  action  with  a  purpose,  seek  me 
in  order  that  you  may  live,  the  request  being  thus  emphasized,  cf. 
Gn.  4218  i  K.  2212  2  K.  5"  Je.  2y17  Am.  514.  There  is  no  reference 
to  the  future  life,  nor,  perhaps,  even  to  spiritual  life.*  —  5.  And 
to  Beer-sheba  do  not  (ye  shall  not)  cross  over]  (v.s.).  This  line, 
probably  corrupt,  must  be  transferred  to  precede  the  line  and  do 
not  seek  Beth-el,  which  is  required  by  the  chiastic  arrangement  of 
the  next  strophe.  Several  explanations  have  been  given  of  the 
lack  of  a  corresponding  line,  as  in  the  case  of  Gilgal  and  Beth-el, 
e.g.  a  pun  is  evident  in  the  very  word  intP  "IKS  =  "S&  1K3  =  fount 
of  captivity  ;  f  or,  Beer-sheba  is  omitted  because,  being  in  Judah, 
it  was  not  destroyed  when  Samaria  fell ;  J  or  because  Amos  is 
prophesying  only  to  the  ten  tribes ;  §  or  because  no  suitable  paro 
nomasia  could  be  found  for  Beer-sheba.  ||  If  the  present  text  is 
accepted,  we  must  understand  that  the  Israelites  of  Amos's  day 
were  not  satisfied  with  visiting  the  sanctuaries  of  the  North,  but 
were  so  zealous  in  their  worship  as  to  cross  over  the  border-land 
of  their  own  territory  f  and  penetrate  as  far  south  as  the  ancient 
sanctuary  of  Beer-sheba,  thirty  miles  southwest  of  Hebron  on  the 
road  to  Egypt.  Beer-sheba  played  an  important  part  in  the  sto 
ries  of  the  patriarchs,  cf.  Gn.  2I14-31-33  2623>33  28™  46*;  there  is  no 
authority  for  Driver's  statement,  "in  Amos's  time  it  was  a  popular 
resort  for  pilgrims  from  N.  Israel,"  unless  it  is  found  in  814  (a 
doubtful  text).  After  the  captivity  it  was  again  occupied  (Ne.  1 127). 
This  worship  was  strikingly  inconsistent  with  the  assumption  of 
Jeroboam  I.  that  Jerusalem  was  too  far  away  from  the  Northern 
tribes  to  be  the  place  of  central  worship.  The  most  extreme 
form  of  corrupt  worship,  viz.  that  at  Beer-sheba,  is  thus  placed  in 
contrast  with  the  true  attitude  commended.  —  Ye  shall  not  seek 
Beth-el~\  i.e.  visit  for  the  purpose  of  exercising  rites  and  ceremo 
nies.  —  And  Gilgal  ye  shall  not  enter]  Reference  has  already  been 
made  to  these  places  as  the  seats  of  sanctuaries.  —  For  Gilgal  shall 
surely  go  into  exile~\  The  Gilgal,  in  which  they  now  take  such  de 
light,  will  be  laid  waste.**  —  And  Beth-el  shall  become  (Beth)aven~] 

*  Contra  Pu.,  Ke.  +  Jer.,  Hi.  ||  Ros. 

t  Har.  §  Ba.,  Ke.  H  Jer.,  Har.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ba. 

**  The  alliteration  of  the  original  nSj>  nSj  SjSjn  cannot  well  be  indicated  in  a 
translation.     Cf.  Ew.,  Gilgal  wird  Galle  weinen  ;  Ba.,  Gilgal  giltig  entgilt  es  ;  Or., 


112  AMOS 

The  word  pK  has  been  variously  taken  as  meaning  nought*  idol 
atry^  iniquity  \  (cf.  Ho.  415  58  io5)  ;  trouble  ;  §  in  a  recent  transla 
tion  it  is  rendered  des  Teufels.  ||  It  is  better  to  understand  it  as 
an  abbreviation  ^[  of  pK  ITS,  the  px  in  either  sense  being  the  oppo 
site  of  bx  (Beth-el).  Cf.  Hoffmann's  suggestion  **  that  the  wor 
ship  of  the  Northern  kingdom  had  many  Egyptian  elements,  such 
as  the  calf,  that  Yahweh  was  identified  with  Ra',  and  Beth-el  with 
On,  the  sacred  city.  Hence  the  use  of  pK  by  Hosea  and  Amos 
has  a  double  sense;  here  "  your  On-Beth-el  will  become  Aven,  delu 
sion."  It  is  of  importance  to  note  that  not  far  from  Beth-el,  close 
to  the  edge  of  the  desert,  there  was  a  village  (the  site  of  which  is 
now  uncertain)  named  Beth-aven  (cf.  Jos.  f  i812  i  S.  i35  i423).-j"j- 
—  6.  The  dirge  being  now  completed,  it  is  the  natural  thing  for 
the  prophet  to  utter  an  exhortation.  This,  found  in  v.6,  completes 
the  piece.  But,  unfortunately,  one  line  seems  to  have  been  lost  ; 
perhaps  it  read,  And  now,  O  house  of  Israel,  seek  Yahweh  and 
live']  i.e.  do  as  he  long  ago  bade  you.  —  Lest  he  cast  fire  on  Joseph's 
house~\  \\  The  wrath  of  God  is  represented  by  fire  (Dt.  3222  Ez. 
2221).  Joseph,  as  well  as  Ephraim,  is  often  used  for  Northern  as 
distinguished  from  Southern  Israel  (cf.  2  S.  iQ20  Ob.18  Zc.  io6; 
Joseph,  without  house,  occurs  in  Am.  515  66  Ez.  3716  Ps.  7867).  — 
For  13eth-el~\  (&,  some  Mss.,  and  the  demands  of  the  parallelism 
incline  some  (v.s.)  to  read  for  Israel;  but  the  reading  of  fHC  is 
satisfactory,  Beth-el  being  the  centre  of  the  religious  cultus  ;  cf. 
2  K.  2217  Is.  i31  Je.  44.§ 

4.  The  Hebrew  could  not  distinguish  has  said  (indef.),  has  just  said  (pf. 
of  immediate  past),  from  the  historical  said;  the  latter  is  intended  here,  H. 
1  6,  i;  Dr.  §7;  GK.  106  d.  —  vm  ^wn]  H.  48,  8£;  Dr.  §  152,  I;  GK. 


Die  Rollstadt  rollt  von  dannen  ;  Mit.,  Gilgal  shall  go  into  galling  captivity  ;  We., 
Gilgal  wird  zum  Galgen  geken  ;  GAS.,  Gilgal  shall  taste  the  gall  of  exile.  Cf. 
Ho.  i212  for  a  similar  alliteration  of  the  same  letters;  and  for  other  cases  Is.  io29 
158  Je.  61  Mi.  iio.  11.  14.  15  Zp.  24. 

*  Mich.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Or.  %  Ew.  ||  We.  ;  cf.  GAS. 

t  Hd.f  GAS.  §  Dr.  IT  Hi.,  Mit. 

**  ZA  W.  III.  105  f.  ft  GAS.,  art.  "  Beth-aven,"  EB. 

%%  fHC  nSs-»  has  been  translated  advance  (Cal.)  ,pass  through  consuming  all  (Har., 
Jus.,  Hd.),  destroy  (Dahl),  kindle  (CF  and  F,  v.s.}.  The  translation  adopted,  which 
seems  better,  rests  upon  the  suggestion  that  n  and  3  are  easily  confused  in  sound, 
while  the  3  of  !?jo  is  inserted  after  the  analogy  of  dittography. 


V.  5-6  II3 

no/;  K6.  364  k.  em  and  isfjpa  are  practically  synonymous  (cf.  Ez.  346) ;  and 
are  used  alike  of  seeking  Yahweh  and  of  seeking  idols  (e.g.  Lv.  IQ31  Is.  IQ3  Dt. 
i8u  Je.  82  2 12  Gn.  2522,  etc.).  For  original  force  of  both  see  BSZ.  and  BDB. 
An  early  meaning,  resort  to,  seems  to  appear  in  Am.  55  Dt.  I25  2  Ch.  I5. 
Both  words  were  used  commonly  of  consulting  the  deity,  through  an  oracle 
or  through  a  prophet,  in  reference  to  matters  of  all  kinds,  religious  and  secu 
lar  (Ex.  i815  i  S.  99  2  K.  311  88  Ez.  2O1-3,  etc.).  From  this  usage  came  the 
broader  meaning  of  seeking  in  prayer  and  worship  and,  in  general,  striving  to 
act  in  accord  with  the  divine  will  (Dt.  429  Ho.  56  Zp.  23  Ps.  4O17  69?  IO53, 
etc.).  In  prophetic  speech  tsm  is  much  the  more  common  word  of  the  two 
when  used  of  religious  affairs.  —  5.  iemn  SN]  Deprecation,  H.  41,  i  b\  Dr. 
§  50  (a)  Obs.\  GK.  152/5  K6.  352^.,  but  cf.  vh  (with  isan)  prohibition. — 
VjSjni  Vsnia]  marks  the  chiasm;  perhaps  tfS  after  SjSjn  is  due  to  a  desire 
not  to  repeat  the  sound  aL  —  nSjp  n^j]  H.  28,  3  a;  GK.  113*;  K6.  329;-. 
—  SjSjn  >D]  Note  masc.  form  of  the  vb.,  though  the  feminine  is  more  usual 
with  names  of  towns  ;  K6.  248  c.  The  subj.  first  because  emphatic,  so  SKDO; 
note  the  chiastic  order  of  the  proper  names  in  56,  as  compared  with  that  in 
5a_  —  e.  nijx,-]  VfSt  The  difficulty  is  twofold  (i)  the  use  of  nSx  with  ace.  of 
the  person,  when  it  is  regularly  followed  by  ^?  or  SN  (cf.  Ju.  I419  I514  i  S. 
IO6),  being  used  with  the  ace.  in  the  sense  of  to  reach,  2  S.  I918 ;  and  (2)  the 
fern.  vb.  n^x  which  points  to  IPN  ;  hence  the  many  emendations  proposed 
(z'.j.).  Margolis  (AJSL.  XVII.  171),  however,  defends  nSx>  (but  reads  t^sa) 
on  the  basis  of  the  usage  of  nSx  in  Ecclus.  810,  where  it  is  followed  by  nSnja 
(a  mistake  for  nSrua;  cf.  @)  and  rendered  kindle  by  @.  —  f|DV  r^a]  Subj., 
not  obj.  —  nSax]  Fem.  as  ref.  to  JPN. — V^ma1?]  Correct,  notwithstanding 
We.  et  aL,  v.s.;  not  ace.  (h  —  sign  of  ace.)  after  naaD  (cf.  Hd.),  nor  to  be 
connected  with  nSax  (Mau.);  but  dat.  of  adv.  or  disadv.j  cf.  Ez.  3711; 
GK.  119  s. 

8,  9.  Who  is  it  that  you  are  asked  to  seek  ?  Yahweh  is  his 
name,  the  creator  of  the  luminaries,  the  controller  of  the  seas,  the 
destroyer  of  the  strong. 

This  addition  from  a  later  hand,  "to  relieve  the  gloom  of  the  prophetic 
picture,"  falls  into  two  strophes,  each  of  four  trimeters.  It  bears  the  general 
character  of  the  additions  found  in  413  95- 6,  and  resembles  in  style  the 
Deutero-Isaiah  (cf.  Is.  4O22f-).  Note  (i)  the  use  of  participles,  and  (2)  the 
peculiar  words;  cf.  Stickel,  Hiob  276;  Che.  EB.  I.  153 n.  3.  Vs.8  and  9 
are  placed  by  Elh.  after  27f-.  Their  lack  of  connection  with  v.7  is  generally 
acknowledged  (so  Ew.,  followed  by  GAS.,  who  places  them  before  v.7;  Gr., 
who  would  place  v.8  after  413;  Oct.,  who  suggests  the  alternative  of  the  end 
of  the  chap.;  Che.  EB.  I.  153,  who  places  them  after  413;  Now.,  who  re 
gards  them  as  a  misplaced  gloss  on  v.6;  Dr.,  Marti,  and  others,  who  treat 
them  as  an  interpolation;  cf.  Baumann). 
I 


114  AMOS 

8.  IDP  nvr]  To  be  transferred  to  the  beginning  of  v.8,  some  preceding 
word  being  lost ;  or  perhaps  the  line  may  be  filled  from  &  =  Let  there  be  fear 
in  the  presence  of  him  who,  etc.  Two  codd.  of  Kenn.  add  niso*  and  two  codd. 
of  ©  read,  Yahweh,  God  of  hosts.  —  StD31  HDO]  ©  iravra  Kal  fJL€Ta<TK€vdfav  = 
apt-i  Vn  (Vol.);  'A.'ApKTovpov  Kal  'fipluva ;  2.  IlXeidSas  Kal  a<rrpa;  5J  Arctu- 
rum  et  Orionem  ;  0.  IlXetdSa  Kal  Zo-irepov  ;  &  N^DDI  nD>:>;  %  l^a-^o  )%n*n. 

—  ninSx]  Read  nin^  (cf.  Ps.  234)  foil.  @  cmd?  (Va.),  not  SS*  (Vol.) ;  U  &«*- 

bras;  but  &  jialo  * v  v  I  (see  BDB.).  — rM]  Read  rMS,  with  ten  codd. 
Kenn.  and  seven  de  R.  (so  Dathe,  Mit.,  Oort  ThT.  XIV.  118,  Elh.).  — Nipn 
OTT^D1?]  @T  =  who  commands  to  gather  great  armies  like  the  waters  of  the  sea. 

—  9.   .rSacn]  (H  6  diaipuv  =  .r^oon  (Now.);    (§Q  6  diopifav  ;   'A.  6  ^eiSicD? ; 
S.  rd?  TTotoDj'Ta  KarayeXdcrai  ;  U  ^z«  arridet  (subridet,  cod.  Am.);   &  "UJDi; 
S  -  ^V^^-»       Gr.  D>J^Snn  ;   Get.  SaSwn  ;    Oort  -\3JD  ;    Elh.,  Sv,JSn  ;    Oort 
(£/».)  and  Marti,  N^Sflnn.  —  nif]   Read  -air,  fol.  (5  a\)VTpiy.\).Qv  (so  Ew.,  Hi., 
Oort,  Gr.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.).    &  ]  A\«.  and  &  va^n  =  tsn  (Seb.) ;  J$  vastita- 
tem  ;   S.  d0awo-/i6v.     Hoffm.,  nfer  here  and  in  fol.  clause.      Elh.,  n::'.  —  ry]   (5 
/<rx«Ji'  =  V  (so  also  Oort)  ;  U  robustwn  ;  Q£  a^pr1;  S>  jl  »  *v>;  Hoffm.,  TV(?). 
— 1^1  J  ©  /cat  raXaurupiav;   Tff  depopulationem  ;  Ss  IntiVo;   E  ]mi3i;  Hal. 
-inch.     St.  would  read  (so  also  Dr.  and  Oort  Em.}  -airi  on  basis  of  <&  and 
Is.  597  6o18  Je.  483;    but  it  is  better  to  read  ~\iy  for  the  previous  it^  (v.s.) 
and  retain  £H2T  here,  since  (^  employs  (rvvTpi/j./jLt>s  and  aiJi'Tpi.fj./j.a  to  represent 
naitf  twenty-three  times,  but  ii'  only  four  times,  including  this  passage,  while 
the  vb.  ~a a>  is  regularly  rendered   by  crwrpipw.     raXanrwpta,  on  the  other 
hand,  represents  ir  ten  times  and  "O-'  only  thrice,  while  mty  is  regularly  ren 
dered  by  raXcuTTupita.     However,  the  occurrence  of  the  phrase  -a1.:*!  ia>  in 
Is.  and  Je.,  where  ©  renders  by  crvvrp.  /cat  ra\.,  makes  the  matter  somewhat 
uncertain.  —  nxoc]   Hoffm.,  "PxacC?).  —  Nn^J  Read  N^:J«,  with  all  the  versions 
(so  Va.,  Oort  ThT.  XIV.   118  and  Em.,  Hoffm.,  GAS.,  Now.,   Elh.,  Oct., 
Hal.);   ©  2.  eTrdyw,  U  affert ;  &  \L^o;  &  whtfv.  —  These  vs.  are  evidently 
not  genuine.     V.7  must  be  transferred  to  precede  v.:0,  see  p.  105.     So  Bauer, 
Ew.,  Or.,  GAS.;   cf.  Mit.,  who  strains  himself  in  the  effort  to  connect  vs.7  and  8 
(p.  129);   Gun.,  who  rejects  v.7;    WRS.  Proph.  (p.  400),  who  maintains  that, 
though  not  closely  connected  with  the  immediate  context,  these  vs.  are  in 
complete  harmony  with  the  general  purport  of  the  thought  of  Amos,  and  that 
the  ejaculatory  form  is  "not  surprising  under  the  general  conditions  of  pro 
phetic  oratory,  while  the  appeal  comes  in  to  relieve  the  strain  of  the  intense 
feeling  at  a  critical  point  in  the  argument."     The  suggestion  has  been  made 
to  transfer  imjn  from  v.7,  with  £>  (New.  v.i.  p.  118),  or  to  supply  iam  (Mich., 
Jus.),  or  seek  Yahiueh  (Geb.),  or  He  is  the  one  who  (Ba.);   but  it  seems  best 
to  supply  part  of  a  line  which  shall  include  the  words  taken  from  the  end  of 
the  v.,  viz.  i2tt>  mrr,  since  this  phrase  could  not  originally  have  stood  in  the 
midst  of  the  description.     In  413  it  comes  at  the  close  of  the  sentence. 


V.  8  115 

8.  Whose  name  is  Yahweh]  The  God  who  is  Israel's  national 
God,  and  who  desires  Israel's  strongest  allegiance.  —  The  creator  of 
the  Pleiades  and  Orion~\  In  two  or  three  strokes  the  poet  depicts 
the  omnipotence  of  the  God  for  whom  he  pleads.  He  seizes  upon 
two  of  the  heavenly  constellations  which  are  most  conspicuous  to 
represent,  by  synecdoche,  the  universe  that  is  visible.  They  are 
referred  to  in  Jb.  9°  3831f-  (cf.  Is.  i310)  in  the  same  way  as  a  proof 
of  God's  creative  power.  The  Hebrew  name  for  Orion,  which 
also  =fool,  may  perhaps  contain  a  trace  of  some  old  mythological 
notion,  which  held  this  constellation  to  have  been  "  originally 
some  foolhardy,  heaven-daring  rebel  who  was  chained  to  the  sky 
for  his  impiety."  *  The  thought  is  not  different  from  that  of  the 
Psalmist  (83).  This  seems  to  be  the  meaning  rather  than  (i)  the 
interpretation  of  na'3  as  "genial  heat"  and  b'DD  as  "  cold,"  f  on 
the  ground  that  it  harmonizes  better  with  the  context  to  speak 
of  present  acts  than  of  a  far-distant  creation  (but  cf.  the  custom 
of  the  Deutero-Isaiah) ;  or  (2)  that  which  finds  the  principal 
force  of  the  utterance  in  the  star-worship,  which  was  not  uncom 
mon  in  Israel  (cf.  Je.  y18  4417-18  2  K.  i;16  2i3-5,  cf.  23"),  the 
thought  being  "  do  not  worship  the  stars,  but  the  creator  of  the 
stars  "  ;  }  or  (3)  that  of  nia'3  as  "  fortune,"  "  destiny  "  ;  §  or  (4)  that 
which  supposes  the  stars  to  have  been  mentioned  because  of  their 
influence  upon  the  weather,  and  because  the  writer  wished  to  show 
the  supremacy  of  Yahweh  over  all  such  forces.  ||  —  Who  turneth 
deep  gloom  into  morning]  The  "  darkness "  thus  turned  is  not 
the  darkness  of  death,^[  an  interpretation  based  upon  an  incorrect 
pointing  of  rvabst  (#•*•)»  nor  the  original  creation  of  light,  \  but 
the  change  from  night  to  day,  a  most  wonderful,  although  most 
common,  phenomenon.  —  And  day  into  night  darkeneth]  This 

*  Dr. ;  so  Di.  (on  Jb.  98),  Che.,  BDB.  For  reference  to  these  constellations  in 
early  Greek  literature,  cf.  Horn.  //.  XVIII.  486-9:  — 

ITAr/iaSa?  &"  'Ya5a?  re  TO  re  aOevos  'Hpuovo? 
'Ap/CToy  6'  r\v  Kal  a/aa^av  ejri/cATjo'ii'  (caAeoucrty» 
*H  T'  auTof)  <TTpe'(/>eTcu  *ai  r'  'Hpuova  5o*ev*t, 
OITJ  6"  a/a/uopd;  eari  \Ofrpiai>  'flxeavoio. 

Cf.  also  XXII.  26-31,  and  Od.  V.  272-75. 

f  Parkhurst,  cited  by  Owen  in  his  translation  of  Cal.        t  Geb.        $  Schlier. 
||  Hoffm.  Z AW.  III.  109.  11  Pu.,  Ke. 


Il6  AMOS 

supplements  and  explains  the  preceding  phrase  ;  the  idea  is  that 
of  the  regular  order  of  nature,  night  succeeding  day,  under  a  great 
Director,  not  that  of  an  extraordinary  event  like  the  darkness  of 
the  land  of  Egypt,*  nor  the  shortening  of  the  days  in  winter. 

—  Who  calleth  the  waters  of  the  sea  and  poureth  them  on  the  face 
of  the  earth]    Cf.  Is.  4813  Jb.  3S34.     Are  these  waters  the  rains 
drawn  from  the  sea  and  descending  upon  the  earth  (cf.  Jb.  36^) ;  t 
or  the  fountains  and  streams  by  which  the  earth  is  watered  \  (cf. 
EC.  i7  Jb.  i215)  ;    or  an  inundation,  the  Noachian  deluge,  the 
most  terrible  punishment  in  history  ?§     In  favor  of  the  last  are 
the  use  of  the  expressions  call  and  face  of  the  earth,  the  thought 
of  the  following,  and  the  typical  character  of  the  illustrations  of 
Yahweh's  power,  as  thus  interpreted,  viz.,  "Jehovah,  by  whom 
the  world  was  made,  of  whose  will  the  order  and  harmony  in 
nature  are  an  expression,  and  at  whose  command  the  forces  in 
nature  may  become  as  destructive  as  they  have  been  beneficent."  || 

—  9.    Causeth  violence  to  burst  upon  the  strong]    For  the  word 
rbs&n  (found  elsewhere  only  in  Jb.  9^  lo20  Ps.  3914  and  rrrbaa  in 
Je.   818)   there  have  been  suggested  the  following :   (i)  He  that 
strengthens  (the  spoiled  against  the  strong,  so  that  the  spoiled,  or 
a  waster,  shall  ascend  upon  the  very  fortresses;!  or  destruction 
(=  the  destroyed)  against  strength  (—  the  strong)  so  that  (through 
him)  destruction  comes  upon  the  fortress)  ;  *    (2)  He  that  mani 
fests;  **    (3)  He  that  causes  to  flash  forth  (figure  taken  from  the 
dawn),ft  cf.  Is.  47"  Jo.  22 ;   also  nfci  in  Is.  429  58**;    (4)  He  that 
laughs  at ;  \\    the  third  satisfies  the  context  in  all  the  passages  in 
which  the  word  occurs  and  accords  with  its  derivation  (#./.).     On 
Hoffmann's  interpretation  v.i.  —  And  causeth  devastation  to  come 
upon  the  fortress]  This  rendering  is  based  upon  the  reading  K'2; 
(v.s.)  instead  of  xia',  although  the  Qal  of  Kin  (like  aw)  sometimes 
has  a  transitive  meaning. 

8.  na»y]  has  been  treated  as  obj.  of  ram  to  be  supplied  (Mich.,  Jus.),  as 
subject  of  V22>  mrp  (Schegg),  as  predicate  of  a  sentence  of  which  Nin,  to  be 
supplied,  is  subject  (Ba.).  If  regarded  as  an  interpolation,  its  connection 
may  be  very  loose,  perhaps  the  answer  to  some  implied  question;  cf.  K6.  Stil. 

*  Geb.  $  Pu.,  Ke.(  Reu.,  Mit.  **  Va. 

f  Jer.,  Cal.,  Os.,  Geb.,  Dahl,  Ros.,  Or.          ||  Mit.        ft  Ros.,  Ba.,  Hi. 

t  Hi.  H  CaL  JJ  'A.,  Jer.,  Schegg,  Pu. 


V.  8-9  II7 

214-  —  HD^]  occurs  elsewhere  only  in  Jb.  99  3831;  usually  taken  to  mean  the 
Pleiades  (so  'A.,  2.,  6.,  and  <§  on  Jb.  3831),  from  the  idea  that  it  is  similar  to 

Sx>^ 

Arab.  &0 15  ,  a  heap  (Ba. ;   BDB.;  Taylor,  DB.  III.  896).      Other  meanings 

given  are  Sirius  (Stern,  in  Jud.  Zeitschrift  fur  Wissen.  u.  Leben,  III.  258  ff.; 
No.  in  BL.  ;  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  107  ff.)  and  the  Scorpion  (ZA.  I.  264).  — 
^•'Dj]  The  derivation  from  VDD  =  A?  &?  strong,  is  very  questionable.  The  word 
ordinarily  means  a  fool.  As  used  of  a  star  it  occurs  only  here  and  in  Jb.  99  3831 
Is.  I310.  'A.  and  T3  and  <g  on  Is.  I310  and  Jb.  3831  translate  by  Orion,  which 
is  the  usual  meaning  given;  Saadia,  Abulwalid,  and  others  identify  with 
Canopus.  Cf.,  for  further  discussion,  Wetzstein  in  De.  Job,'2'  501  f.;  Taylor, 
DB.  III.  632;  R.  Brown,  Jr.,  Trans,  of  Ninth  Congr.  of  Orientalists,  II. 
457  f.  — nin^x]  The  old  derivation  is  as  a  compound  of  DID  *?y  =  shadow  of 
death;  so  (5, 'A.,  2.,  0.  (in  places);  &2TF;  Ges.  Thes.  ;  Schwally,  Das  Leben 
nach  dem  Tode,  194;  No.  ZA  W.  XVII.  183  ff.;  BDB.  The  vocalization 
no*?*  from  oSs,  be  dark  (cf.  Assyr.  salmu)  is  also  ancient,  and  has  been 
accepted  by  many;  Ew.8  270  c;  De.  and  Hupfeld  (on  Ps.  23*);  BSZ.,  Gun., 
Bu.  (on  Jb.  35) ;  K6.  Lehrgebdude,  II.  i.  p.  415.  Barth,  NB.  259  c,  would 
make  the  form  r^*  (cf.  Marti),  while  We.3  proposes  nioSx  after  analogy 
of  Arab,  tzulamdt.  The  passages  in  which  the  word  is  found  are,  besides 
this,  Jb.  35  io21f-  I222  i616  24"  283  3422  38"  Is.  91  Je.  &  I316  Ps.  23*  4420 
loyio.  ut  —  nSi1?]  For  syntax  according  to  fH^T,  cf.  GK.  117  ii;  K6.  327  z>. 
—  -p^nn]  A  pf.  of  experience  fol.  preceding  ptcp.,  in  chiastic  order  with  IDH-, 
H.  18,  3;  GK.  106 -£.  —  Niipn]  The  art.  here;  in  preceding  ptcps.  it  has  been 
omitted,  the  first  being  in  cstr.;  cf.  GK.  126/5;  K6.  411  h.  —  D3BB"i]  Impf.  with 
waw  cons.  fol.  a  ptcp.  H.  24,  5;  GK.  in  u.  —  9.  jpSacn]  Commonly  derived 

from  a  Heb.  root  akin  to  Arab.   s*~**2,  to  be  bright,  ,&J*2,  to  be  bright,  joyous. 

w  Vl^ 

In  all  the  other  passages  in  Heb.  the  meaning  be  glad,  cheerful,  is  usually 

assigned;  cf.  Schultens,  Origines  Hebrcza  (1761);  Lane,  Arab.  Lex.  245; 
BDB.,  BSZ.  It  is  here  in  chiastic  order  with  N->:T;  here  the  impf.  (indef. 
freq.)  follows  the  ptcp.  with  the  article,  H.  21,  3;  GK.  in  u.  —  ia>]  Hoffm., 
on  the  basis  of  an  emended  text,  translates,  he  carises  Taurus  to  rise  after 
Capella  and  causes  Taurus  to  set  after  Vindemiator.  This  is  explained  by 
the  fact  that  Capella  rises  at  the  end  of  April  before  Taurus  in  May,  and 
Taurus  sets  in  November  after  the  setting  of  Vindemiator  in  September.  To 
this  it  is  objected  (We.)  that  this  is  too  ordinary  a  matter  to  stand  in  so 
important  a  connection,  and  that  if  this  had  been  the  idea,  the  stars  were  so 
well  known  that  so  different  a  reading  could  not  have  grown  up. 

§  9.  Transgressors  shall  come  to  grief,  s7' 1(M7.  (i)  A  per- 
verter  of  judgment  and  an  oppressor  of  the  poor,  Israel  shall  not 
enjoy  the  gains  which  she  has  unjustly  made  (vs.7  lof').  (2)  Guilty 
of  every  sin,  receiver  of  bribes,  she  must  change  her  life,  if  she 


Il8  AMOS 

would  live  and  have  Yahweh's  presence  ;  vs.12"14.  (3)  Only  right 
eousness  will  furnish  ground  for  mercy,  in  the  great  calamity  which 
is  to  bring  lamentation  to  every  heart  (vs.15"17). 

This  poem  consists  of  three  double  strophes,  each  double  strophe  including 
one  strophe  of  four  and  one  of  six  lines.  The  first  part  of  each  double  strophe 
contains  a  characterization  of  the  times;  the  second  part,  introduced  by  joS 
describes  the  calamity  which  is  coming  upon  Israel  as  punishment. 

7,  10,  11.  Those  who  exercise  injustice  and  shun  him  who 
reproves  them  for  it,  shall  forfeit  all  the  privileges  which  otherwise 
would  accrue  to  them.  The  reasons  for  placing  v.7  in  this  con 
nection  are  :  (i)  its  utter  lack  of  connection  with  v.6  and  v.8;  its 
natural  connection  with  v.10  ;  and  the  fact  that  when  joined  to  v.10 
it  permits  a  strophic  arrangement  of  the  whole  section  at  once 
simple  and  natural.  This  transposition  has  been  adopted  without 
reference  to  the  arrangement,  upon  the  basis  of  the  logical  con 
nection.*  Unsatisfactory  must  be  regarded  the  attempt  to  connect 
it  with  the  preceding  verse  as  a  contrast,  yet  ye  change,  etc.  ;  f  or 
with  the  following  verse,  supplying  consider  at  the  beginning  of 
v.°  ;  \  or  to  supply,  Seek  him,  I  say,  ye  who,  etc.  ;  §  or  to  make  it 
a  gloss  belonging  to  612,  ||  a  suggestion  growing  out  of  the  endeavor 
to  treat  vs.8-  9  as  original  with  Amos  (cf.  Nowack  in 


7.  D'Donn]  (g  6  TTOL&V  =  Sj?on  (Vol.),  rendering  by  same  word  as  for 
(v.8)  ;  cf.  the  different  rendering  of  "jcnn  (v.8).  Oort,  on  basis  of  <&, 
(ThT.  XXV.  121  f.;  so  Val.).  —  nj^s]  ©  els  fyos  =  rbyzh  (Va.),  or  perhaps 
which  Oort  substituted  in  1880,  but  later  (TkT.,  1891)  abandoned  for 
.  JJ  absinthium;  cf.  ©  in  61'2,  irixplav.  —  V^N1?]  New.  trxV?.  —  in>jn] 
©  sg.  (so  Oort  and  Val.);  S>  n  n  °  *-;  joined  to  fol.  v.;  Gr.  -lyjn.  —  10.  ixjtt»] 

Elh.'MJ'.J'.  —  njwa]    ©pi.  —  rvaiC]    g|-1»MV>\rnrrPpfrpHhySph  tn]lM.-iV)  \. 

cf.  Syr.-Hex.  and  Ez.  326.  —  nan]  ©,  0.,  \6yov  =  na-y,  S.  prj/j.a.  —  o^nn]  ©,  0., 
offiov;  S.  afj.wfj.ov.  Hoffm.  0>Dn  (but  v.  Gun.).  —  11.  DrD^ia]  ©  suf.  3  p.  pi.; 
3J  diripiebatis  ;  *&  paraca;  &  ^oL^^SJS,  perhaps  =  orDDia  (Seb.;  so  Hal.). 
Read  o?pia  (so  Oct.,  Marti)  or  oaoia  (We.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Che.  EB.  I.  155,  Lohr). 
Gr.  Spc  oaDD'^ir;  Oort,  DDDDia.  Some  MSS.  read  t'  for  u;;  others  oanteha, 
o^DDria,  arD'ii'  o  (v.  de  R.).  —  ia  DNSP::]  ©  5wpa  ^/cXe/crd,  perhaps  reading 
some  form  of  nna  for  -a  (Va.);  so  also  §?B.  Gr.  PN^-I  (cf.  Dt.  2410).  — 

*  Ew.,  Reu.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.  ;  K6.  411  f.  ;   Marti  ;  Gun.  would  drop  v.  7  as  an 
interpolation.  f  Jus.  J  Schro.  i  Stru.  ||  Kue. 


V.  7»  '0  119 

orpjs]   ,5  makes  this  and  Dpyoj  rel.  clauses,  omitting  in  each  case  the  follow 
ing  \  —  ir.n]    Some  MSS.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R.  icn;   cf.  Mi.  613~15  Zp.  I13. 


7.  7$<?y  z£//w  /!?//-«  judgment  to  wormwood~\  The  leaders  are 
especially  meant,  but  the  people  are  also  not  without  guilt.  The 
arraignment  begun  thus  with  the  participle,  a  favorite  form  of 
expression  with  Amos,  in  impassioned  speech,  is  continued  by  the 
finite  verb  (cf.  27  413).  The  figure  is  drawn  from  a  bitter  herb, 
reckoned  poisonous  (cf.  612  Je.  915  2^15  La.  315-  19  Dt.  2Q18  Pr.  54 
Rev.  811)  by  the  ancients.  Instead  of  the  sweetness  of  justice, 
the  bitterness  of  injustice  is  accorded.  The  very  institutions 
which  were  intended  to  secure  justice  produce  injustice  (cf.  La.  319 
Am.  612)  .  —  And  cast  righteousness  to  the  ground'}  Righteousness, 
here  meaning  civil  justice,  is  personified,  and  represented  as  an 
individual  thrown  down,  and  treated  with  violence  and  contempt, 
"  trampled  under  foot."  This  is  stronger  than  the  ordinary  "turn 
aside  justice"  (Baur)  ;  cf.  2  S.  815  Is.  59"  Je.  223.  —  10.  They 
hate~\  Referring,  as  before,  to  the  upper  classes,  who  have  the 
administration  of  justice.  —  Him  that  reproveth  in  the  gate\  i.e. 
the  gateway,  the  place  where  justice  was  administered  (cf.  Dt.  2215 
Ru.  4lff-  Ps.  12  f  Pr.  3  123  i  K.  2210  La.  514)  ;  the  phrase  is  de 
pendent  upon  the  word  translated  the  one  who  reproves,  i.e.  the 
prophet,  or  the  judge,  who  rebuked  injustice  (cf.  Jb.  i315  i95 
Is.  2921)  —  perhaps  Amos  himself.  —  The  one  who  speaks  uprightly] 
Not  one  who  advocates  an  unblamable  manner  of  life,*  nor  one 
who  brings  witnesses  to  prove  his  own  integrity.  f  The  word  a'&n 
is  not  an  object  accusative  =  one  who  speaks  the  truth  (cf.  Is. 
331'5)  jt  but  an  adverbial  accusative  (cf.  Ps.  i52  Pr.  2818)  and 
means  sincerely,  blamelessly.  §  —  They  abhor]  A  synonym  of  they 
hate,  but  stronger.  ||  —  Therefore"]  The  mark  of  the  second  part 
of  the  strophe;  cf.  vs.13-16  (also  3"  412).  —  Because  ye  trample 
upon  the  weak]  A  more  direct  statement  of  the  charge  already 
made  in  vs.7-  10.  —  And  take  from  him  exactions  of  grain'}  The 
specific  kind  of  oppression  is  here  indicated  ;  the  translations 
load  of  grain,  as  much  as  a  poor  man  could  carry  on  his  back  ;f 
great  load;**  tax  placed  on  every  one  over  twenty  years  of  age* 


*  Geb.  +  Now.  ||  Hi.,  Ke.  **  Lu. 

t  Har.  §  Ros.,  Hd.,  Dr.  U  Cal. 


120  AMOS 

(cf.  Ex.  3o12'16)  ;  his  share*  are  far-fetched.  (Cf.  Gratz's  emen 
dation;  v.s.).  The  word  has  come  to  be  a  general  designation 
for  gift;|  it  was  sometimes  voluntary  (cf.  Gn.  4334  2  S.  n8 
Je.  4O5),  but  also  sometimes  involuntary  (cf.  2  Ch.  246"9  Ez.  2O40). 
In  the  latter  case,  as  here,  it  was  really  a  tax  forced  from  the 
poor  by  the  rich ;  J  something  more  than  a  euphemism  for  inter 
est,  and  called  such  to  evade  the  law§  (Lv.  25®  Dt.  2319).  Cf. 
Hitzig's  rendering  which  introduces  the  apodosis  with  this  clause : 
Ye  shall  have  to  take  from  him  a  present  of  corn,  i.e.  as  alms.  — 
Houses  of  hewn  stone']  Cf.  Zp.  i13  Mi.  615;  houses  of  exceptional 
character,  for  the  rich.  —  But  ye  shall  not  dwell  in  them}  Cf. 
Dt.  2830  Is.  6522  Am.  gu ;  there  will  be  no  opportunity  to  dwell  in 
them,  because  Israel  is  to  go  into  exile.  —  Vineyards  of  delight^ 
Cf.  Ez.  236 -12-23;  Is.  3212;  the  poet  pictures  in  the  most  tantalizing 
manner  the  dire  character  of  the  doom  which  confronts  them. 

7.  DOflnn]  Cf.  above;  the  art.  is  used  almost  as  a  vocative,  but  the  fol.  vb. 
in  the  3d  pers.  points  rather  to  the  relative  usage,  H.  4,  3/;  GK.  126  b\  on 
tense  force  cf.  Ko.  237  a.  —  njy1?]  Commonly  derived  from  fj?S  =  Arab.  \£3&, 
to  revile,  abominate,  hence  the  detested  herb,  cf.  Ges.  Thes.  758.  The  word 
is  used  only  figuratively  in  the  O.  T.,  i.e.  either  in  comparisons  (Pr.  5*, 
where  it  is  contrasted  with  honey),  or  as  a  figure  of  apostasy  (Dt.  2917),  or 
injustice  (here  and  in  Am.  612),  or  bitter  grief  (Je.  915  2315  La.  315-  19). 
The  plant  belongs  to  the  genus  Artemisium  and  is  common  in  Palestine, 
many  varieties  of  it  existing  there.  Cf.  J.  Low,  Aramdische  Pflanzennamen, 
80  f.,  401,421;  Tristram,  Nat.  Hist,  of  Bible,  493. —  irvjn]  Pf.  fol.  ptcp.,  H.  27, 
53;  GK.  116^:;  Dr.  §  117;  an  Aramaicized  pf.,  GK.  72  ee.  — 10.  iNjtt>]  Stat. 
pf.,  H.  18.  2;  cf.  GK.  106^-.  —  ij?a>a]  According  to  the  accent,  the  subj.  of  isjtr, 
i.e.  those  who  are  in  the  gate  hate  him  who  reproves  ;  but  it  is  better  to  connect 
with  PP31D. —  13-']  Cf.  ©  =  i3"r,  and  note  the  chiastic  order.  —  DTP]  Adv.  ace., 
H-  33,  5  ;  GK.  Ii8». —  nyrp]  Impf.  of  frequentative  action.  — 11.  orotpn] 
Has  been  taken  from  013,  oppress,  the  v  being  introduced  to  give  the  resem 
blance  of  £;i3,  be  ashamed  (Geb.) ;  from  DID.  the  tt>  being  a  mistake  of  original 
copy  (Jus.),  or  a  scribal  error  (Va.),  or  a  dissimilation  from  D13  (Gun.,  Oort, 
BDB.  p.  143);  from  ^3  —  (>ww,  behave  proudly,  abuse  (Har.,  Hi.)  ;  from  tfia 
=  be  ashamed  (Tuch,  on  Gen.  p.  213,  cited  by  Ba.);  from  T?3,  being  read  D3tna 
(2TU).  It  is  ordinarily  explained  as  a  Po'el  inf.;  but  it  should  be  read  DDD13 
(v.s.~),  Qal.  inf.  cstr.,  the  v  being  a  correction  placed  side  by  side  with  the 
letter  corrected;  cf.  'D8>cj,%  Ne.  u13,  and  D'D:J»>DJ,  Ne.  752;  cf.  GK.  61  e.  —  St] 

*  Oort,  Th  T.  XIV.  154.  +  We.,  Dr.,  BDB. 

f  Har.,  Stru.,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Gun.,  GAS.  §  Pu. 


V.  10  121 

^••j  from  which  this  is  derived,  means  to  be  low,  weak.     It  is  uncertain  whether 

it  is  the  same  as  the  root  SSt,  to  hang.  It  is  probably  the  same  as  Arab.  u£,  to 
be  lozu,  -vile,  and  perhaps  Assyr.  dalalu,  to  be  humble,  obedient.  Hence  Si  means 
(i)  weak,  (2)  lowly,  humble,  poor.  —  r.NS»c]  Cf.  Phcen.  nNPD  =  tax,  penalty; 


BOB.  673.  —  "OJ  Means  grain.  Is  perhaps  similar  to  Arab.  -J,  wheat.  Usually 
derived  from  112  =  to  purify.  It  is  written  13  here  and  in  Am.  86  Ps.  y216;  else 
where  13.  —  mpp]  Continuing  the  inf.  DDDO;  cf.  K6.  413  d.  —  via]  GK.  96;  Sta. 
187  «.  —  n>n]  An  abstract  noun  =  hewing;  vj3N  is  to  be  understood  as  pre 
ceding  it;  cf.  Is.  99  i  K.  636;  K6.  243  b.  —  icn]  Cf.  reading  icn;  on  the  noun 
used  as  here  for  adj.,  GK.  128^;  for  men  in  same  construction,  Je.  319  I210 
Ez.  2612  Ps.  io624. 

12,  13,  14.  In  view  of  Israel's  many  sins  of  persecution  and 
bribery,  prudence  would  suggest  silence,  in  order  that  life  and 
Yahweh  may  still  be  hers.  This  double  strophe  has  in  the  first 
part,  as  before,  a  description  of  Israel's  wickedness,  and  in  the 
second  part  a  threat  of  punishment,  viz.  the  death  of  the  nation 
and  abandonment  by  Yahweh.  The  first  part  has  a  reference  to 
the  "  gate  "  as  the  forum  of  justice,  and  the  second  is  introduced 
by  "therefore." 

The  authenticity  of  vs.13-  14-  and  15  has  been  questioned  by  Oort  (ThT. 
XIV.  122,  who  suspects  only  v.15  and  regards  13  and  14  as  belonging  to 
Amos,  but  as  originally  having  followed  v.20),  Val.,  Now.,  Volz,  GAS.,  Lohr, 
Che.  (EB.  I.  154),  et  al.  Oet.  grants  the  late  origin  of  v.13,  but  claims 
vs.14  *'•  for  Amos,  placing  them,  however,  after  v.24.  We.  also  regards  v.13  as 
interrupting  the  connection  between  v.12  and  v.14,  being  only  a  parenthetic 
note.  Elh.  inserts  v.12  between  511  and  213ff-,  and  vs.13'15  between  216  and 
3lf-.  Marti  places  vs.14f-  after  v.6,  and  drops  v.13  as  late.  The  reasons  for 
suspecting  the  passage  are:  (i)  lack  of  relation  to  v.12,  since  a  threat 
(perhaps  v.16)  would  be  naturally  expected  to  follow;  (2)  lack  of  con 
nection  with  v.16,  the  p1?  of  1G  having  no  meaning  after  v.15  ;  (3)  lack  of 
unity  within  these  vs.  themselves,  15  "  being  a  repetition  of  14  a,  14  and  15 
being  an  imitation  of  54-  6;  (4)  the  use  of  Sv^'cn  in  a  technical  sense  as 
in  Pr.  io19  Ecclus.  2O7;  (5)  the  lack  of  consistency  between  the  thought 
of  v.13  and  the  general  spirit  and  teaching  of  Amos,  whose  tone  was  bold  and 
fearless,  rather  than  of  the  kind  to  encourage  silence  under  difficult  circum 
stances  ;  (6)  the  nation,  although  treated  as  responsible,  is  only  a  remnant, 
but  there  is  no  time  preceding  734  B.C.  when  this  historical  situation  exists. 
It  is  to  be  conceded  that  the  logical  consecution  of  the  passage  is  not  as  clear 
as  might  be  expected  from  Amos  ;  but  it  is  possible  (v.i.~)  to  answer  most,  if 
not  all,  of  these  objections.  If,  however,  these  arguments  are  conclusive,  the 


122  AMOS 

original  piece  is  one  strophe  shorter,  the  second  part  of  strophe  2  and  the 
first  part  of  strophe  3  being  late,  the  original  strophe  2  consisting  of  what  is 
now  strophe  2  a  and  strophe  3  h. 

12.  DD>nNion]  Read  a^NEn,  on  account  of  the  masc.  o^cx>  (We.,  Now.,  Lohr, 
Oct.,  Marti;  cf.  Elh.,  p.  148).  — 103  >npS  pnx  nix]  <S  seems  to  have  read 
'3  inpS  'X  nix  (Seb.) ;  U  hostes  justi  accipientes  munus  ;  &  .INST"?  nS  PP^ 
ip.ien  pDD  uSagS  Vn^.  —  ion  lyeo  D^IONI]  Gr.  -issn  '3  'UN  p-n.  — 13.  DT1]  2C 
adds  Njjpen  Dip  p.  —  njn]  <S  Trovrjpwv,  perhaps  =  o>jn  (Vol.,  Hirscht),  n  arid 
D  being  similar  in  Aramaic  script.  — 14.  'IDN  I^ND]  ©  connects  with  v.15. 

12.  Surely  I  know}  A  new  strophe ;  Yahweh  is  now  repre 
sented  as  speaking ;  however  ignorant  men  may  be,  he  knows  (cf. 
PS-  7311  Jb.  2213). — Many  are  your  transgressions}  i.e.  in  multi 
tudes  are  they  commitied.  —  And  great  are  your  sins}  The  repeti 
tion  is,  of  course,  poetical,  yet  the  two  words  mark  different  kinds 
of  iniquity,  the  first,  deliberate  rebellion;  the  second,  habitual 
variation  from  the  right.  The  position  of  the  adjective  in  each  is 
very  emphatic.  After  making  the  general  charges,  the  speaker 
introduces  more  specific  arraignment.  —  Persecutors  of  the  right 
eous'}  Cf.  27  39- 10 ;  all  the  more  strong  because  of  the  singular,  and 
the  lack  of  the  article ;  the  impassioned  feeling  is  so  marked  that 
the  speaker  passes  in  what  follows  from  the  second  to  the  third 
person. — Takers  of  bribes}  Ordinarily  *IED  means  ransom,  the 
price  paid  for  life  by  wealthy  criminals  (Ex.  2i30  Nu.  35'31)  ;  the 
sin,  if  this  be  the  meaning,  consists  in  threatening  the  unprotected 
with  death  in  order  to  extort  from  them  a  new  ransom  ;  *  but 
here,  as  in  i  S.  i23,  the  word  means  bribe  given  to  the  judge  f 
(cf.  inu?) .  —  Yea  the  needy  in  the  gate  they  thrust  aside~\  Cf.  27  Ex. 
236  Dt.  i619  24ir.  In  passing  to  the  third  person,  there  is  not 
simply  a  "relaxing  of  the  tension  of  direct  invective  "  (Mitchell)  ; 
the  speaker,  as  if  with  gesture  of  the  hand,  indicates  his  con 
tempt.  \  The  offence  mentioned  was  not  (i)  making  the  feeble 
fickle-minded  by  means  of  legal  decisions,  §  nor  (2)  giving  un 
just  decision  against  the  poor,  and  thus  depriving  them  of  their 
just  rights  (cf.  Is.  io2  2921  Mai.  35  Pr.  i85),||  but  (3)  the  repell 
ing  of  those  who  wished  to  defend  their  cause  (cf.  Is.  io2).^"  — 
13.  Therefore}  The  mark  of  the  second  part  of  the  double  stro- 

*  So  here,  Ew.  J  Ke.  ||  Ros. 

t  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Or.,  Mit.,  Now.,  Dr,  §  Geb.  U  Mit.,  Dr. 


V.  12-14  123 

phe.  —  Since  the  prudent  man  at  such  a  time  is  keeping  silence~\ 
This  general  meaning  for  b'Sltftt  is  to  be  preferred*  to  (i)  the 
teacher,  i.e.  the  prophet,  whose  function  it  was  to  rebuke  evil  at 
any  cost|  (cf.  5lff-  79ff"  Dn.  i23  i  K.  i813),  perhaps  Amos  him 
self;  \  or  (2)  the  official  whose  duty  it  was  to  restrain  and  punish 
crime.  §  It  includes  all  who  might,  under  ordinary  circumstances, 
be  expected  to  rebuke  the  public  iniquity.  The  fact  is  stated, 
that,  at  such  a  time,  i.e.  under  the  present  circumstances,  injus 
tice  so  prevails  that  speech  will  accomplish  nothing.  ||  There 
is  no  indication  of  reproach  uttered  against  the  prudent.  The 
translation,  therefore  shall  he  who  understands  this  time  keep 
silence,  for  it  shall  be  an  evil  time^  connecting  "  in  that  time  " 
with  the  preceding  word,  erroneously  refers  the  utterance  to  a 
future  time  rather  than  to  the  present.  The  whole  clause  is  cir 
cumstantial,  and  as  such  subordinate,  —  a  construction  well  ex 
pressed  by  the  conjunction  since.  —  It  is  surely  an  evil  time"]  A  time 
which  promises  disaster.  — 14.  Seek  good  and  not  evil~\  The  ad 
vice  has  already  been  given  to  seek  Yahweh  (v.4 ;  cf.  v.15  Mi.  6s). 
The  force  of  the  imperative  is  not  really  hortatory,  but  conditional, 
and  it  implies  a  threat,  that  unless  good  rather  than  evil  is  sought, 
national  death  awaits  them.  —  That  ye  may  live~]  In  other  words, 
unless  you  seek  good,  a  thing  which  you  are  not  now  doing,  you 
will  die  politically.  —  That  so]  i.e.  in  case  ye  do  so ;  j  not,  in  like 
manner  as,**  nor  "so,"  corresponding  to  T£K3.tt  —  Yahweh  .  .  . 
may  be  with  you]  In  the  special  sense  of  extending  help  and  giving 
prosperity.  —  God  of  Hosts']  i.e.  the  God  who  rules  heaven  and 
earth  is  able  to  render  any  and  every  kind  of  help.  —  As  ye  have 
said]  Israel,  of  course,  always  maintained  that  she  was  loyal  to 
Yahweh.  She  had  always  regarded  herself  as,  in  a  peculiar  sense, 
the  people  of  God  (Je.  y10  Mi.  3").  Has  her  life  justified  the 
idea  ?  Unless  her  whole  attitude  changes,  unless  good  and  not 
evil  is  made  the  end  of  her  national  life,  that  life  shall  cease,  and 
the  much  talked  of  fellowship  of  God  will  be  lost. 

12.  ":>]  Not  causal,  but  asseverative ;  cf.  also  v.13.  —  Tyv]  Stat.  pf.  H.  18,  2; 
GK.  io6g;   Dr.  §  II.  —  Don]   Position  and  indeterminateness  indicate  a  de- 

*  With  Dat.,  Jus.,  Hd.,  Gun.,  Dr.        +  Ba.  ||  Ke.,  We.,  Mit.        **  Hi. 

t  Dahl,  Ros.  §  Har.         H  Gun.  ft  Ke. 


124  AMOS 

pendent  clause  (Now.,  Ko.  384^),  or  pred.  ace.,  and  by  position  emphatic,  Ko. 
334.*;  so  also  wony.  —  mx]  With  Tip1?  in  appos.  with  subj.  of  lan.  —  P"1"**] 
Collective.  —  ^npS]  Ptcp.  in  cstr.,  GK.  116  g. —  IDS]  The  bribe  given  to  a 
criminal  officer,  as  distinguished  from  inz',  the  bribe  given  to  a  civil  officer  in 
order  to  escape  the  punishment  decreed  (Hi.,  Now.).  —  ^Ni]  Epexegetical 
i  =  even. — ion]  Pf.  of  indef.  past,  H.  17,  3;  Dr.  §  9;  continuing  a  ptcp., 
H.  27,  5  3;  Dr.  §  117;  GK.  116*.— 13.  Sv^nn]  Circ.  cl.,  H.  45,  3^;  Dr. 
§  165.  —  'DJ  Asseverative.  —  N>n]  Copula.  — 14.  Sx]  Deprecatory,  H.  23, 
rm.  £•;  GK.  152^  g\  with  jussive  understood,  Ko.  355  n. —  fPC1?]  On  ex 
pression  of  purpose,  Mit.  Final  Constructions  of  Biblical  Hebrew ;  H.  47, 
4^  (3)j  GK.  165  b,  c;  Ko.  396  b. —  TPI]  On  use  of  jussive  here,  cf.  GK. 
109  £;  H.  44,  2b-,  Dr.  §62;  Ko.  355  n.  —  DITIDN]  Pf.  of  indef.  past,  as  ye 
have  all  along  said. 

15-17.  Only  righteousness  will  avail  against  the  calamity  which 
is  coming.  —  The  third  and  last  of  the  double  strophes  does  not 
at  first  sight  seem  so  compact  and  logical  as  those  which  have 
preceded.  Indeed,  v.15  (v.s.)  is  thought  by  most  commentators  to 
be  the  desired  continuance  of  v.14  and  to  have  no  connection  with 
what  follows.*  In  the  preceding  sub-sections,  the  prophet  has 
pictured  Israel's  iniquity  and  ruin.  In  the  first,  all  was  dark ;  in 
the  second,  a  slight  suggestion  of  hope  was  given,  provided  her 
method  of  life  was  changed ;  in  the  third,  the  case  is  presented 
more  strongly  in  the  form  of  an  exhortation,  followed  by  the  distinct 
assertion  that  perhaps  Yahweh  will  be  gracious,  etc.  There  is 
seen,  therefore,  a  gradually  increasing  representation  of  pardon,  a 
thought  which  filled  every  prophet's  heart,  no  matter  how  dark 
the  picture  which  he  painted.  In  this  sub-section,  as  in  the  other, 
there  occur  the  reference  to  the  "  gate,"  and  the  introduction  of 
the  conclusion  by  "  therefore,"  although  the  logic  of  it  here,  it 
must  be  confessed,  is  not  so  clear  as  in  the  other  case.  (For 
another  alternative,  v.s.) 

15.  12HN  .  .  .  isjip]  ©  I  p.  pi.  —  aiB  .  .  .  jn]  ©5>  pi.;  &  infinitives  =  to  do 
evil  and  to  do  good.  —  "hw"]  <&  SITUS.  — 16.  pS]  Gr.  J3N.  —  ^"<N]  Because  of 
its  anomalous  position  and  on  the  authority  of  <&S>  and  seven  Mss.  is  omitted 
by  some  (New.,  Lohr;  Baumann  omits  the  phrase  ^IN  .  .  .  p1"1) ;  it  is,  how 
ever,  probably  a  corruption  of  pns';  cf.  the  suggestion  of  GAS.  to  read 
•^iN  mrp,  dropping  nwax  TI^N  as  an  intrusion;  but  the  title  IJIN  nirr  does  not 
otherwise  appear  in  Amos. — SON]  Baumann,  ^3S. — •TU  "'jnv  SN  ncDOi]  ©  con- 

*  Cf.  Baumann,  who  drops  s14- 15  as  late. 


v.  iS  125 

nects  1DD21  with  prec.  and  inserts  KO!  after  it,  thus:  xal  Koirerbv  icai  ets  ei56ra5 
epTJvov.  Read  with  U  (so  also  Oort  Em.,  We.,  Now.,  Or.,  Oct.,  Elh.),  which 
transposes  ^vS  before  ISDC  thus  :  ^/  ad planctum  eos  qui  sciunt plangere  ;  cf.  &, 
which  inserts  *?x  before  ICDD  and  retains  it  also  before  >jnv.  S.  gives  /x,Aos  for 
vi j.  Hal.  ^a^ni(?)  for  ICDDI  (cf.  213  "PC;*).  This  whole  clause  is  a  gloss  (cf. 
Lohr,  who  omits  ISDDI  SJN  SN  and  is  followed  by  Now.  7Y.Z.,  1901,  p.  164), 
as  is  indicated  by  the  awkwardness  of  the  construction  after  the  prec.  clause, 
and  the  impossibility  of  arranging  it  in  harmony  with  the  structure  of  the 
strophe.  — 17.  D>D-o]  ©  odois  =  D^-n;  cf.  the  reading  D'cnb  (Hoffm.  ZA  W. 
III.  112).  —  -ays  •>:)]  &  =  /  zaz'//  reveal  myself  to  perform  vengeance  of  judg 
ment.  176  is  taken  by  Lohr  as  an  addition;  while  Baumann  rejects  17a. 

15.  Hate  evil  and  love  good\  Already  in  the  preceding  strophe 
a  hint  has  been  given  of  the  possibility  of  pardon.  The  sugges 
tion  made,  "  Seek  good  and  not  evil,"  is  now  repeated  in  even 
stronger  form,  as  the  condition  on  which  pardon  may  be  secured. 
The  abstract  "  evil  "  and  "  good  "  is  better  than  the  concrete  "  evil 
man,"  "good  man."*  The  positive  command  is  needed  to  sup 
plement  the  negative,  for  to  hate  evil  is  not  sufficient  unless  one 
seeks  good.f  The  speaker's  purpose  to  impress  his  thought  by 
repetition  is  seen  in  comparing  "  hate  "  of  v.14  with  "  hate  "  of  v.10. 
The  standard  of  good  and  evil,  in  his  mind,  is  conformity  with 
Yahweh's  will.  —  And  establish  justice  in  the  gate]  In  other  words 
reverse  the  present  condition  of  things ;  \  the  reference  is  not  to 
the  restoration  of  true  worship  instead  of  calf-worship,  §  nor  to  the 
improvement  of  private  morality,  but  to  the  execution  of  public 
justice.  ||  — Perhaps}  Cf.  Gn.  i62  Jo.  214.  Even  if  Israel  should  re 
pent,  the  question  of  relief  is  not  absolutely  certain,  for  there  are 
many  contingencies ;  the  suffering  which  has  been  predicted  may 
be  necessary  for  the  working  out  of  great  plans.  —  A  remnant  of 
Joseph}  Does  the  prophet  here  anticipate  the  doctrine  of  the 
remnant,  "  the  repentant  and  purified  few,"  so  strongly  emphasized 
by  Isaiah  (cf.  n11)  and  Micah  (cf.  47),^[  or  does  he  refer  to  the  fact 
that  Israel  is  now  only  a  remnant  (cf.  f- 5)  on  account  of  the  calami 
ties  (cf.  2  K.  io32  Am.  40-11)  which  she  has  already  suffered?**  The 
objection  ft  to  the  latter  view,  that  the  kingdom  had  been  restored 


*  AE.  t  ROS. 

J  Cal.,  Ros.,  Mit.  (cf.  vs.5  7. 10  12  wjth  u>xn;  cf.  the  opposite  irvjn,  v.7). 
§  Geb.  ||  We.  If  Cal.,  Ew.,  Mau.,  Ba.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Mit.,  Dr. 

**  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Or.,  We.  ft  Ke. 


126  AMOS 

l,y  Joash  and  Jeroboam  II.  (2  K.  i323ff  i42ft-28),  has  little  weight 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  prophet.  This  difference  between 
the  real  fact  and  the  appearance  (for,  after  all,  the  prosperity 
under  Jeroboam  II.  was  only  the  last  upward  flash  of  the  dying 
flame)  makes  it  unnecessary  to  consider  this  verse  as  a  gloss  added 
after  the  fall  of  Samaria.*  — 16.  Therefore^  Refers  not  to  a  par 
ticular  class,  the  hypocrites,  of  whom  the  prophet  now  speaks 
exclusively ;  t  nor  to  the  whole  preceding  paragraph,  vs.7- 10~12,  in 
which  their  sins  were  enumerated  ;  J  nor  to  v.13.  §  (The  Masso- 
retic  space  rests  upon  a  misconception.)  After  a  momentary  pause, 
in  which  opportunity  is  given  for  an  indication  of  assent,  the  poet, 
following  the  form  of  utterance  already  adopted  in  the  preceding 
strophes,  begins  for  the  third  time  the  announcement  of  doom. 
Therefore,  i.e.  "  because  they  do  not  do  what  they  have  just  been 
exhorted  to  do,"  ||  because,  indeed,  they  give  no  sign  of  doing  it. 
—  /  will  cause  shouting]  This  is  the  translation  of  piK,  suggested 
as  an  emendation  of  *:"ix  (v.i.).  —  ///  all  squares']  The  open  places 
near  the  gates,  the  market-places  (cf.  Je.  48'^  Is.  32G  i4sl)  in  which 
injustice  had  been  substituted  for  justice  ;  there  is  no  restriction  in 
the  context  to  the  squares  of  Samaria.  — For  mourning^  The  shout 
will  not  be  for  joy,  but  rather  a  lamentation  for  the  dead,  accom 
panied  by  beating  on  the  breast.  —  They  shall  say,  Woe  !  Woe  /]  i.e. 
the  mourners,  who  form  the  funeral  procession,  which  marches 
through  the  streets,  shall  utter  these  words  (cf.  i  K.  13™  Je.  2218 
345  Ez.  210  3O2).  The  mourning  company  would  include  also 
mourning-women  and  flute-players  (cf.  Je.  917f  48'^  Mat.  923).H — 
And  tJie  husbandmen  shall  summon  to  mourning*]  Cf.  Je.  917.  This 
rendering**  is  to  be  adopted,  describing  the  effect  of  the  judgment 
upon  the  country,  as  distinguished  from  the  cities  and  towns. 
The  ordinary  interpretation,  viz.  they  (people  in  general)  shall 
summon  the  husbandmen  to  mourning,  because  their  rustic  voices 
would  be  loud  enough, ft  or  because  no  inhabitants  of  the  city 
would  be  left  from  the  slaughter, \\  or  because  the  occupation  of 
the  husbandmen  would  henceforth  be  useless,  §§  does  not  so  well 
accord  with  the  context.  The  word  "  husbandmen  "  includes  the 

*  So  Oort  ( Th  T.  XIV.  122).  f  Cal.  +  Ros.,  Hd.  §  Stru.,  Ke.  ||  We. 
H  Ha.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Thomson  (LB.  I.  145  f.)  ;  Van  Lennep  (Bible  Lands,  586)  ;  Mit. 
**  Ew.,  Gun.  ft  Hd.  JJ  Ros.,  Hd.  §§  Pu. 


V.  15-17  127 

cultivators  of  the  soil  and,  as  well,  those  who  had  care  of  cattle.* 
—  Ami  unto  wailing  (cf.  U«S)  those  skilled  in  lamentation]  This 
has  been  added  by  a  later  hand  to  indicate,  what  the  passage  does 
not  elsewhere  specifically  express,  the  employment  of  professional 
mourners  ;  y  skilled  and  unskilled  raise  the  mourning  cry.  J  These 
were  generally  women  (Je.  917f-) ;  but  cf.  2  Ch.  35^  EC.  i25,  where 
men  are  spoken  of.  §  — 17.  Yea  in  all  vineyards']  Where,  ordi 
narily,  the  joy  is  greatest  (cf.  Is.  i610  Jb.  2418),  there  will  be 
mourning  because  of  the  failure  of  crops.  The  writer  has  now 
described  the  mourning  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  nation, 
people  of  the  city,  husbandmen,  and  vinedressers,  the  last  two  be 
ing  distinguished  from  each  other,  and  both  from  the  first.  ||  The 
transposition  of  this  clause  so  as  to  follow  Woe  f  Woe  !  which  G.  A. 
Smith  proposes,  is  unnecessary.  —  When  I  pass  through  the  midst  of 
thee~]  Laying  waste  the  country  ;  an  allusion  to  the  passing  through 
Egypt  (Ex.  ii4  i212).^I  It  is  universally  conceded  that  the  idea 
here  is  that  of  a  punishment**  which  is  to  come  upon  Israel,  either 
pestilence  or  war  (cf.  v.27  614) . 

15.  vr-i-n  .  .  .  lanxi  .  .  .  iNr:']  Successive  imperatives,  H.  23,  rm.  (z); 
GK.  nort;  Dr.  §  112.  — 1>£'2]  The  adverbial  modifier  precedes  the  object, 
GK.  142^:  —  ^ix]  =  ;'N  and  ^  (=  N<LI)  means  if  not,  whether  not,  with  jnv  ^ 
supplied;  cf.  Assyr.  tilai,  Jo.  214;  Ko.  186.  —  prv]  GK.  67  cc\  Ko.  210  d; 
here  trans,  taking  dir.  obj.  (cf.  Ex.  3319)  ;  cf.  Ki.  (v.  Ros.)  who  makes  it 
intrans.  and  supplies  ^  before  nnx-1.  —  f\w  nns^']  Indefinite  =  a  remnant 
(GK.  127*?);  cf.  Dt.  2219  i  S.  412.  — 16.  TJ"|N]  Emend,  for  \nx;  ]^,  cf. 
.v  =  to  twnng  as  of  a  bow,  used  of  inarticulate  sound,  e.g.  shout;  while 

generally  expressing  the  shout  of  joy,  it  is  used  once  (in  Qal)  of  mournful 
cries,  La.  219,  the  IHph.  cause  to  shout  is  seen  in  Ps.  659  Jb.  2Q13,  in  both  cases 
with  the  idea  of  rejoicing.  Here  the  verbal  idea  of  shouting,  intentionally 
left  indefinite  for  a  moment,  is  later  defined  by  the  ace.  ncoc. —  ncN«]  Impers., 
GK.  144^  — 'Tr  n]  Only  here  in  this  form  ;  elsewhere  ^n  =  vae  !  of;  cf.  Is.  I4 
Je.  48',  etc.,  in  the  sense  of  threat;  Is.  iS1,  of  exhortation  ;  I  K.  I330  Is.  I712 
Je.  2218,  in  the  sense  of  affliction,  grief,  as  here.  In  the  modern  Syriac 
dialect  of  Urmia  the  mourner's  cry  is  u  hu,  u  hu  ;  cf.  Socin,  Die  neuarania- 
ischen  Dialecte  am  Urmia- See  (1882),  p.  102.  —  !N~V]  Not  impers.  as  ncx<, 

*  So  also  in  Amm.,  Syr.,  and  Arab. ;  cf.  Assyr.  ikkaru. 

t  Cf.  Wetzstcin  in   '/.eitschrift /.  Ethnologic,  1873,  pp.  295-301.     Bu.  in  ZAW. 
II.  26  f.  and  ZDPl7.,  1883,  pp.  184  ff. ;   Dr.  232  ff. 

t  We.,  GAS.  $  V.  Gun.  and  Marti  in  loc.  U  Ew. 

H  Cal.,  Ba.,  Ke.,  et  al.  **  Va.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ba.,  et  al. 


128  AMOS 

but  with  -UN  taken  collectively  for  subject ;  GK.  145  b ;  K6.  346  m  ;  with  S», 
cf.  Gn.  39  Jon.  32.  —  -irs]  From  -UN  =  ^5l,  dig;  on  form,  GK.  84,  No.  22  ; 

cf.  Assyr.  ikkaru,  and  \o! ;  in  Je.  3i24  "nj?3  1>DJ  is  joined  to  the  word  ; 
in  2  Ch.  2610  it  is  used  with  o-'C-o  as  here.  —  Sax]  Cf.  iflDC,  TIJ,  oa  Vip. — 
>nj  -jjnv]  On  construction,  GK.  n6g;  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  TIJ  outside 
of  this  place,  and  Mi.  24,  occurs  only  in  late  literature,  viz.  Je.  99.17.18.19  ^\&-t 
cf.  r^jjipcn  and  niDDnn,  Je.  916.  No  sharp  distinction  can  be  made  between 
MJ  and  nj>p  ;  the  former  was  perhaps  a  more  general  term  than  the  latter 
(Dr.).  —  u]  =  when,  as  in  Ho.  n1  Gn.  412  Dt.  425,  etc. 

§  10.  The  doom  of  captivity.  518-614.  (i)  A  woe  against 
those  who  pray  for  Yahweh's  day  :  it  is  a  day  of  judgment ;  be 
cause  of  formal  feasts  and  noisy  songs,  without  justice  and  right 
eousness,  the  nation  shall  go  into  captivity,  saith  Yahweh  (518"27). 
(2)  A  woe  upon  those  who  are  careless  and  indifferent :  because 
of  the  luxury,  the  licentiousness  and  the  apathy  of  the  people, 
the  nation  shall  go  into  captivity,  saith  Yahweh  (61"7).  (3)  An 
oath  against  the  proud  and  self-confident  Israel :  because  of 
this  pride  and  bold  audacity,  this  self-dependence  and  disre 
gard  of  justice,  Israel  shall  be  supplanted  by  a  foreign  nation, 
saith  Yahweh  (68-14). 

This  poem  consists  of  three  triple  strophes,  each  strophe  of  the  nine  con 
tains  six  lines.  In  each  triple  strophe,  the  first  presents  a  woe  (in  the  third, 
this  woe  becomes  an  oath) ;  the  second  presents  a  phase  of  the  wickedness 
of  the  situation  (e.g.  (i)  the  utter  formality  of  worship,  (2)  the  luxury  of 
life  and  apathy  of  feeling,  (3)  the  pride  and  self-confidence) ;  the  third 
pictures  the  coming  captivity  (e.g.  (i)  a  captivity  beyond  Damascus,  (2)  a 
captivity  at  the  head  of  the  captives,  (3)  the  complete  surrender  of  the 
country  to  a  foreign  enemy).  The  symmetry  of  the  three  divisions  is  almost 
perfect,  —  each  beginning  with  a  woe  (or  oath),  each  ending  with  saith 
Yahweh  in  one  form  or  another.  The  logic  and  symmetry  of  this  section 
are  completely  destroyed  by  Elh.,  who  places  518-20  between  38  and  39;  521~25 
between  314  and  41;  526f-  between  43  and  44;  61-6  between  411  and  412;  67 
between  412  and  413;  68  between  413  and  51;  69'11  between  53  and  5*;  612f-  be 
tween  58  and  56;  614  between  56  and  y1.  Lohr  does  not  recognize  the  unity 
and  independence  of  this  section,  but  treats  it  in  connection  with  51'17.  He 
arranges  518-614  in  eight  strophes,  consisting  of  4,  10,  4,  4,  10,  10,  4,  and  4  lines 
respectively.  This  involves  the  omission  of  519- 26  and  62- 9- 10,  the  transposition 
of  65  to  follow  66a  and  the  addition  of  an  extra  line  after  rn1?}?  in  ^  as  well 
as  before  v^ini  in  527,  and  disregards  the  logic  of  the  passage  at  some 
points.  Baumann's  reconstruction  is  still  more  radical. 


V.  18-27  129 

18-27.  A  woe  upon  ignorant  zeal  for  a  corrupt  worship,  in 
which  no  place  is  found  for  justice  or  righteousness  !  A  cap 
tivity  beyond  Damascus  awaits  you.  —  The  unity  of  this  section 
(consisting  of  three  six-line  strophes)  appears  in  (i)  the  outer 
form,  as  compared  with  the  other  sections,  and  (2)  the  thought 
which  centres  about  the  cultus.  This  cultus  includes  the  great 
doctrine  of  "Yahweh's  day"  as  well  as  a  regular  set  of  feasts, 
and  offerings ;  it  is  not  wholly  detached  from  images  —  all  of 
which  are  wrongly  understood,  and  wrongly  practised,  and  for 
this  reason  lead  to  ruin. 

It  is  best  to  regard  as  interpolations  (i)  mrp'ov  031?  nrnn1?,  v.18; 
(2)  BOS  s1?  03'sno  D^J",  v.22  (y.i.}.  It  will  be  noted  that  in  the  third 
and  fourth  lines  of  each  strophe  the  poet  allows  himself  to  prolong  the 
measure,  a  pentameter  being  substituted  for  a  trimeter  evidently  in  order 
to  lay  emphasis  upon  the  thought  by  increasing  the  details  given.  The  fact 
that  this  occurs  so  uniformly  in  each  strophe  shows  that  it  is  intentional. 
It  would  be  possible,  of  course,  to  make  two  trimeters  in  each  case  (or  a 
trimeter  and  dimeter),  the  strophes  having  eight  instead  of  six  lines. 

18.  nin^  ar]  &  twice  in  this  v. :  «  Dip  p  >n^nS  TTiin  NDV.  —  m  nnS]  ©and 
U  translate  nr  as  a  pron. :  'iva  ri  avrrj,  ad  quid  earn  vobis.  —  nin>  DV]  3J  connects 
with  the  following,  dies  domini  ista  tenebrae,  et  non  lux.  The  entire  clause 
beginning  with  nnS  bears  the  marks  of  an  interpolation,  for  the  sake  of 
making  clear  the  relation  between  the  first  and  last  clauses  of  the  verse  ; 
cf.  Lohr,  who  would  treat  ~ns  s^i  y^n  sin  as  a  gloss  derived  from  v.200,  having 
its  origin  in  the  later  insertion  of  v.19.  —  Sin]  (J|  adds  before  it  i  =  KO\  aim). — 
19.  S3  ]  <§  etV 77775770-77  suggests  rroi  (Oct.).  —  IT]  (&  ras  xc'Pas  O-VTOV.  Lohr 
makes  the  v.  a  proverb  which  has  crept  into  the  text  from  the  margin;  but  for 

O  V   V 

this  there  is  no  basis.  —  20.  sSn]  j§  jj_£oi,  making  the  sentence  affirmative. — 
nvr  cr]  Lohrom.  —  ^si]  Gr.  Sjjsi  (so  Lohr,  Elh.).  —  21.  o^mjpa  rvns  sSi] 
(S  inserts  dv<ria.t,  Gr.  on  basis  of  (§  inserts  o^nnjo  here  and  drops  it  from 
v.22  as  a  dittograph.  —  22.  as  o]  Elh.  transposes  o  to  the  beg.  of  v.21.  —  mSiy] 

**          7 

&  ]^"*^  v-;  omitted  as  a  gloss  to  explain  nns  in  BDB.  p.  585.  —  DrnnjD)] 
J5  om.  i,  connecting  the  word  with  n*-\s.  Baumann  om.  We.  thinks  that 
after  mSj  the  apodosis  to  the  preceding  clause  has  fallen  out  (so  Now., 
Lohr;  but  cf.  Baumann;  also  Duhm  and  Marti,  who  treat  m^>?  .  .  .  o  as  a 
gloss).  —  BOS  sS  DD-snn  aSri]  May  be  rejected  as  an  interpolation  added 
to  give  an  apparently  greater  completeness  to  the  catalogue  of  offerings  ; 
(5  has  Kal  a<j)T-r)piov(s}  tirt<j>ai>elas  vpuv,  reading  arsnc  (Va.,  Vol.).  Hirscht 
calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  nine  other  cases  where  (85  renders 
C'C^  by  the  pi.  it  employs  the  neuter  form,  and  suggests  that  <S  read 
here  crr^tr.  &  has  ^omVifl°iV)  |^ojt£>o,  instead  of  the  more  usual  ren 
te 


130  AMOS 


dering  of  D'oStf,  viz.  |  Vi\  A>  |  «**"?.  U  et  vota  pinguium  vestrorum; 
r^T?'?-  Gr.,  on  basis  of  (S,  ^BM  (so  Hal.).  Oct.  suggests  the  transposition 
of  this  clause  to  follow  nity.  —  23.  pon]  Gr.  njipn  (cf.  Is.  I411).  —  T^J]  <S 
dpydvwv  <rou;  'A.  vafiX&v  <rov,  1&  inaccurately,  I^J?,  so  %  ;  18  fyrae  tuae.  — 
po^x  xS]  Probably  a  gloss.  —24.  SJPI]  &  jL^Jo,  deriving  the  word  from 
nSj  =  to  uncover  ;  so  5J  <»/  revelabitur,  and  {£  ^JP^.  9.  dTroi/cta-^o-erat 
=  nSj,  /<?  az/rj/  captive.  —  25.  nnjc]  ©j&E  pi.  The  order  of  words  in  v.25 
varies  greatly  in  the  Mss.  of  @,  e.g.  in  <§*  ^XT^"  no  follows  131D3;  @B  agrees 
with  |H2C  ;  Tischendorf  's  text  places  ^jna"  no  after  ••%  and  -\3iD3  after  nja> 
(so  &).  Cf.  Acts  742.  —  26.  ni3D]  Read  nrp  (so  Dozy,  Die  hr.  zu  Mekka,  p.  33; 
Schmidt,  /Z?Z.  XIII.  8),  with  <g  and  S.  ryv  <nn\rt\v\  similarly  £>  ouLsufclo 
and  U  tabernaculum.  'A.  roi)s  o-uo-Kiao-^oiys  ;  0.  r^v  tipaaiv,  confusing  with 
nyjr  (Schmidt)  ;  ®  rwp  (cf.  Lag.  Proph.  Chald.  452).  Cod.  196  of  de  R.  niro 
(so  also  Ba.).  The  reading  n:p  is  adopted  by  many  (Schrader,  SK.  1874, 
pp.  324-35,  and  COT.  II.  142;  Oort,  77;  71.  XIV.  142,  147  f.;  Gun.,  Baethgen 
.&#*.  ,AW.  239;  Mit.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Oct.,  BDB.),  but  v.i.  —  DuoSc]  @  TOU  MoX6x  = 
^b;  'A.  Mo\xV;  5  >cnnSV;  F  Moloch  deo  vestro  ;  all  taking  it  as  name  of 
an  idol  ;  so  also  two  codd.  of  de  R.  &  psncwnD.  S.  0.  /3a<riX&os  ITXWI'. 
Ba.  DVs?;  but  see  Diisterdieck,  SK.,  1849,  pp.  908-12.  —  p-o]  @  'Pa.i<j>dv,  a 
copyist's  error  of  i  for  r.  Jus.,  Ba.,  and  Schmidt  cite  :  (i)  J.  D.  Mich.  Supple 
mental,  pp.  1225  ff.,  who  adopts  Kircher's  explanation  (Lingua  Aegyptiaca  resti- 
tuta,  p.  49)  of  PH$AN  =  Arab.  Vjn  =  ^nr  =  Saturn  ;  and  (2)  P.  E.  Jablonski, 
Opuscula  (1806),  pp.  41  ff.  (  =  Remphah  Aegyptiorum  deus,  1731),  who  reads 
Po^0a  (cf.  Complutensian,  Origen),  and  explains  it  as  Ro-mphah  =  king  of 
heaven  =  sun.  £T,  'A.  S.  read  p^,  taking  it  as  a  proper  name.  0.  d/j.aijpti)<nv, 
and  5J  imaginem,  both  deriving  from  fi3  (^.  Muss-Arnolt,  Exp^  II.  425). 
5>  ^c|_^  =  fix;  (so  also  Jus.,  Ba.,  Dozy,  Die  Isr.  zu  Mekka,  33;  Kue.,  Rel.  of 
Isr.  I.  p.  245;  Schrader,  SK.  1874,  pp.  324  f.;  Gun.,  Mit.,  We.,  Gu.,  Now., 
BDB.,  Oort,  Em.-,  Dr.,  Elh.,  Oct.).  —  D3>o'?x]  Dozy,  DDC^S  (so  Muss-Arnolt, 
Exp.&  II.  425).  Gr.  suggests  that  UDIS  may  be  the  name  of  a  god  and  that 
we  should  read  •'nSx  nx\  Schrader  transposes  'X  to  follow  DjinSx  (COT.  II. 
141  f.;  Gun.,  Mit.,  Oort  (Em.),  Dr.(?),  Elh.,  Oct.).  We.  om.  as  a  gloss  on 
DD^nVx.  —  3313]  We.  om.  as  a  gloss  on  p^3  (so  independently  G.  F.  Moore  in 
BDB.,  Gu.,  Schmidt,  JBL.  XIII.  10;  Zeydner,  Stemmen  voor  Waarheid  en 
Vrede,  1893,  PP-  613  ff.;  cf.  Dr.).  Cf.  Now.,  who  takes  D3>nbN  3313  as  a  gloss 
belonging  before  pT.  —  ns^nSx]  @T  psniva.  <§  and  5  have  a  different  order 
from  jjH&  in  the  latter  part  of  this  v.,  (I  =  and  the  star  of  your  god,  Raiphan 
—  their  images  which  ye  made  for  yourselves;  5  =  the  star  which  you  made 
for  yourselves  a  god  (cf.  U).  We.  takes  v.26  as  a  later  addition  which  has 
crowded  out  an  original  threat  that  connected  closely  with  v.27  (so  also  Now., 
Che.  (EB.,  but  see  Crit.  Bib.},  Lohr,  Marti).  —  27.  IDB>]  We.  om.  (so  Lohr). 

18  a.   Alas  /~\   Not  so  strong  as  woe,  implying  "commiseration, 
rather  than  denunciation"  (Driver).  —  For  those  who  long  for] 


V.  i8  131 

Not  the  hypocritical  Hithpolel  =  pretend  that  they  desire  ;*  nor 
the  simple  Pfel  =  desire,  with  the  reflexive  sense,  desire  for  them 
selves  ;  t  but  earnestly  desire  and  expect.  \  —  The  day  of  Yahweh\ 
Cf.  Jo.  22  314f-.  The  prophet  does  not  speak  to  (i)  those  who  in 
their  misery  and  distress  think  that  the  coming  of  Yahweh,  even 
if  it  brought  death,  would  be  better  than  their  present  situation ;  § 
nor  to  (2)  the  credulous  and  superstitious  Israelites,  who,  trusting 
in  their  Israelitish  descent,  and  mindful  of  promises  made  to  their 
ancestors,  but  forgetful  of  the  obedience  on  which  the  promises 
were  based,  and  of  their  own  conduct  which  was  the  occasion 
of  the  evil  situation,  blindly  imagine  that  Yahweh's  day  can  bring 
only  good ;  ||  nor  to  (3)  the  bold  and  reckless  sceptics  who  did 
not  believe  that  the  day  would  ever  come,  and  thus  mocked  the 
suggestions  by  the  prophet  to  this  effect  (cf.  Is.  519  Je.  i715Ez. 
i222).^[  He  has  in  mind,  rather,  (4)  the  great  multitude,  who 
think  that  without  reference  to  their  conduct,  or  the  attitude  of 
their  mind,  this  "coming  day"  will  be  a  "cure-all"  for  every 
woe.**  It  does  not,  however,  follow  from  this,  as  Wellhausen 
contends,  that  Amos  would  have  "  protested  against  the  Messianic 
belief,  if  he  had  known  of  it." 

Amos  found  a  well-established  doctrine  of  the  day  of  Yahweh  cherished 
among  the  people.  They  looked  forward  to  it  as  a  day  when  Yahweh  would 
give  them  triumphant  victory  over  all  their  enemies  and  thereby  establish 
himself  as  supreme  among  the  gods.  This  hope  grew  out  of  their  monolatrous 
conception  of  Yahweh  and  their  belief  in  their  own  nation  as  destined  to 
become  the  great  and  powerful  representative  of  Yahweh  among  the  nations, 
and  was  fostered  by  the  long-continued  hostilities  between  Israel  and  her 
neighbors,  in  which  Israel  was  not  always  victorious.  The  day  must  come, 
therefore,  in  which  Yahweh  would  gloriously  vindicate  himself  and  his  people 
by  overthrowing  all  his  foes  and  making  Israel  supreme.  But  the  idea  as 
expressed  by  Amos  was,  in  one  essential  point  at  least,  directly  contrary  to 
the  prevailing  thought  ;  instead  of  Israel  triumphing  over  her  enemies  on  that 
day,  she  is  herself  to  be  humiliated,  and  that  by  Yahweh  himself.  This  new 
conception  of  the  day  was  the  direct  outcome  of  Amos's  new  conception  of 
Yahweh  as  an  ethical  God,  whose  chief  requirement  of  his  people  was  right 
eousness.  Amos  felt  that  in  view  of  the  moral  corruption  of  Israel  it  was 
inevitable  that  Yahweh  would  punish  her  and  thus  vindicate  his  own  righteous- 

*  Har.,  citing  I'VBP,  Jos.  94;  n^nrn,  i  K.  I42;  rsnn%  i  K.  2038. 
t  Pu.f  Mit.  !  +  GAS.  '§  Os.,  cf.  Cal.  ||  Geb.,  Ba. 

U  Har.,  Dathe,  Jus,,  Ros.,  New.,  Ew.  **  We. 


132  AMOS 

ness  in  the  sight  of  the  world.  Other  nations,  too,  were  to  be  punished,  not, 
however,  as  enemies  of  Israel,  but  as  transgressors  of  the  moral  law.  The 
new  way  thus  marked  out  by  Amos  was  trodden  by  all  his  successors. 
The  development  of  the  idea  kept  pace  with  the  growth  of  the  conception 
of  Yahweh,  and  further  modifications  through  successive  periods  were  caused 
by  the  ever  changing  historical  and  social  environment.  For  a  systematic 
historical  treatment  of  this  subject  see  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  "The  Day  of  Yahweh," 
AJTh.  V.  (1901),  505-33.  Other  material  will  be  found  in  R.  H.  Charles, 
A  Critical  History  of  the  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life,  etc.  (1899),  80-137;  and 
the  article,  "  Eschatology  of  the  Apocryphal  and  Apocalyptic  Literature," 
DB.;  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  "  Eschatology  of  the  O.  T.,"  DB.;  Marti,  Gesch. 
der  Isr.  Religion,  180-6;  WRS.  Proph.  131  ff.  397  ff. 

18  b.  What  have  ye  to  do  with  it  ?~\  This  is  plainly  an  interpola 
tion,  explaining  the  m  of  the  preceding  line,  —  what  concern  is  it 
of  yours  ?  What  good  will  it  do  you  ?  (cf.  Gn.  2  y46) .  —  Yahweh 's 
day  is  a  day  of  darkness  and  not  light'}  It  is  better  thus  to 
connect  "  DV  with  what  follows.*  The  darkness  is  figurative, 
i.e.  ruin,  calamity,  but  it  is  also  physical  or  literal,  as  appears 
from  the  following  comparisons.  It  remained  for  Joel,  in  later 
days,  to  emphasize  still  more  strongly  the  literal  side  (cf.  Jo.  i15 
21  34- 14) ,  and  represent  nature  itself  as  sharing  in  the  gloom  ;  f 
cf.  also  Is.  s30  S-2  92  58*  599  Je.  i316.— 19.  As  when  one  flees 
from  a  lion  and  a  bear  meets  him~\  The  comparison  is  singularly 
appropriate  in  view  of  the  occupation  of  Amos,  for  it  was  an 
everyday  experience  ;  cf.  Is.  2418.  —  The  lion]  Cf.  i  S.  1 734  La.  3™. 

—  The  bear~\   Once  common  and  dangerous,  although  at  present 
found  only  in  the  northern  districts  (cf.  i  S.  i  y34  2  K.  224  La.  3™) . 

—  ®r  Soes  int°  the  house  .  . .  and  a  serpent  bites  him]  The  coming 
home  has  no  connection  with  the  lion  and  bear  episodes,  as,  for 
example,  because  of  the  terror  and  exhaustion  which  would  follow 
such  an  encounter  ;  J  it  is  rather  the  sudden  coming  of  misfortune 
when  and  where   it  would   be   least   expected.  §  —  The  serpent^ 
Probably  an  adder  hidden  in  a  crevice.     Strange  enough  is  the 
tendency  of  ancient  commentators  to  refer  the  animals  in  these 
comparisons  to  particular  individuals,  e.g.  the  lion  to  Nebuchad 
nezzar,  ||  Pul  ;1[  the  bear  to  the  Persians,**  Tiglathpileser,^[  Ahasu- 
erus  ;  ||     the   serpent   to  Shalmaneser,^"  Alexander  the  Great,  or 

*  So  Ros.,  Schro.;  on  the  contrary,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Marti.  f  Schro.,  Ba. 

I  Hi.,  Mit.         §  Ros.,  Dr.,  eta/.         ||  Jer.         H  Geb.,  Har.         **  Abar. 


v.  i8-2i  133 

Antiochus  Epiphanes.*  The  thought  is  not  climactic,  a  grada 
tion  being  intended,!  but  is  general,  and  pictures  a  situation  from 
which  there  is  no  escape ;  cf.  "  incidit  in  Scyllam,  qui  vult  vitare 
Charybdim."  $  —  20.  Deep  darkness  without  any  brightness  in  it~\ 
After  repeating  the  very  words  of  v.18,  changed  for  greater  forceful- 
ness  into  the  form  of  a  question  (perhaps  Marti  is  right  in  treating 
v.20"  as  a  gloss  on  v.18,  and  joining  v.205  to  18),  the  prophet  employs 
another  phrase  in  which  still  stronger  words  are  used  for  darkness 
and  light,  viz.  deep  darkness,  gloom,  a  darkness  which  grows  greater 
and  greater,  without  even  a  ray  of  light  (cf.  Is.  50™,  and  for  the 
opposite,  Is.  91).  —  21.  I  hate,  I  despise~}  Cf.  Is.  i14  Dt.  i622  Ps.  n5, 
and  likewise  Je.  630  y29.  The  prophet  represents  Yahweh  as  entirely 
out  of  sympathy  with  the  religious  worship,  and,  indeed,  hostile  to 
it.  It  is  the  cultus  which  seems  to  the  prophet  to  be  the  occa 
sion  of  all  trouble,  since  to  this  may  be  charged  "  the  illusion  and 
the  obstinacy  "of  the  people. —  Your  fea  sts~\  Such  festal  gather 
ings  as  the  passover  (i  K.  i232)  and  the  feast  of  tents  (i  K.  82), 
not  sacrifices ;  religious,  not  profane.  §  Under  this  name  were 
included  the  three  annual  festivals  (Ex.  23"  3423;  cf.  Dt.  i616). 
The  name  has  its  origin  not  in  the  dancing  (JJn)  which  was  a 
feature  of  the  feasts,  but  in  the  pilgrimage  which  was  involved.  || 
These  festivals  are  hated  by  Yahweh  (cf.  Is.  i10"15),  not  because 
they  failed  to  comply  with  certain  prescribed  rules  or  regulations 
as  to  place  ;  ^[  nor  because  of  calf-worship  ;  **  nor  because  they 
were  external,  not  including  worship  of  the  heart,ft  for,  up  to 
this  time,  emphasis  had  not  been  placed  on  heart-worship ;  but 
because  they  constituted  a  cultus  which  did  not  truly  represent 
Yahweh,  and  must  be  abandoned,  if  true  ideas  of  Yahweh  were  to 
prevail.  $$  —  /  will  not  smell~\  A  relic  of  the  old  superstition  that 
the  god  actually  smelled  the  savor  of  the  offering  (Gn.  821  Ex.  2Q41 
3038) .  The  term  is  used  as  one  of  several  to  express  delight  in, 
or  acceptance  of,  a  sacrifice  (Lv.  2631  Is.  n3)  ;  cf.  nantf  (522). 


*  Jer.  f  Mil.  J  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro.  §  Hi. 

||  No.  ZDMG.  XLT.  719;  We.  SV.  III.  106,  165;  WRS.  Proph.  Lect.  II. 
note  6  ;  Dr.  Sam.  173  ;  SS.  184-5  \  BDB.  On  Hebrew  feasts  in  general  see 
the  literature  cited  in  my  Constructive  Studies  in  the  Priestly  Element  in  the  Old 
Testament  (1902),  pp.  104-6. 

H  Cal.,  Va.          *»  Pu..         ft  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Ba.          ++  We. 


134  AMOS 

While  the  old  realistic  idea  has  doubtless  largely  disappeared,  the 
thought  was  originally  like  that  which  appears  in  the  Babylonian 
story  of  the  Deluge  :  *  — 

"  A  peace-offering  I  made  upon  the  height  of  the  mountain; 
Each  time  I  placed  seven  censers, 

Poured  into  them  calmus,  cedarvvood  and  sweet-smelling  .  . . 
The  gods  inhaled  the  savor  ; 
Yea,  the  goch  inhaled  the  sweet  savor  ; 
The  gods  gathered  like  flies  around  the  sacrificer." 

Your  festivals'}  Nowhere  else  does  the  plural  of  this  wordf  occur. 
The  singular  means  an  assembly,  especially  of  a  religious  character, 
is  used  as  a  synonym  of  Jin,  and  designates  especially  the  festival 
of  the  seventh  day  of  the  passover  (Dt.  i68)  and  the  eighth  day  of 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Lv.  23^  Nu.  29^2  Ch.;9).  j —  It  contains 
the  idea  of  holiday, \  not  that  of  solemn  assembly  \\  cf.  2  K.  lo20 
i  S.  i13  Jo.  i14.  The  usage  here,  as  in  Is.  i13,  is  general.  — 22.  For, 
although  ye  offer]  This  is  better  than  yea,  if,  ^  or  simply  although  ;  ** 
cf.  the  suggestion  that  the  first  line  of  v.22  is  to  be  taken  as  apod- 
osis  of  IfHK,  v.21.tf  —  Your  burnt- offerings  and  meal-offerings"\ 
These  words  are  not  to  be  separated,  {J  but,  taken  together,  are 
the  object,  not  of  nrix,§§  but  of  ^i?n.  ||  ||  The  use  of  the  suffix 
with  mnafc  and  not  with  rfho  does  not  depend  upon  the  fact 
that  the  former  was  offered  regularly  morning  and  evening,  while 
the  latter  had  no  fixed  rule  ;^|^f  nor  is  it  an  inconsistency  in  the 
use  of  the  suffix  ;  ***  the  two  words  form  one  idea,  and  the  suffix, 
attached  to  the  second,  modifies  the  whole  expression  (?>.*'.).  The 
connective,  and,  is  not  even*§  on  the  ground  that  the  nrua  was 
more  important  than  the  nbiB.  Cf.  Wellhausen  and  Nowack,  who 
understand  that  after  mbtf  there  originally  stood  an  apodosis  which 
has  fallen  out.  Perhaps  with  BDB.  (s.v.  HTOfc)  Jtbu  might  be 
taken  as  a  gloss  explaining  itHK.  —  Meal- offerings']  Originally  a 
gift,  or  offering  of  any  kind  (Gn.  3213  43"  i  S.  io27),  but  as  other 

*  V.  KA  T*  p.  550 ;  BW.IU.  117.  f  rnxj?. 

J  Cf.  its  use  in  later  times  of  the  Feast  of  Weeks  ;  Jos.  Ant.  III.  10, 6  (=  'Ao-apfla), 
and  in  the  Mishnah. 

§  Mit.  11  Ew.  ft  Elh.  p.  155.  $§  Hes. 

||  Cf.  Ke.  **  New.,  GAS.  }}  Ros.  ||||  So  most  comm 

flit  So  Hi.          ***  We.,  Now. ;  Hal.  om.  the  suffix  with  ninjo. 


v.  21-24  i35 

sacrifices  became  more  definitely  indicated,  in  later  usage,  and 
especially  in  P,  applied  only  to  unbloody  or  vegetable  offerings. 
—  The  peace-offerings  of  your  failings  I  will  not  regard^  This 
may  be  regarded  as  an  interpolation,  dating  from  the  time  when 
specific  detail  must  be  given  regardless  of  monotony.  It  is 
distinctly  superfluous  and  anti-climactic.  The  translation  peace- 
offerings  *  (only  here  in  the  singular)  is  preferable  to  thank- 
offering,^  or  votive  offering^  or  meal-offering. §  The  fuller  form  is 
B'obP  PQT  (Lv.  31  6,  etc.).  —  23.  Take  away  from  me  the  noise  of 
thy  songs']  The  verb  is  singular,  showing  the  elevation  and  austerity 
of  the  language  in  keeping  with  the  thought.  ||  Noise,  or  clashing, 
is  kindred  to  tumult^  and  preferable  **  to  multitude,  ff  The  ob 
jection  is  not  to  the  musical  drawl  in  worship,  \\  but  to  the  entire 
worship,  of  which  the  music  was  a  part.  The  parallelism  shows 
that  more  was  meant  than  merely  the  noise  of  the  people's  throng 
flowing  like  great  waters  (Is.  i712).§§  We  know  little  or  nothing 
of  the  music  of  Amos's  period.  —  And  the  melody  of  thy  lyres'] 
Only  here  is  mai  used  of  instrumental  rather  than  vocal  music 
(Ps.  8i2  985  Is.  5 13).  The  lyre  or  harp  (also  called  psaltery)  with 
as  many  as  ten  strings  (Ps.  33*)  was  used  in  profane  music  (Is.  512 
I411  Am.  65 ;  cf.  Gratz,  Psalmen,  I.  66),  but  likewise  in  sacred 
music  (2  S.  65  Ps.  332  i449).  ||  ||  This  passage  testifies  to  the  early 
use  of  songs  and  music  at  the  sacrifice  f  f  (cf.  810  Is.  3o32)  ;  but  it  is 
not  so  clear  that  this  description  evidences  close  connection  of 
the  ritual  in  Samaria  with  that  in  Jerusalem.***  —  I  will  not  hear] 
These  words,  taken  separately  by  Calvin,  are  evidently  an  addition 
prompted  by  the  desire  to  complete  the  parallelism. ttt  witn 
these  omitted  the  line  would  read,  Remove  from  me  the  noise  of  thy 
songs  and  the  melody  of  thy  lyres,  a  strong  pentameter.  —  24.  Let 
justice  roll  as  waters~\  Cf.  Is.  i10"17.  Yahweh  wishes  not  the  swelling 
sound  of  pilgrimages,  nor  that  of  liturgy,  but  rather  that  of  judg 
ment.  We  have  here  not  a  threat,  \\\  that  Yahweh  in  his  wrath 


*  ffi;  Ros.,  SS.  (s.v.).  f  Jos.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  GAS.,  et  a!.  t  Mich. 

§  Di.  on  Lv.  3,  Now.  Arch.  II.  211.         ||  Ew.         U  Jer.        **  Geb.,  Ros.,  Mit. 
ttCal.  it  Or.  §§  Hoffm.  ZAW.  III.  112. 

(HI  Cf.  the  excellent  essay,  "  Music  of  the  Ancient  Hebrews,"  in    The  Book  of 
Psalms  (SBONT.},  217-34.  1HI  So  We.  ***  Ke. 

ftt  On  the  other  hand,  Or.,  Gu.         JJJ  Os.,  New.,  Hi.,  Ke. 


1 36  AMOS 

will  send  judgment  like  a  swiftly  rolling,  impetuous  stream ;  nor 
a  prediction  *  of  the  righteousness  of  the  Messiah,  nor  an  answer 
to  certain  hypocrites  that  Yahweh  will  give  free  course  to  (i.e. 
bless)  their  righteousness,  if  it  be  sincere  ;f  nor  an  assertion  that 
by  their  own  efforts  alone  this  ideal  state  can  be  secured ;  J  but 
an  exhortation  §  to  give  up  the  old  idea  of  religion,  viz.  a  cultus, 
and  adopt  the  new,  viz.  justice  and  righteous  living.  — Justice  .  .  . 
righteousness^  That  is  as  practised  among  men  in  life  ;  it  is  not 
the  divine  justice  executed  against  men  as  in  Is.  IO22;  cf.  Is.  51* 
5917  63*.  ||  — As  waters  .  .  .  as  an  ever-flowing  stream~\  The  on 
ward,  unobstructed  flow  of  a  mighty  mass  of  waters  is,  indeed,  an 
admirable  figure  with  which  to  describe  the  ideal  progress  of  justice 
and  righteousness.  The  "  stream  "  was  at  the  rainy  season  a  tor 
rent,  at  other  times  a  small  brook  or  even  merely  the  dry  bed  of  a 
stream.  But  the  stream,  to  fit  the  figure,  must  be  never-failing, 
ever-flowing.  —  25.  Was  it  (only}  sacrifices  and  offerings  that  ye 
brought  me  in  the  wilderness  during  forty  years~\  Interpretations 
have  greatly  varied ;  according  as  they  have  represented  Israel 
during  this  period,  offering  (i)  idolatrous  sacrifice  to  Yahweh  ;  f 
(2)  sacrifice  acceptable  in  form,  but  not  continuous  because  of 
lack  of  animals  ;^[  (3)  required  sacrifices,  but  no  freewill-offer 
ings  ;  **  (4)  sacrifices  to  idols,  but  not  to  Yahweh  ;  ft  (5)  sacrifice 
accompanied  (v.26)  by  idol-worship  ;  \\  (6)  few  sacrifices  compared 
with  their  many  rebellions  ;  §§  (7)  no  sacrifices  at  all ;  ||  ||  (8)  sacri 
fices  to  be  sure,  but  also  something  else,  viz.  "  true  worship  of  the 
heart  and  righteousness,  public  and  private."  f f  This  rendering 
places  the  emphasis  in  its  proper  place  and  does  not  compel  Amos 
to  say  that  there  were  no  sacrifices  or  offerings  in  the  wilderness. 
The  n  of  DTon  has  been  taken  as  the  article,***  as  n  interrogative 
expecting  an  affirmative  answer  ;  fff  as  n  interrogative  expecting  a 
negative  answer.  \\\  The  real  meaning  is  this  :  In  the  period  of 
the  wandering,  "  the  golden  age,"  ye  brought  me  something  more 


*  Schegg.  f  Cal.  1  Ew. 

§  Har.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Or.,  Gun.,  We.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Dr.  ||  Ke.          H  Geb. 

**  Jus.          -rt  Jer.,  Os.,  Pu.,  Or.          JJ  Va.,  Ros.,  Mau.  $$  Schro. 

Jill  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ba.,  We.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Dr.,  Marti.  ftt  Hd. 

UH  Macdonald,  JDL.  XVII I.  214  f.  JJJ  So  most  recent  comm. 

***  Dahl,  Stru.,  Mau. 


V.  24-26  137 

than  sacrifices  (cf.  Je.  y22) ;  and  the  logical  connection  is  with  the 
following  verse  and  not  with  the  preceding,  as  appears  from  the 
strophic  structure,  and  from  the  evident  connection  between 
Dntwn  (v.25),  and  DnKtWi  (v.26 ;  v.i.).  —  Forty  years]  The  same  tradi 
tion  concerning  the  sojourn  in  the  wilderness  as  that  furnished  by 
the  Hexateuch.  —  26.  But  now  ye  lift  up]  This  has  been  taken 
as  (i)  a  charge  of  idolatry  against  the  time  of  the  wandering  in 
the  wilderness*  (=  and  ye  lifted  up) ;  but  what  has  the  prophet's 
thought  here  to  do  with  idolatry  in  the  time  of  the  wilderness  ? 
(2)  as  a  question  coordinate  with  and  parallel  to  the  preceding, 
Did  ye  carry  about  the  tabernacle  of  your  king,  etc.  ;  f  (3)  as  a 
charge  of  idolatry  for  the  entire  period  from  the  wandering  to  the 
days  of  Amos,  J  and  indeed  such  a  charge  would  have  been  true  ; 
cf.  Jos.  2414  Ex.  324"8-19  Ju.  iy4f-  i  S.  i913  i  K.  I225-33;  (4)  as  an 
accusation  against  the  contemporaries  of  Amos  (and  ye  lift  up)  ;  § 
(5)  as  a  prediction  (and  ye  shall  lift  up)  of  a  time  when  they 
shall  carry  their  idols  on  their  backs  into  captivity ;  ||  and  (6)  as 
a  command  (the  waw  consecutive  and  perfect  being  treated  as 
an  imperative)  to  take  up  their  idols  and  go  into  captivity ;  ^[  cf. 
Is.  chap.  2.  The  1  would  be  conjunctive  in  (i)  and  (2),  adversative 
in  (3)  and  (4),  consecutive  in  (5)  and  (6). —  The  shrine  of  your 
king  and  the  image  of  your  God  which  ye  have  made  for  yourselves"] 
This  translation  (i)  is  based  upon  a  text  which  treats  (a)  2212  as 
a  gloss  explaining  fl'3,  and  having  its  origin  at  a  time  when  the 
latter  had  come  to  be  pronounced  |V3  and  treated  as  the  name  of 
a  deity  (z>.j.)  ;  (b)  DS'ttbi  as  a  gloss  explaining  DSVl^K,  occa 
sioned  by  the  phrase  Drb  DlTtfy  irx  (v.s.)  ;  and  restores  map  to 
n?D  (v.s.)  ;  (2)  accepts  the  proposition  that  according  to  the 
context  Amos  has  in  mind  an  impure  and  corrupt  worship,  in 
other  words,  a  worship  which  included  not  only  a  wealth  of  sacri 
ficial  offerings  in  number  and  variety,  together  with  extravagant 
and  debauching  sacrificial  banquets,  but  also  pretentious  proces 
sions  in  which  the  sacred  symbols  of  Yahweh  were  carried  about 
with  a  view  to  gaining  his  favor ;  (3)  rejects  the  proposition  that 

*  Os.,  Dathe,  Jus.,  Hes.,  Ba.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Pu.r  Bu.  (AW.  of  7sr.,  68). 

t  Schmidt,  JDL.  XIII.  1-15.  Geb.,  Har. 

§  Tiele  (Gesch.  d.  Relig.  im  Altertum,  I.  336). 

II  Ew.,  Or.,  Val.,  GAS.,  Dr. ;   Peters,  Ilebr.  I.  242  f.  11  Mit. 


138  AMOS 

idolatry  was  intended,  whether  this  was  the  worship  of  Assyrian 
gods,*  viz.  Sakkut  (=Adar)  and  Kewan  (=  Saturn),  including 
the  view  which  would  make  "jbia  and  chx  proper  names,  viz. 
Moloch  (or  Milcom)  and  Selem  ;  |  or  Phoenician  gods,  viz.  Koun 
and  Keiwan;\  (4)  avoids  the  conjecture,  occasioned  by  the 
difficulty  of  ascribing  the  worship  of  Assyrian  gods  to  Amos's  time, 
that  the  whole  is  either  very  late,  i.e.  after  722  B.C.,  or  a  late  re 
daction  of  an  earlier  text  which  had  become  unintelligible  (v.s.)  ; 
(5)  involves  the  treatment  of  DnKlMi  suggested  in  (4),  p.  137. 
The  prophet  has  in  mind  the  times  of  the  wandering  in  the  wilder 
ness,  times  when  Israel  was  treated  with  special  favor  by  Yahweh, 
a  favor  which  was  evidently  secured  in  some  other  way  than  by 
sacrifices  and  processions.  These  were  the  times  which  antedated 
the  introduction  of  Canaanitish  impurity  into  the  Yahweh  worship. 
His  face  is  set  severely  against  recognizing  this  sort  of  thing  as 
pleasing  to  Yahweh.  This  kind  of  worship  will  not  merely  fail  to 
turn  away  his  anger;  it  is,  in  itself,  an  occasion  of  displeasure. 
The  condition  of  heart  and  mind  which  it  represents  is  sufficient 
evidence  that  only  punishment  of  the  severest  character  will  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  situation.  —  27.  Beyond  Damascus']  This 
phrase  in  earlier  days  represented  the  climax  of  judgment,  as  did 
Babylon  in  later  days.  Cf.  Acts  743  in  which  Stephen  actually 
substitutes  Babylon  for  Damascus. 

18.  MH]  Used  at  times  as  a  particle  of  denunciation  and  threatening;  cf. 
Is.  I24  ^8. 11. 18.  20. 21.  22}  etc> .  but  also  as  expressing  commiseration  and  grief; 
cf.  I  K.  i330  Is.  3°- n  65  2416.  —  s'lsrsn]  Art.  with  ptcp.  =  rel.  cl.  with  its 
antecedent;  H.  4,  3/;  K6.  411  a.  Hithp.  =  an  intensified  Pi'el  (cf.  BDB.) 
=  to  long  after  presumptuously;  v.  Je.  I716.  —  n:T  n^]  On  d.  f.  firm.,  cf.  GK. 
20  k  and  on  d.  f.  conj.,  GK.  20  c ;  on  force  of  n-,  K6.  42/3  =  adverb,  giving 
"directness  and  force"  to  the  question  (BDB.);  contra  Ros.,  who  regards  it 
as  either  obj.  of  vb.  desire  understood,  or  as  subj.  of  some  phrase  such  as 
come  into  your  mind.  —  nix  Xs]  x^  with  noun;  cf.  GK.  152^/5  more  emphatic 
than  r*;  cf.  Ex.  410  Am.  613  714  Je.  211,  etc.  — 19.  Dir]  Freq.;  fol.  by 
four  pfs.  with  waw  cons.,  GK.  112  »/,  K6.  367  ;«.  —  -'run  .  .  .  jjnn  .  .  .  >-\xn] 
Art.  denoting  an  individual  not  definitely  known,  GK.  126^,  r\  K6.  3°°^- 
—  man]  Art.  =  his  ;  K6.  299  <?.  —  20.  njj  XK]  x%  rather  than  px,  as  in  v.18. — 

*  So  Schra.  COT.  II.  141  f.;  We.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Che.,  Now.,  Torrey,  BDB.,  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Marti,  et  al. 

t  Baethgen  (Sem.  Rel.  239).  J  Tiele,  Rev.  de  r Hist.  d.  Rel.  III.  211. 


V.  26-27  139 

21.    \-,wt?]  Slat,  pf.,  GK.  106^-.    Note  asyndeton,  GK.  154  a,  N. ;  K6.  370 £•,  h. 

—  2  nns]  Cf.  Ex.  3O38  Lv.  2631  Is.  1 18,  only  other  cases  where  this  vb.  is  fol 
lowed  by  a  of  interest  (cf.  K6.  212  <r). —  wmsv]   D.  f.  dirimens,  GK.  20 h. 

—  22.  CN  -o]  =  For  even  */ (K6.  372^);   Dr.,  §  143,  treats  it  as  an  imaginary 
condition  introduced  by  CN  taking  imperf.  in  both  protasis  and  apodosis.  — 
CJ_]  With  the  second  of  two  nouns  which,  together,  form  one  idea,  cf.  2  S.  235. 
Muss-Arnolt  (Exp.^  II.  414,  N.  3)  calls  attention  to  the  frequency  of  this  con 
struction  in  Assyrian;   e.g. Tig.  Pil.  I.,  Prism  Inscr.  col.  I.  71,  narkabati  u  um- 
ma-ni-te-ia  (my  chariots  and  my  warriors),  II.  6,  III.  44,  etc.    For  the  opposite 
construction  in  which  the  suffix  is  used  with  the  first  of  a  series  of  nouns  and 
omitted  with  succeeding  ones,  v.  Ex.  I52;    cf.  Assurbanipal,  Annals,V.  59  ff.; 
cf.  GK.  135  m.  —  2s«'i]  On  the  nature  of  this  offering,  cf.  Now.,  Arch.  II.  21 1  f. 
Elsewhere  n^a'  is  always  pi. ;   it  is  used  sometimes  with  mi  preceding  it  (eg. 
Ex.  24°  i  S.  ii15),  and  sometimes  without  rat  as  here  (e.g.  Nu.  I58  I  S.  13°).    It 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  pi.  cstr.  should  be  read  here;  the  ">  might  easily  be  lost 
sight  of  between  two  ~'s. —  3DWT.  ]  Cf.  Is.  I11.     Assyr.  niaru  =  fat;  Ar.  c  yX* 

=  be  digestible.  The  word  is  used  generally,  as  here,  of  sacrificial  animals, 
e.g.  Ez.  3918. — 24.  Ti]  For  advers.  %  cf.  K6.  360 c.  Perles,  Analekten, 
p.  75,  following  We.,  proposes  to  connect  with  SJ  =  spring  and  to  translate 
spring  up,  or  bubble  forth.  —  Bare]  Cf.  Batten,  JBL.  XI.  206-10,  on  usage  of 
this  word;  here  evidently  in  the  sense  of  justice.  —  26.  D.-iNtr;i]  GK.  112.* 
takes  the  pf.  with  waw  cons,  as  fut.  (yea,  ye  shall  take  it  up}  and  H2rr  as 
frequentative  (cf.  Ew.,  Oct.,  p.  71);  Dr.  §  119  a  treats  it  as  pf.  with  waw  cons, 
not  attached  to  a  preceding  impf.  but  still  retaining  future  force;  K6.  368  £, 
emphatic  —  copula  going  back  to  v.'24,  and  resuming  the  thought  after  the  inter 
ruption  of  the  parenthetical  question  in  v.26;  cf.  Am.  212a;  Che.  (EB.},  the 
waw  is  simply  waw-explic.  so  often  prefixed  to  glosses;  cf.  Is.  452°.  — ...  r;p] 
That  this  was  the  original  pointing  is  supported  by  (@>  and  2.,  although  the 
next  word  Mw\6x  makes  (§,  as  a  whole,  interpret  the  passage  of  idolatry 
rather  than  impure  worship;  in  its  favor  are  also  JSU  (v.s.}.  Under  the 
influence  of  the  anti-idolatrous  feeling,  and  at  an  early  time,  although  after 
the  coming  in  of  Assyrian  ideas  (Is.  26~8),  the  striking  resemblance  of  the 
Assyrian  SAG-KUD,  i.e.  Ninib,  the  Assyrian  god  of  war  (cf.  nj2  rrD,  2  K.  I730, 
the  name  of  a  god;  Dl.  Pa.  215  f.),  which  name  with  the  determinative  kak- 
>kz£  =  star  (II.  R.  32,  25;  COT.  II.  141  f.;  Tiele,  Bab.-Ass.  Gesch.  528  f.; 
Sayce,  Hib.  Lectures,  pp.  7,  151-154),  as  suggested  by  Jules  Oppert,  means  the 
planet  Saturn,  led  to  a  modification  of  the  original  n?D  to  r-rp,  the  change 
from  a  to  I  being  perhaps  suggested  by  the  form  of  VP'^S  abomination  (words 
denoting  idolatry  and  idols  frequently  take  the  ground-form  qittul,  e.g. 
D^ITJ,  i^VO?;  so  Ba. ;  Baudissin,  Sem.  Rel.  I.  95 f.;  No.  Gott.  Gelehrt.  Anzeigen 
(1884)  II.  1022;  Torrey,  JBL.  XIII.  61  f.;  Che.  Exp?  V.  43;  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Exp^  II.  421  f.),  or  due  to  a  natural  attenuation  (v.i.~).  —  p>?]  Espe 
cially  interesting  are  IT  which  makes  it  a  common  noun,  viz.  imaginem  (as 
adopted  above),  and  5>  jvr,  the  pronunciation  which  expressed  the  later  in- 


140  AMOS 

terpretation  involved  in  the  reference  to  Assyrian  gods.  For  reference  to  the 
use  of  this  word  in  Babyl.  texts,  cf.  Jensen,  JCosmologie,  in  f.  For  formation 
as  a  common  noun,  cf.  j-vx  (Ez.  3915);  Sta.  §228.  In  connection  with  this 
interpretation  may  be  noted  (i)  the  suggestion  of  Muss-Arnolt  (Expf>  II. 
414-28),  who  transposes  v.25,  placing  it  between  vs.23  and  24,  omits  v.26  as 
a  marginal  gloss,  emending  it  as  follows:  xui  DDnSx  3313  p>3~r»Ni  ODviSs', 
translating:  And  now  ye  worship  Ninib  as  your  decider  (or  king),  and  even 
as  your  elohim  ;  and  the  star  Saturn,  as  your  idol  which,  etc.  He  takes  Ntfj 
here  in  the  sense  of  the  Assyr.  nasu  gatd  =  lift  up  the  hands  =  pray  to,  wor 
ship;  and  T?D  as  equivalent  to  the  Assyr.  mal(i)ku  which  is  applied  to 
Ninib  and  other  gods;  and  accounts  for  the  selection  of  these  names  from 
the  many  Assyrian  gods  by  the  fact  that  the  star  Kaimanu,  the  star  of  the  god 
Ninib,  is  spoken  of  as  the  star  of  justice  and  righteousness  (kakkab  kettu  u 
me-sar,  II.  R.  49,  No.  3,  41),  hence  was  chosen  with  reference  to  the  thought 
of  v.24.  (2)  The  opinion  of  Che.  that  the  "proof  of  the  Assyriological  ex 
planation  is  so  nearly  complete  that  we  ought  not  to  hesitate  to  accept  it " 
(ExpJ*  V.  42-44;  abandoned,  however,  in  Crit.  Bib.  in  favor  of  a  Jerahme- 
elite  explanation) ;  but  the  cultus  here  designated  (that  of  Sakkuth  and 
Kaiwan)  was  not  known  in  Israel  until  after  722  B.C.  (cf.  2  K.  ly30).  An 
insertion  of  this  kind  is  seen  perhaps  in  Is.  io4.  (3)  The  suggestion  of 
Baethgen  {Sent.  Rel.  239)  that  there  are  four  proper  names  of  deities,  viz.  Sak- 
kut,  Kaiwan,  Moloch,  Selem.  (4)  The  suggestion  of  G.  A.  Barton  {Oriental 
Studies,  Philadelphia,  1894)  that  Amos  refers  to  a  cultus  that  was  at  least 
probably  present  in  his  own  day;  since  in  one  of  the  El-Amarna  letters  from 
Jerusalem  mention  is  made  of  a  city  Beth-Ninib,  an  evidence  of  the  worship 
of  Ninib,  or  Saturn,  in  Palestine.  (5)  The  suggestion  of  Tiele  (Rev.  d.  Fhist. 
d.  rel.  III.  211),  who  makes  these  divinities  purely  Phoenician.  (6)  The 
objection  to  the  interpretation  which  makes  the  prophet  refer  to  the  carrying 
into  exile,  by  Israel,  of  Assyrian  gods,  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  victors 
would  carry  off  the  idols  of  the  vanquished  nations  (We.;  cf.  Hi.).  (7)  The 
reading  of  Haupt,  ZA.  II.  266,  281  f.,  j«?  (for  frxr>),  the  Hebrew  form  of  the 
Babyl.  name  Ka'am&nu.  (8)  The  opinion  that  Sakkuth  and  Kaiwan  are  per 
haps  two  names  for  the  same  god;  since  Sakkuth  is  an  ideographic  writing 
for  the  god  Ninib,  and  Ninib  seems  to  be  the  god  of  the  planet  Saturn 
(  =  Kaiwanu),  and  Sak-kut  and  Kaiwanu  are  associated,  as  here,  in  the 
Shurpu  tablets;  cf.  IV.  R.  52,  col.  4,  1.  9;  and  Zimmern,  Beitr.  zur  Kenntnis 
der  Bab.  Rel.  (1896),  p.  io,  1.  179  (so  R.  W.  Rogers,  EB.  I.  749;  Muss- 
Arnolt,  Exp?  II.  414-28).  (9)  The  carrying  of  images  in  procession  among 
the  Hebrews  is  not  at  all  improbable  in  view  of  {d}  the  references  to  the 
carrying  of  the  ark  in  the  wilderness,  around  Jericho  (Jos.  6),  and  into  battle 
(as  at  Gilboa) ;  (3)  the  same  custom  among  the  Assyrians,  as  at  the  New 
Year's  procession  (cf.  Jastrow,  Rel.  of  Bab.  and  Assyr.  679;  C.  J.  Ball,  Light 
from  the  East,  173);  and  (f)  among  the  Egyptians  (cf.  Herodotus:  "The 
image  being  in  a  small  temple  of  gilt  wood,  they  carry  out  on  the  previous  day 
to  another  sacred  habitation";  quoted  by  Hd.  p.  159).  (io)  The  designa- 


VI.  1-7  141 

tion  of  Yahweh  as  Y?n  occurs  also  in  Je.  4815  5 157  Dt.  335  Ps.  58  lo16  29 iu; 
and,  as  Elh.  suggests,  Israelites  do  not  apply  the  term  to  the  gods  of  for 
eigners,  (u)  The  sugg.  of  K6.  II.  i.  151,  that  the  pointing  p>r  is  intended  to 
suggest  PD,  as  something  established,  firm.  (12)  The  explanation  of  Schmidt, 
who  regards  r~p  and  p»3  as  the  original  readings,  but  accounts  for  fJl^T  by 
supposing  that  at  a  later  time  nssSo  came  to  be  read  ai^r,  that  this  suggested 
the  reading  \v~,  and  that  this  in  turn  gave  rise  to  the  pointing  rro,  the  Pal 
estinian  equivalent  for  P-irp,  a  being  attenuated  as  in  Rimmon  (=  Ramma'n) 
and  Tiglathpileser  (=  Tukulti-apal-e-sarra).  (13)  The  suggestion  of  Hal. 
that  three  idols  of  Aramaean  origin  are  mentioned,  viz.  nuD,  the  Aramaean 
name  of  Nabu,  which  was  something  like  n^p,  the  Zex^s  of  Hesychius; 
po  =  Saturn;  and  3313  =  Venus  (Aram.  Nnaaw)  ;  the  translation  being  "And 
you  shall  carry  Sakwe,  your  king,  and  Kaiwan  and  Kokab,  your  gods,  the 
images  which,  etc."  —  27.  S  ns^nn]  Is  a  circumlocution  for  the  st.  cstr.;  K6. 
28i/;  BDB.;  cf.  Je.  2219  Gn.  3521. 

VI.  1-7.  A  woe  upon  reckless  and  indifferent  Samaria,  who 
devotes  herself  to  enervating  luxury  of  every  kind,  —  in  food  and 
drink,  home-life  and  banquets,  —  but  forgets  the  danger  which 
threatens  the  country  !  She  shall  herself  lead  the  captives  who  are 
soon  to  be  dragged  away. 

The  unity  of  this  section  (the  second  section  of  three  six-line  strophes)  is 
seen  in  (i)  the  outer  form,  and  (2)  the  single  thought  which  it  presents,  viz. 
the  sinful  luxury  of  the  nation  (v.2,  pass  over  to  Calneh,  etc.,  is  a  later  inser 
tion,  ??.*.).  The  structure  of  the  section  is  characterized  by  the  constant  re 
currence  of  the  ptcp.  with  the  article,  followed  by  a  finite  vb.  in  cases  in 
which  it  is  desirous  to  prolong  the  thought.  Each  of  the  couplets  (except 
the  ninth)  presents  a  single  characteristic  of  the  nation,  viz.  (i)  recklessness, 
(2)  conceit,  (3)  procrastination,  (4)  luxury,  (5)  gluttony,  (6)  enervation, 
(7)  drunkenness,  (8)  hardness;  therefore  (9)  captivity. 

1.  irjjNS>n]  <J|  rots  e£ov0evovcriv  =  D^s^n,  with  Aramaic  force  (Bauer)  or 
D'Nr&n;  cf.  Zc.  I15,  where  the  same  word  was  unknown  to  @  translators 
(Vol.);  j§  \  *  «  "  ^i  ==  0<lP^^n  (Seb.) ;  3J  qui  opulenti  estis;  'A.  /caratrTra- 
TaXcDires ;  6.  evOrjvovvTes.  Gr.  D^JjNStP.  —  P'xa]  Che.  nnnrj  (JQR.  X.  573); 
Co.  {Einl?)  suspects  genuineness  (cf.  Now.,  Volz,  Lohr,  Marti).  — n^N-i  ->3f>j 
DMjn]  (JjJ  direr pvyrjcrav  (=  lopJ  Vol.;  Schleus.  fol.  Dru.  corrects  to  aireTpvirt)- 
<rav;  cf.  Arabic)  dpxfa  tQvuv.  &  ^^p  =  »3i?j  (Seb.)  or  'arij  (Hal.);  F 
optimates ;  2.  oi  d)vo/j.acr/j.{voi  tiri  rots  apxTYOis  TU>I>  tdvuv ;  6.  ot  firfK\-r)0T)<Tav 
dpxa-'iOL  TUV  tdv&v;  hence  Gr.  and  Che.  suggest  D'io,ij.-i,  but  this  is  unneces 
sary  since  apj  in  Ni.  means  practically  the  same  thing;  cf.  Nu.  i17  i  Ch.  i641 
2  Ch.  2815,  etc.;  in  this  case  >3pj  should  be  read  oopjn  =  they  who  are  desig- 


142  AMOS 

nated,  or  designate  themselves,  as  the  first,  etc.  This  is  supported  by  (i)  0.,  S.; 
(2)  the  grammatical  consistency  which  it  furnishes  with  the  use  of  the  ptcp. 
fol.  by  a  finite  vb.  throughout  the  entire  passage;  (3)  the  fact  that,  as  Lagarde 
has  shown,  the  final  a  of  the  pi.  was  not  written  in  original  Mss.  Torrey's  read 
ing  (JBL.  XIII.  62  f.)  iflpj  (based  on  (5,  though  ©  uses  it  in  another  sense), 
an  imv.  (to  be  translated,  "make  the  round  of  the  foremost  nations  and  come 
to  them,  house  of  Israel !  Pass  over  to  Calneh,  etc.")  to  be  connected  logi 
cally  with  v.2,  is  suggestive  but  fails  to  relieve  the  difficulty,  since  it  looks  to 
the  preservation  of  v.2  as  a  part  of  the  original  text.  Hal.  op;  =  Pronounce 
(the  names  of).  —  SNT^  nu  an1?  ixoi]  ©  /cat  el<rr)\6oi>  avroi,  connecting  okos 
Tov'Io-parjX  with  the  following  v.;  Jo  *..  ^ V  Q  =  -nn  (Seb.(?));  U  ingredientes 

pompatice  do  mum  Israel;  3T  pasnpn  pn  Szn.  Che.,  cnS  1312  {JQR.  X.  573), 
but  this  means  nothing.  The  reading  i?n  (fol.  Jo" )  is  in  close  sympathy  with 
the  context,  and  is  supported  (i)  on  the  side  of  the  construction  by  Jos.  82- 1>7 
ii14  Dt.  235  3";  (2)  as  a  charge  against  the  rulers  by  Is.  312.14.15  IO2.  cft 
Ez.  3410-22  Am.  26ff-  41  512ff-  (63).  The  reading  Ssis"  nos  nSiro  (Grimme, 
ZDMG.,  1897,  p.  696),  while  ingenious,  contributes  nothing;  much  more 
plausible  is  the  reading  c^-ixrn  (cf.  2  K.  2415)  "  und  zu  deren  Vorderesten 
das  Haus  Israel  gehort "  (Hirscht).  Oct.  suggests  either  Sxia»  ma  <|L>>a\  or 
•tt"  rnaa  C"iQD)  Q^Naj;  Gr.  suggests -i:?\  Hal.  -is-a-i.  —  2.  njS^]  ©  Trdi/res  ; 
S  ^I^a.  —  nan  non]  @'E/xa^fPaj8j8(£.  — -nil]  <5  adds  iKeWev.  —  rj]  Hal.  ai. 
—  Dents'1?!)]  @  d\Xo0!y\a>j',  as  usual.  —  a^avjn]  ©S5J  have  superlative,  taking  rt 
as  the  article.  The  whole  v.  is  a  later  insertion  (so  Schra.,  Bickell  in  COT., 
We.,  Now.,  Lohr,  Oct.,  Marti;  cf.  GAS.,  and  Peters,  Hebr.  II.  175,  who 
suggests  that  Amos  may  have  been  still  alive  in  711  B.C.),  as  appears  (i)  from 
the  different  form  of  the  v.  as  compared  with  those  which  precede  and 
follow,  i.e.  the  different  rhythm  (Bickell  in  COT.  II.  144);  (2)  from  the 
marked  interruption  which  it  makes  in  the  transition  of  thought  from  v.1  to  v.3 
(the  connection  between  *  and  3  being  very  close)  and  the  grammatical  dis 
turbance  involved;  (3)  from  the  utter  lack  of  meaning  which  it  furnishes; 
(4)  from  the  historical  fact  (z>.z.)  that  in  the  days  of  Amos  these  cities  had  not 
yet  been  destroyed.  The  text  is  to  be  emended  (so  Geiger,  Oort,  Em.;  We., 
Val.,  Now.,  Get.,  Marti,  et  #/.)  («)  by  inserting  the  subj.  of  D"air,  viz.  D.~N, 
dropped  perhaps  because  of  similarity  of  sound,  (b)  by  transferring  the  p 
connected  with  o^Siaj  to  stand  with  D^iri).  Cf.  Elh.,  DDVsjo  oSim  jn  ox,  and 
Gr.,  '1JM  ai  DJ.  —  3.  onjcn]  ©  oi  tpxd/jLevot,  but  ©AQ  and  Syr.-Hex.  (in  mar- 

m  V  7 

gin)  ol  edx^jueivi  =  D<1i-»ni;  &  ^tnm  *^?  =  o^ancn  (Seb.),  or  DMXPDH  (Gr.); 
5J  qui  separati  estis ;  &  ri?nip  fiis.  Baumann  inserts  M.I.  Che.  D^aijron 
nixy  a'^^;  Riedel,  o'1'1?.  —  pspjni]  ©  oi  ^77^0^x6$  /cat  ^0a7rT6^.efot,  a  double 
rendering;  Hoffm.  i-ifc'Jni;  Riedel,  it-jni.  —  natr]  <S  ffafiparuv  —  nar;  (so 
also  Hoffm.,  Hirscht);  cf.  5  ]&  n^S.  Che.,  nar ;  Gr.  na»  ;  Riedel,  na^S? 
Marti,  i  lir. 


VI.  I  143 

VI.  1.  Alas  !~\  Addressed  to  the  ruling  classes;  they  that  are 
careless  in  Zion}  Judah  as  well  as  Israel  is  now  rebuked,  for  (i) 
there  is  no  good  reason  to  omit  pratt  (v.s.)  ;  cf.  Nowack,  who  would 
give  a  later  date  (the  time  of  writing  down  the  prophecy)  to  v.],  if 
the  reference  to  Judah  is  original ;  and  Cheyne,  who  would  make 
v.1  a  late  insertion  or  change  jvat  to  nann  (v.s.),  the  people  being 
at  ease  because  (2  K.  i516)  the  general  resided  there;  (2)  the 
rendering  of  (§  and  &  who  despise  Zion  *  may  not  be  sustained  ; 
(3)  there  is  no  support  for  the  translation  "  make  a  tumult  in  "  ;f 
the  usual  interpretation,  at  ease,  secure,  careless,  is  supported  by 
Is.  329.  —  Reckless  in  the  mount  of  Samaria'}  i.e.  those  in  Samaria 
who  are  confident  and  therefore  reckless, |  not,  those  who  trust  in 
the  strength  of  Samaria.  §  —  Who  specify  themselves  the  chief  of  the 
nations'}  According  to  fH2T,  "3p3,  the  rulers  are  here  designated 
as  noted,  marked  by  name  (cf.  the  later  usage  in  Nu.  i17  i  Ch.  i641 
2  Ch.  2815  3 119),  there  being  no  reference  in  these  words  to  the 
cities  of  Jerusalem  and  Samaria.  ||  Justi's  "  the  princes  of  the  first 
people  of  the  earth  "  (cf.  Nu.  i16)  well  expresses  the  idea,  a  com 
mon  one  from  the  earliest  times,  that  Israel  was  the  most  exalted 
nation  of  the  entire  world.  It  is  better  (v.s.}  to  make  a  slight 
change  in  the  text  and  thus  secure  the  rendering  indicated.  The 
expression  is  not  ironical.^  Cf.  same  phrase  (without  article)  used 
of  Amalek  in  Nu.  2420,  of  spoil  in  i  S.  i521,  and  of  Ammon  in 
Dn.  1 141.  —  Unto  whom  Israelis  house  comes~\  Cf.  Ex.  i816  2  S.  15*. 
The  pronoun  whom  does  not  refer  to  the  nations  whom  Israel  dis 
possessed,**  nor  to  the  mountains  of  Zion  and  Samaria,  the  land 
which  Israel  occupied, ft  nor  to  these  mountains  as  places  where 
the  Israelites  assemble  for  worship  and  for  judgment ;  J  J  but  rather 
to  the  princes,  to  whom  as  leaders  and  judges  Israel  comes  for 
justice  (cf.  2  S.  15*),  or  to  render  service ;  §§  cf.  Gn.  iQ9  i  K.  io14 
Is.  4918.  It  is  not  necessary  to  omit  on1?  1X21,  ||  ||  nor  to  under 
stand  ^[  that  the  phrase  refers  to  the  coming  of  the  people  to  their 
leaders  to  learn  foreign  customs ;  but  it  must  be  conceded  (with 


*  Adopted  by  Dathe ;  Geb.  so  translates  f€3T.         §  Os.,  Geb.,  Pu.          **  Ki. 
t  Har.  ||  Cf.  Cal.  ft  Ros. 

t  Cal.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Ba.  U  We.,  GAS.,  Dr.       JJ  Hes. 

4§  Schro.,  Mau.,  Umb.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ba.,  Schegg,  Pu.,  Or.,  Dr.        HIT  With  Hoffm. 
II II  So  We. 


144  AMOS 

Nowack)  that  the  phrase  is  an  awkward  one,  and  that  some  such 
word  as  "tastf  might  well  have  been  expected.  Much  may  be  said 
for  the  reading  of  &  (v.s.),  "and  spoil  for  themselves  the  house 
of  Israel."  Cf.  Marti,  who  reads  "and  in  the  gods  of  the  house 
of  Israel,"  and  calls  it  a  gloss  on  "in  the  mount  of  Samaria." 
—  2.  Pass  over  to  Calneh  .  .  .  Hamath  and .  .  .  Gath}  With  this 
verse  must  be  compared  Na.  38  Ju.  n25  2  K.  ig13.  The  determina 
tion  of  the  localities  depends  somewhat  upon  the  age  of  the 
verse.  Is  the  verse  as  a  whole  encouraging,  and  intended  (whether 
by  Amos  or  a  later  editor)  to  strengthen  Israel's  claim  that  she  is 
the  first  of  the  nations  ?  In  this  case  these  cities  are  cited  as  ex 
amples  of  prosperity,  and  the  argument  is  :  "  No  city  of  your 
acquaintance  is  more  flourishing  than  yours ;  yet  ye  treat  Yahvveh, 
who  has  given  you  this  prosperity,  with  neglect ;  the  punishment 
for  this  conduct  is  exile."*  But  (see  Nowack)  (i)  contemporaries 
of  Amos  needed  no  such  encouragement  in  their  faith ;  (2)  the 
mention  of  Gath  would  have  no  meaning  in  such  a  comparison 
while  Assyria  and  Egypt  were  in  existence ;  (3)  "  these  king 
doms"  must  mean  Calneh,  etc.,  not  Israel  and  Judah.  Or,  is  the 
verse  threatening,  and  intended  to  warn  Israel  that  she,  however 
"  first "  she  may  be,  shall  perish  ?  In  this  case  these  cities  are 
cited  as  examples  of  "fallen  greatness"  (Driver),  and  the  argument 
is  :  "  If  cities  that  have  been  great  are  now  in  ruins,  Israel,  like 
wise,  may  perish. "f  The  latter  view  is  to  be  accepted  (v.s.).— 
Calneh']  (cf.  n£>3,  Gn.  io10;  10^3,  Is.  io9;  n??,  Ez.  27^)  is  not 
Ctesiphon,  on  the  Tigris  ;  \  nor  Niffer ;  §  nor  Kullani,  mentioned 
in  the  Eponym  Canon  ||  as  conquered  by  Tiglathpileser  III.,  B.C. 
738  (=  modern  Kullanhou,  six  miles  from  Arpad ;  cf.  Calno  and 
Arpad,  Is.  io9)  ;^[  nor  Kunulua  (Kinalia),  about  seventy-five  miles 
north  of  Hamath,  southeast  of  Antioch,  capital  of  Patin ;  **  but, 
perhaps,  the  Kuluniift  conquered  by  Sargon,  711  B.C.  —  Hamath 
the  great~\  The  modern  Hamah  (with  30,000  inhabitants),  on  the 


*  So  Ew.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Or.,  WRS.  (Proph.  138),  Dr. 

t  Ba.,  Pu.,  Schra.,  We.,  Now.        J  Ba.,  Or.        \  G.  Rawlinson  (Smith's  DB1). 
||  G.  Smith,    The  Assyr.    Eponym   Canon,  50;    Wkl.   Gesch.  Bab.  u.  Ass.  225; 
Tiele,  Bab.-Ass.   Gesch.  230.  U  H.  G.  Tomkins,  PSBA.  V.  61. 

**  Gu.  Das  'tukunflsbild  des  Jesaia,  43 ;   Di.  on  Is.  10^. 
ft  Dl.  Pa.  225;    COT.  II.  143. 


vi.  ,-2 

Orontes,  150  miles  north  of  Damascus,  the  northernmost  limit  of 
the  territory  promised  to  Israel  (Nu.  348).  At  times  it  was  a  part 
of  the  Israelitish  kingdom  (as  under  David  and  Solomon,  its  king 
being  Toi,  2  S.  89,  and  perhaps  under  Jeroboam  II.,  2  K.  I425-28 
Am.  614) ;  at  other  times,  it  was  independent  and  allied  with  neigh 
boring  nations  against  Assyria,  as  when  it  joined  with  Syria  and 
Israel  against  Shalmaneser  II.  and  was  defeated,  854  B.C.  ;  or  with 
Judah,  against  Tiglathpileser  III.,  741 ;  or  against  Sargon,  720, 
when  at  last  its  subjection  was  complete.  After  this  date  it  is  re 
ferred  to  as  furnishing  colonists  for  Samaria,  2  K.  i724,  and  con 
taining  Israelitish  exiles,  Is.  n11.* —  Gath  of  the  Philistines^  That 
one  of  Philistia's  five  cities  nearest  (cf.  i  S.  iy52)  Judah's  border 
(whether  it  is  to  be  taken  as  Tell  es  Safieh,-\  or  Dikriu,  %  or  to  be 
regarded  as  unknown  §).  It  was  destroyed  by  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  266) 
about  760  B.C.  Here  resided  Rephaim  (Jos.  u22  2  S.  2I18-22).  Cf. 
Gimtu  Asdudim,  COT.  II.  89,  gi.\\  — Are  they  better  than  these 
kingdoms  ?  Or  is  their  border  greater  than  your  border  ?~\  With 
this  rendering  the  sense  is,  Are  the  cities  just  mentioned  fairer 
than  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah  ?  No ;  for  God  has  so 
punished  them  that  they  are  reduced  in  size.^f  How  ungrateful, 
therefore,  you  are,  in  view  of  all  that  God  has  done  for  you  above 
your  fellows.**  The  question  is  answered  affirmatively  by  some  tt  : 
Yes ;  therefore  how  foolish  it  is  of  you  to  remain  careless,  having 
seen  the  downfall  of  people  more  powerful  than  yourselves.  Some 
take  the  n  as  article,  instead  of  interrogative  (cf.  (g  and  &),  and 
translate  as  a  clause  in  apposition  with  the  names  just  given,  "the 
best  of  those  kingdoms." \\  The  words  have  been  put  in  the 
mouth  of  the  leaders,  §§  saying:  (Go  to}  those  which  are  better 
than  these  kingdoms  (just  mentioned},  and  see  if  any  is  as  great 
as  yours,  —  this  is  the  boasting  of  the  leaders.  The  rendering,  ||  || 
Are  there  fairer  kingdoms  than  these  (i.e.  Kalneh,  etc.)  ?  And  yet 
they  are  not  so  large  as  the  land  of  Israel,  does  not  add  much 
to  a  better  understanding  of  the  text ;  but  Pusey  was  approach- 

*  Cf.  COT.  II.  7  f.,  143 ;  GAS.  177  ;  Buhl,  Pal.  66,  no;  Dl.  Pa.  275-8. 
t  Porter  in  Smith's  DB±\  Che.  EB.  %  Guerin,  Jvdee,  II.  io8f. 

§  GAS.  HG.  194  ff. ;  Dr.  ||  V.  C.  J.  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  93,  186, 

It  Va.,  Mau.  **  So  Ros.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Reuss,  Mit. 

ft  Schro.,  Kno.        J+  Dathe,  Mich.        §$  Schegg,  Gun.         ||||  Sugg,  by  Mit. 
L 


146  AMOS 

ing  the  thought  when  he  made  it  mean,  "  Are  they,  Israel  and 
Judah,  better  than  these  (i.e.  Calneh,  etc.)?"  This  leads  us  to 
emend  the  text  (v.s.)  by  supplying  Di/ix  and  changing  the  position 
of  the  pronominal  suffixes  :  Are  ye  better  than  these  kingdoms  ? 
Is  your  border  greater  than  was  their  border  ?~\  They  have  per 
ished,  are  you  not  afraid  that  you,  too,  will  perish  ?  This  inter 
pretation  is  in  strict  accord  with  Na.  38.  With  this  interpretation 
it  becomes  clear  that  the  verse  is  an  interpolation  from  the  end  of 
the  eighth  century  (v.s.).  —  3.  Who  postpone  the  day  of  calamity^ 
The  connection  of  this  with  v.1  is  very  close  both  logically  and 
grammatically.  These  leaders,  like  those  described  in  Is.  519,  put 
far  away  the  day  of  disaster,  i.e.  declare  that  it  is  far  off,  or  act 
as  if  it  were  far  away  (cf.  9™  Is.  2213  665).  —  And  cause  the  seat  of 
violence  to  come  near}  This  may  refer  to  tribunals  or  thrones  in 
which  violence  is  in  authority  instead  of  justice,  the  word  rot? 
being  a  technical  word  for  throne  or  judicial  seat;  cf.  Ps.  I225 
7420,  or,  perhaps  better,  to  the  sitting  of  injustice.*  According  to 
some  |  the  seat  of  violence  has  reference  to  Assyria,  but  the  refer 
ence  is  rather  to  the  encouragement  of  oppression  in  the  midst 
of  Israel.  J 


1.  MH]  v.s.  on  518.  Followed  by  ace.,  K6.  321  b;  characteristic  of  Isaiah's 
style,  rarely  met  with  elsewhere;  Am.  518  Mi.  21  Hb.  26ff-;  cf.  Ew.8  327  £. — 
o^jjon]  An  intransitive  adj.  from  vb.  fN£»  =  to  be  quiet,  a  root  occurring 
also  in  Syriac  and  Ethiopic  with  same  meaning  as  in  Hebrew.  For  formation, 
cf.  p;n;  Earth,  AT?.  143 a;  and  Sta.  §230. —  C»NI]  Equivalent  to  a  superla 
tive;  cf.  K6.  309  £•. —  2.  rai]  Article  omitted  before  "\  for  sake  of  euphony, 
GK.  1262;  cf.  K6.  334 m  and  337  u.  —  3  ri:ru'D~r:]  For  proper  names  with 
fol.  gen.,  cf.  GK.  125,6;  Ew.8  286  <-.  Article  omitted  as  in  Gn.  io14,  etc.;  cf. 
K6.  295/  —  DOTjn]  Subj.  omitted  in  fftST;  cf.  Ew.8  303^,1.  —  3.  D^tjr] 
Cf.  Is.  665  for  onir,  Hiph.  ptcp.  of  IT,  v.  Oct.  —  ::rs]  S  introduces 
ace.,  cf.  Ho.  io12,  a  common  Aramaic  construction;  Ew.8  282  t,  Da.  §  100, 
rm.  5,  K6.  289-4.  —  peom]  Finite  vb.  cont.  ptcp.,  cf.  27  57.  —  pas']  Earth, 
ZDMG.  XLI,  619,  connects  this  with  the  Arab.  Lo  =  to  gather;  cf. 
K6.  2io/ 


*  Cf.  GAS.  I.  174.  t  Pu. 

%  So  nearly  all  comm.  There  is  neither  occasion  nor  basis  for  the  violent 
emendation  of  Hoffm.  (v.s.),  furnishing  the  translation:  Ye  who  daily  demand 
unjust  [tribute},  and  every  Sabbath  require  unrighteous  [gain}  ;  cf.  <5. 


VI.  3-4  147 

4.  DTTD]  <&  KaTaffiraTaX&vTes  =  DTPD,  with  Aramaic  force  (Vol.)  ;  so 
U  lascivitis.  —  pane]  @  adds  ya\a6rivd  =  o^iy  or  vbhy,  which  resemble 
D-'Sj;?  (Va.).  —  5.  Dnanfln]  @  twiKpOTovvTes  ;  (JIB  tiriKpaTovvres;  Gr.  O^flD/in, 
or  D^flflBn.  —  •>£>]  Gr.  ^2.  —  *?aj~i]  (§  TO)?  6/370^0;^;  5  {j  ">  <•  ;  U  psalterii  ; 
Q£  N^aj.  —  -pro]  6  cbs  eo-T^ra,  which  Cappellus  explained  as  due  to 
confusion  with  TIT,  and  Vol.  as  a  reading  of  DID  from  on,  while  Hirscht 
sugg.  that  there  may  have  been  a  corruption  of  02AATIA  into  ESTOTA. 
Gr.  nnp.  In  any  case  the  phrase  is  probably  a  gloss,  since  it  has  no 
place  in  the  metrical  structure  of  either  the  preceding  or  following  line  ; 
cf.  'ui  iSn-nN,  Is.  87;  so  Peters  (ffebr.  II.  175),  Che.  (EB.),  Lohr,  et  at. 
—  DnS  latt'n]  F  pttiaverunt  se  habere  ;  <&  t\oyt(ravTo.  BSZ.,  s.v.  non,  sugg. 
that  in  onS  lies  a  derivative  from  nr^,  cf.  n^?pn.  —  ")<ic>~1'Sa]  @  KCU  oux  ws 
06^70^0,  according  to  Vol.  =:  i^  >Sa,  but  according  to  Hirscht,  due  to  a 
reading  from  -vvf  =  -no.  Gr.  i'C!  ^Saa.  Now.  TIT  s%;  so  Oort  (Em.}.  Elh. 
i^  ^r,  since  tradition  does  not  ascribe  to  David  the  making  of  musical 
instruments.  Che.  (Exp.  T.,  1898,  p.  334),  restores  the  entire  v.  thus:  — 


Who  play  on  timbrel  and  harp, 
And  rejoice  at  the  sound  of  song. 


(Cf.  Jb.  2i126.)     Marti  reads  v.56,  Tira  S^irnS  -la^ni  n^na.  —  6.   | 

<S  T^V  5iv\uriJ.tvov  oivov  —  p   p,?T?a;    cf.  Is.  256  Ps.   I27  (Vol.);    so 

j1  ^7  ^  ;  1?  vinum  in  phialis  ;  &  adds  £]ppi  =  ^pj..    Oort,  j»  ^|5^-iD?  (so  Val.), 

or  '••  pn-isa  (cf.  Je.  48°).     Gr.  D"p-»Tsa  (so  Elh.,  Hal.).  —  iSnjj  Gr.  iSn(?), 

from  s^n  ;   cf.  Je.  53.     Lohr  places  6a  before  5,  while  Marti  transposes  66  to 

follow13.  —  7.  crSj]  (5  SuyaerTwv  =  D^SiJ  (Va.,  Vol.).  —  o^nno   nr-i^]  6  x^e- 

/j.eTiff/j.b's   ITTTTUV   t£  'E0pdt/i,  perhaps  reading  D«D:D   (so  Oct.;    but  cf.  Vol.). 

£.7  ..    7  "*•  PP 

S.  eTaipela  TpvQ-rjTuv  ;  &  ^cgi.a.1^  »\  4-     ^Jbtf     j-jc?,   perhaps  reading   anno 
=  °?>?V'  (Seb.).      1J  factio  lascivientium  ;  1&  r?^ 


4.  ^7w  //>  ^«  &0ry  couches]  Cf.  312.  These  were  couches 
inlaid  with  ivory,  such  as  those  which  Sennacherib  took  from 
Hezekiah.*  The  use  of  such  couches  indicated  the  luxury  and 
self-indulgence  of  the  times.  —  And  stretch  themselves  out  upon  their 
divans']  Reference  is  intended  to  lying  at  the  table  ;  it  does  not 
include  the  specific  idea  of  "  romping,"  f  nor  that  of  abundant 
tapestry  with  which  the  divan  was  draped,  \  nor  the  thought  of 

*  CO  T.I.  p.  286.  f  Schro.  J  Ki. 


148  AMOS 

drunkenness,*  but,  in  general,  all  of  these,  emphasis  being  placed 
on  the  wantonness  and  extravagance  of  their  conduct ;  cf.  Is.  2213 
Ez.  2315.  —  Lambs  out  of  the  flock~\  i.e.  those  carefully  selected 
from  the  flock  on  account  of  special  fatness  or  daintiness, 
cf.  Dt.  32"  i  S.  i59,|  rather  than  a  general  reference  to  the 
wealth  of  those  persons  who  are  rich  enough  to  have  flocks.  \  — 
Calves  from  the  midst  of  the  stall']  i.e.  calves  reared  artificially 
in  a  stall,  a  place  in  which  they  are  shut  up  in  order  to  be  easily 
fattened.  Cf.  i  S.  2824  Je.  4621  Mai.  42.  — 5.  Who  twitter~]  Used 
sarcastically  of  the  music  rendered  at  feasts.  The  idea  is  not 
that  of  ordinary  singing,  §  nor  dancing,  ||  nor  cooing,^"  nor  wanton 
silly  talk  or  song,**  nor  parting  the  lips,|t  nor  bungling,  doing 
something  prematurely,  \\  nor  leading  in  the  music  without  waiting 
for  the  professional  musicians,  §§  nor  improvising  idly  ||  ||  ;  but  of 
derision,  to  indicate  the  prophet's  contempt  "  for  the  perhaps 
really  not  unmusical  songs  with  which  feasts  were  enlivened  "  ^[ ; 
cf.  Is.  512  249.  —  To  the  sound  of  the  harp\  Another  rendering  is, 
in  accordance  with  ;  cf.  ""B  bl?  in  Gn.  437  Ex.  3427  Lv.  2y18.  §  — Like 
David~\  If  this  word  is  genuine,  the  leaders  of  Israel,  whom  the 
prophet  would  rebuke,  are  now  brought  into  comparison  with 
David.  They  are  like  him  in  that  they  devise  for  themselves 
instruments  of  song]  It  is  not  a  contrast,  viz.  between  their  use  of 
instruments  for  amusement,  and  that  of  David  for  worship.***  Nor 
is  it  correct  to  render fff  "they  think,  fondly  imagine  —  make 
the  mistake  of  supposing  that  the  instruments  are  for  them  as  for 
David."  5trn  =  devise,  invent,  with  reference  to  the  popular  idea 
that  David  was  an  inventor  of  instruments.  No  other  passage  of 
earlier  times  speaks  of  David  as  a  poet  or  musician.  \\\  But  this 
reference  does  not  imply  that  his  reputation  had  only  to  do  with 
secular  music.  §§§  The  evidence  is  very  strong,  however,  that  the 
word  is  a  gloss  (v.s.).  —  Instruments  of  song]  Musical  instruments 

*  Ba.  We.  renders  "  ausgelassen  sein,"  which  is  approved  by  Now.,  and  cites 
its  application  in  Arabic  to  animals  pasturing  freely,  at  liberty,  and  in  Syriac  to 
wild  and  rapacious  beasts. 

t  Ba.  et  al.  ||  Stru.  ft  Schegg.  §§  Hd. 

JMau.  HSchro.  }+  Ew.  ||||  Dr. 

§  Ros.  **  Hi.,  Ke.,  Now.        UH  Mit.;  cf.  Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  114. 

***  Jer.,  Cal.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro.  ++t  Reuss. 

ftt  So  Ew.,  Mit.  §§§  We.,  Dr. 


VI.  4-7  149 

used  to  accompany  the  voice ;  but  the  context  is  not  favorable  to 
the  allusion  to  instruments,  hence  (v.s.)  Cheyne's  suggestion, 
voice  of  song,  Elhorst's  words  of  song,  Nowack's  all  kinds  of 
song,  and  Marti's  consider  themselves  like  David  in  the  under 
standing  of  song. —  6.  Who  drink  (from)  bowls  of  wine~\  Another 
token  of  self-indulgence.  Instead  of  the  ordinary  drinking-vessel, 
the  word  is  employed  which  is  later  used  of  the  vessel  from 
which  blood  was  poured  or  thrown  (dashed)  for  sacrificial  pur 
poses  (Ex.  s83  Nu.  414  713ff-  Zc.  915  I420),  the  large  size  thus  being 
emphasized.  —  With  the  first  of  oils  they  anoint  themselves^  Anoint 
ing  in  ancient  times  signified  not  only  consecration,  but  joyousness 
(cf.  Ps.  235  9210  Is.  6i3  EC.  Q8  with  io19).  It  was  a  hygienic  cus 
tom,  since  the  oil  refreshed  the  skin  and  served  as  a  protection 
against  heat.  In  this  case  the  first  of  oils,  i.e.  the  choicest 
oils,  are  employed.  To  omit  anointing  was  a  sign  of  mourning 
(2  S.  I220  i42).  —  And  do  not  grieve  for  the  breach  of  Joseph~\ 
Their  minds  are  so  occupied  with  the  mirth  and  joy  that  they 
fail  to  see,  and  hence  to  appreciate,  the  terrible  breach  or  wound 
which,  in  the  near  future,  will  be  inflicted  upon  Israel.  Such 
a  sight  as  that  which  the  prophet  has  gained  would  make  them 
sick  in  body  and  in  mind  (cf.  i  S.  228);  for  a  great  affliction 
or  overthrow  (cf.  Je.  81L21)  is  near  at  hand.  This  word  breach 
does  not  refer  to  any  specific  political  intrigue,*  nor  to  the 
present  evil  condition  of  Israel,  f  but  to  the  future  calamity 
which  even  now  threatens  the  nation.  J  —  7.  Therefore,  now~\ 
The  now  is  logical,  rather  than  temporal,  Ho.  210  57.  —  At  the 
head  of  the  captives']  These,  who  were  described  as  the  JTtPKi 
D'U-i,  D'npJ,  shall  go  forth  at  the  head,  in  the  very  forefront ;  cf. 
i  S.  p22  Mi.  213.  —  And  the  shout  of  the  banqueters  shall  cease~\ 
The  rendering,  "  the  mourning  of  those  who  stretch  themselves 
out  shall  come,"  §  is  based  upon  an  impossible  meaning  of  no. 
Some  use  here  the  Aramaic  meaning  of  rma,  viz.  feasting.  j|  The 
rendering  "  shout "  (either  of  joy  or  sorrow)  is  required  here  as 
in  Je.  i65  and  is  justified  by  the  Arabic  ^Sv1T  The  allitera 
tion  in  the  Hebrew  words  DTtno  rmfc  no  is  noticeable. — 


Mich.  f  Schegg.  J  Hi.,  Mit.  §  Cal. 

Har.,  Mich.  U  Jus.,  Va.,  Ros.,  Ba.,  Pu.,  Ke. 


1  50  AMOS 

8  b.   Saith  Yahweh  God  of  Hosts'}    This  phrase,  if  retained  at 
all,  must  follow  this  piece  as  a  whole. 


4.  O'nnD]  On  force  of  pass,  ptcp.,  cf.  Ko.  235  d.  —  5.  o^oifln]  a.X.;  if  text 
is  correct,  probably  to  be  connected  with  lo  ^3,  to  precede,  fourth  stem  =  to 
hasten,  exceed  due  bounds,  be  immoderate,  talk  excessively  (Lane,  p.  2376)  ; 
hence  Dr.,  following  Abul-Walid  (Neubauer,  Abul-  WalicTs  Lexicon,  col. 
586),  suggests  "to  extemporize  poetry  over-rapidly,  without  premeditation, 
in  a  hurried  flow  of  unmeaning,  unconsidered  words"  (v.  Dr.  p.  236  ;  Now.). 
Observe,  likewise,  Hoffm.'s  rendering,  "  those  who  strike  the  strings  across 
the  opening  of  the  harp,"  which  is  based  on  the  usage  of  ttifl  (Lv.  I910), 
to  tear  (cf.  Buxtorf,  Lex.  1811  f.;  Payne  Smith,  Thesaurus  Syriacus,  p.  3311), 
and  makes  the  ^  s;  entirely  superfluous.  —  ^oj]  The  kinds  of  instru 
ments  denoted  by  the  two  names  *?aj  and  ~nj3  are  nut  certainly  known. 
The  two  are  the  only  stringed  instruments  mentioned  in  the  O.  T.,  and  are 
frequently  named  together  (Is.  512  i  Ch.  I516  2  S.  65,  etc.).  Both  seem  to 
have  been  made  of  wood  (i  K.  io12)  and  to  have  been  portable  (i  S.  io5 
2  S.  65).  A  full  discussion  of  these  and  other  instruments,  with  excellent 
illustrations  of  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  and  Egyptian  harps,  etc.,  is  given  in 
Bk.  of  Ps.  (SBONT.},  222  ff.;  cf.  Dr.  234  ff.;  Benz.  Arch.  273  ff.;  Now.  Arch. 
I.  273  ff.  —  6.  'a  nrtr]  —to  drink  from,  cf.  Gn.  445  ;  same  force  in  Arabic 
and  Aramaic  (Dn.  52).  For  the  same  phrase  —  to  drink  of,  cf.  Pr.  95  ;  GK. 
ngm,  N.  —  ^ITE]  Used  only  here  of  wine;  elsewhere,  bowl  or  basin  for 
throwing  or  casting  a  liquid,  esp.  blood  ;  e.g.  at  altar,  Ex.  273  Nu.  414  ;  in 
temple,  i  K.  750  2  K.  I214;  in  second  temple,  Neh.  770.  This  meaning  is 
borne  out  in  the  signification  of  the  root,  which  in  the  cognates  means  scatter, 


disperse;  cf.  Aram,  py,  Assyr.  zaraku,  Arab.  O^,  cast  at.  —  D^ir]  On  force 
of  the  pi.,  cf.  K6.  259  a.  —  inir'C  •]  For  construction,  etc.,  cf.  Ko.  327  o  and 
319  m.  On  impf.  continuing  ptcp.,  cf.  Dr.  §  1170.  The  original  meaning 
seems  to  be  shown  by  Arab.  ^.j^jO  =  stroke  with  the  hand.  It  is  used  of 


painting  d.  house  (Je.  2214)  and  oiling  a  shield  (Is.  2i5  2  S.  I21).  Anointing 
as  a  part  of  the  toilet  is  always  expressed  by  another  verb,  y.D.  nrc,  as 
used  of  persons,  is  limited  to  anointing  as  a  religious  rite,  aside  from  this 
passage  ;  and  this  seems  to  be  no  exception,  since  the  feast  here  was  a 
sacrijicial  feast.  The  primitive  significance  of  anointing  was  probably  re 
ligious  ;  animal  fat  was  the  first  unguent,  and,  being  regarded  as  the  special 
seat  of  life,  was  considered  the  best  medium  for  the  transmission  of  the  vitality 
of  the  being  from  which  it  was  taken  ;  hence  "  unction  was  primarily  an 
application  of  sacrificial  fat  with  its  living  virtues  to  the  persons  of  the  wor 
shippers"  (WRS.  Sem.  383  f.).  This  accounts  for  the  anointing  of  kings, 
priests,  etc.,  and  for  the  use  of  unguents  in  connection  with  religious  rites. 
Olive  oil  was  used  later  when  agriculture  was  taken  up  (Ps.  92n  Dt.  28*° 


VI.  8  151 

Nu.  615).  —  f|Dr]  This  designation  of  N.  Israel  occurs  twice  elsewhere  in  Amos 
(56-15)>  other  names  are:  Jacob  (68  72-5  87);  house  of  Jacob  (98) ;  house  of 
Isaac  (716) ;  and  regularly  Israel  (26-  n,  etc.).  Joseph  is  named  as  the  ancestor 
of  Ephraim,  the  largest  tribe  (cf.  Ho.  64  I31).  The  use  of  the  title  occurs 
each  time  in  a  connection  implying  a  bond  of  sympathy  between  Israel  and 
Yahweh,  or  at  least  a  shade  of  tenderness  in  the  feelings  of  Amos. 

8-14.  Yahweh  makes  oath :  I  abhor  Israel,  and  she  shall 
be  given  over  to  her  enemies  for  destruction;  she  has  turned 
justice  to  poison,  imagining  herself  strong ;  surely  I  will  bring 
upon  her  a  nation  which  shall  overcome  her  entire  territory. 

The  striking  difference  between  the  grammatical  expression  in  this  piece 
(the  third  of  three  six-line  strophes)  and  that  in  the  preceding  is  evidence 
of  distinctness;  but  when  there  is  considered  in  connection  with  this  (i)  the 
opening  oath  (v.8),  which  is  climactic  to  the  woes  introducing  the  other 
pieces,  (2)  the  concluding  words,  which  are  parallel  to  those  of  the  other 
pieces,  we  have  sufficient  basis  for  the  assumption  that  this  is  one  of  three 
pieces  making  up  a  larger  whole.  Vs.9- 10  are  so  peculiar  in  their  thought  and 
form  as  at  once  to  raise  suspicion  of  their  genuineness  ;  this  suspicion  be 
comes  a  certainty  upon  closer  investigation  (v.i.}.  The  intensity  of  expression, 
as  well  as  the  definiteness  of  this  section,  is  greater  than  in  either  of  the  two 
preceding.  It  thus  furnishes  a  fitting  climax  for  the  entire  piece,  containing, 
in  essence,  the  threefold  thought  of  the  whole,  viz.  (i)  Yahweh's  anger, 
because  of  (2)  Israel's  sin,  and  consequently,  (3)  Israel's  destruction. 

8.  -a*  ^nSx  mrp  DNJ]  (5  om.  (so  Now.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Baumann);  it  should  fol 
low  .-n~,  v.7  (cf.  We.,  Oct.,  Marti).—  axrc]  Read  apns  (so  Geiger,  p.  349;  We., 
Mit,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Get.,  et  al.}.  —  jixms]  @  inserts  ira<rav;  &  nrr>:n  xripn  rvj 
(so  in  Lon  Ion  Polyglot,  but  in  Paris  Polyglot,  nriai). — rrucis]  (5  rcW  x<ipas 
avrov;  IT  donws  cjus.  —  \-niDii]  Gr.  fol.  ©  /ecu  e£ap<S,  'rnani. —  ni<Ssi]  (g  avv 
Tracn  rots  KaroiKovcriv  ai/T^v;  U  cum  habitatoribtts  suis.  Hoffm.  n^Sc-i  =  and 
her  citadel;  so  Matthes  and  Elh.  —  9, 10.  These  verses  are  a  later  insertion  (so 
Now.  and  Lohr ;  We.  and  Che.  consider  them,  at  least,  misplaced  ;  but  cf. 
GAS.  and  Marti),  made  in  order  to  illustrate  the  last  phrase  of  v.8.  This  is 
evident  because  of  (i)  the  marked  interruption  of  the  continuity  of  thought 
between  v.8  and  v.11;  (2)  the  utterly  strange  and  incongruous  conception  thus 
introduced ;  (3)  the  impossibility  of  arranging  the  material  of  these  vs.  (viz. 9- in) 
in  any  poetical  form,  much  less  the  form  which  characterizes  the  remainder  of 
the  piece.  The  acceptance  of  GAS.'s  suggestion  to  supply  at  the  close  of  v.8 
the  words  to  the  pestilence  only  furnishes  a  still  better  basis  for  the  addition 
of  the  gloss.  Get.  sugg.  the  order  7.n.&9.w__ax  n,ni]  y  QUO(J  si  .  £  C. 
—  inm]  ©adds  vat  VTro\eKpdtf(roi>Tai  ot  KardXonroi. —  n*n  IN^JI]  (S  Kai  X^/i^oi/Tat 
01  oiKeioi  01  O.VTUV.  Hal.  nn  -iNin\  Riedel,  TH  -iNfc':i.  —  ISIDCI]  Many  Mss. 


152  AMOS 

read  ir.  <&  Kal  wapapiuvrai  =  iiso--)  (Va.,  Vol.),  as  in  Gn.  ig9  2  K.  217  516, 
or  unoM  (Vol.),  as  in  i  S.  2S23.  &  ou^,  w^—j-x?  ^'^  c|  =  lanpoi  (Seb.); 
U  et  comburet  eum;  v£  Nmj2»D.  Now.  ncDD)(?);  Riedel,  no^jn-i  =  besom. — 
After  o'sxy]  @  adds  avruv.  —  -\rxS]  ©  pi.  —  ^nama]  <§  and  &  om. —  DON] 
Riedel  adds  mm  >n,  to  explain  what  follows.  —  \n  on]  {£  pSo  nc«i  JICD 
';i  XDipa  j'wo  iin  xS  |>D»f?  nn  na  nx.  £  ^cov^  osa?  \4^s  &*^,  reading 
D?x  for  on  (so  Seb. ;  cf.  Gr.  Monatsschrift,  1886,  p.  376).  —  TorrV?] 
J5  cooi  ^i  i**t  Si  =  "V2n  (Seb.) ;  3J  recorderis.  The  following  attempts  at 
reconstruction  of  the  text  may  be  noted  :  Oort,  understanding  that  on  -\£Xi 
is  a  dittog.  of  D-JX  "IDXI  (cf.  Baumann,  who  om.  Dax  ncxi),  that  the  material 
has  been  largely  transposed,  and  that  the  horrors  of  an  earthquake  are  here 
described,  reads :  '•>  run  -o  (H)  riDBO  lain  xS  n^  (10  d)  HNSci  m^  ^nnjom  (8  <*) 
.  .  .  INITJI  (10)  inn  nnN  noa  DI^JN  mtrp  ON  n^m  (9)  o^pa  .  .  .  non  nani  n«n 
DSN  I^NI  iny  myn  n>an  \iDma  ie»NS  IDNI  n^an-}D.  That  is:  (8d)  And 
I  will  deliver  up  a  city  and  its  contents,  (10d)  so  that  it  shall  no  longer 
be  called  by  its  name;  (n)  for,  behold,  Yahweh  commands  and  will  smite, 
etc.,  (9)  and  it  shall  come  to  pass  that,  whenever  ten  men  shall  have 
died  in  one  house,  (10)  their  relatives  will  clear  away  the  ruins  in  order 
to  carry  the  bones  from  the  house,  and  they  will  say  to  whoever  is  in 
tiie  rear  of  the  house,  "  Is  there  still  another  ? "  and  he  will  answer, 
"No!"  Zeydner  reads  (  ThSt.  IV.  196  ff.;  so  Val.) :  NwnS  -npD  INIWI  (10) 
VN  iS-oon  ^DNI  DOS  -\DNI  "JDJ;  iipn  rnan  ^nama  na'N1?  nDNi  n^an-p  D^DXJ? 
mn^  oBtt  nsrn.  That  is  :  (10)  And  an  escaped  one  will  remain  to  bring 
forth  the  bones  from  the  house  and  he  will  say  to  whoever  is  within 
the  house,  "  Is  there  still  any  one  with  thee  ?  "  And  he  will  say  "  No."  And 
he  will  say,  "These  have  done  foolishly.  Remember  the  nam^  of  Yahweh." 
Ru.  reads  :  'iN£>ji  (10)  onnxn  -nn-vi  niD'  insi  n>aa  D^JN  ni2»p  -vn>  ON  n>m  (9) 
'in  D-^Ni  -»ps  103;  mpn  .  .  .  12x1  man-p  vnxy  'nS  'si  '•«.  That  is  :  (9)  And 
it  shall  come  to  pass  that  if  there  be  ten  men  in  a  house  and  one  die 
and  the  others  be  left,  etc.,  ...  to  bring  forth  his  bones  ...  "Is  He 
still  with  you  who  creates  (=  ICN)  and  annihilates?"  .  .  .  Gr.  reads: 
IDT^I  cm-ay  oiNirji  (10),  substitutes  no*o  for  the  sg.,  drops  on  ICNI  as  dittog. 
from  DDN  ncio,  and  adds  12 x  after  N1?.  Hoffm.  reads  vo^Dn  'n-n  WB»JI  (10) 
=  and  his  burners  erect  a  funeral  pyre  for  him.  Oct.  sugg.  ^s  in  Ntrji  (10) 
pj-'s,  treats  POD  O^DX?  N'-xinS  as  a  gloss  on  the  corrupt  iciDD)  and  de 
clares  the  remainder  of  the  v.,  beginning  with  the  first  naKi,  to  be  "  un- 
versehrt."  Elh.  reads  HSDO  nn  strji,  and  om.  ICNI  following  fD>.  Box  and 
Oesterley  (Exp.  T.  XII.  (1901)  235  f.)  read  D>CXJ?  N^inS  1x101  nNB'  iNtt'j) 
D3X  -\DXI  "iDj?  -nyn  n^an  >nama  n^xS  nnxi  non-p,  treating  on  -\DXI  as  a 
dittog.,  and  the  last  clause,  vn  o,  as  a  gloss  on  on  -icxi.  Marti  -^on  mn  i«trj>, 
or  i^p1?  nn  ixc'\  — 11.  nixn  mm  run  ^]  Is  an  insertion  (so  also  Baumann) 
made  to  connect  vs.9- 10  with  the  interrupted  thought  in  "ui  nam]  which  is  to 
be  read  n--n  or  rm  (so  Oct.).  Gr.  reads  xx^  for  mxD.  —  n>an]  &  -isSp.  Hi. 

0     0 

om.  n  as  due  to  homoioteleuton  (so  Gr.).  —  Svun]  «g  \^£\  —  D 


VI.  8-9  153 

^010*55^0.  Gr.  D>XIX-\. —  mam]  Gr.  mai. — 12.  en-trv  ON 
onpaa]  @  et  7rapa0-iw7r?7<roj'Tai  ^v  6rj\eiais  =  DOftj  or  rviaftj  (Va.,  Ba.),  prob 
ably  an  error  of  vision.  U  aut  arari  potest  in  bubalis  ;  'A.  el  dpoTpiaQrjaeTai; 
S.  Trefrpa  5id  /3ou>»>.  Read  a<  ipaa  (so  Mich.,  Hi.;  Oort,  ThT.  XIV.  120,  and 
£*»./  Gr.,  We.,  Gu.,  Val.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Lohr,  Elh.,  Oct.,  Marti); 
cf.  Hirscht,  37,73?  (Jb.  39lu);  Hal.  on  -ij^?.—  J?NT>]  6  ets  8vfd>vt  as  in 
Dt.  3233  Jb.  2016;  &  rB"3  ITM0  ^'n?' — 13.  NV?]  Gr.  N7  *?y_.  — 14.  'ui  ">  DNJ] 
Omitted  in  some  Mss.  of  @.  Transpose  to  end  of  v.  (so  Lohr).  <§& 
insert  MJ  before  CNJ.  —  Nia^c]  (&  TOU  ^  eiffe\6eiv.  —  ny]  @  /cat  ws  =  n>i 
(Hirscht);  @A  and  other  codd.,  ^ws.  —  nanpn]  @  TWJ/  5v<r/j.uv,  a  frequent 
rendering  of  an^n  and  naty;  cf.  Is.  I57.  S  |-»|-^?'  O°rt  sugg-  llle  trans 
position  of  v.14  to  precede  526. 

8.  The  Lord  Yahweh  hath  sworn  by  himself^  Elsewhere 
only  in  Je.  5i14,  in  42  the  oath  was  by  his  holiness.  For  ex 
pressions  similar  to  this,  Gn.  2216  Nu.  I428  Heb.  613.  —  /  abhor\* 
Cf.  Dt.  2S63  Ho.  5121*  i37f-;  also  Am.  <f.—  The  glory  of  Jacob~} 
Not  something  that  belonged  to  Israel  as  a  special  treasure,  which 
distinguished  them  from  other  nations,  cf.  Is.  210-19-21  Ps.  474,|  in 
other  words,  the  true  glory,  which  shall  now  be  taken  away ;  nor 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  cf.  2E ;  %  but  rather  that  of  which  Jacob 
boasted  as  their  glory,  viz.  palaces  and  cities  (cf.  Na.  22  Zc.  96),  § 
the  pride  which  has  brought  downfall  (Is.  99  Ho.  55).  ||  — /  will 
deliver  the  city  and  its  contents']  i.e.  men,  cattle,  goods,  shall  be 
given  to  the  enemy  (i69).  Perhaps  the  thought  refers  more 
specifically  to  the  siege  and  capture  of  the  city ;  f  cf.  214-163llf- 
42'3  516  83.  The  city  is  Samaria,  the  article  being  omitted  in  the 
terse,  poetical  expression.  —  9.  This  verse  and  the  following 
introduce  a  new  element  into  the  description  of  the  future  pun 
ishment,  and  at  the  same  time  a  new  form  and  a  new  style. 
After  these  verses  (i.e.  in  vs.116  12"14)  the  old  idea,  style,  and  form 
recur.  The  new  element  is  the  plague ;  the  new  form,  an  indi 
vidual  experience ;  the  new  style,  conversational  prose,  the  poetic 

*  The  root  3K.n  may  better  be  read  3j?n  (v.s.}t  whether  the  use  of  N  in  this  text 
is  to  be  understood  as  an  intentional  change  (Geiger,  p.  349),  a  Samaritanism 
(Eich,  Einl.  I.  185  ;  Jus.),  a  provincialism  (Ba.),  or  a  copyist's  error  (Dahl.,  Now.). 
The  renderings  "I  find  wanting"  (cf.  •'rnxr),  Storr  (see  Va.),  "I  will  paralyze," 

from  L^jL-S,  to  be  numb  (Va.),  hardly  deserve  consideration. 

t  Cal.,  Hd.  \  Ki.  and  Jewish  interpreters  generally. 

§  Ros.,  Ke.,  Mit.  ||  Ba.  IT  Hi.,  Ba.,  Pu. 


154  AMOS 

form  being  abandoned.  There  is  nothing  in  v.8,  or  in  vs.12ff  which 
corresponds,  or  lends  aid  in  interpretation.  —  And  if  shall  come 
to  pass~\  Cf.  the  series  of  pictures  of  devastation  in  Is.  815>  a- 22. 
—  If  there  be  left  ten  men  in  one  house  that  they  shall  die] 
The  picture  is  that  of  a  slaughter  in  war.  If  of  the  survivors 
there  are  as  many  as  ten,  all  of  them  shall  perish  in  a  plague. 
According  to  some,*  ten  represents  a  large  number,  a  numerous 
family,  all  of  whom,  however,  shall  die.  According  to  others,! 
it  means  a  very  few,  because  the  prophet  has  in  mind  especially 
the  palaces  which  would  contain  hundreds.  — 10.  And  one's 
uncle,  even  his  burner,  shall  take  him  up  to  bring  out  the  body 
from  the  house'}  The  relative,  J  perhaps  uncle,  §  father  and  brothers 
being  dead,  comes  to  care  for  the  dead  body.  The  relative  is 
either  himself  the  burner,  or  is  accompanied  by  a  burner.  Inas 
much  as  burning  of  the  dead  was  entirely  exceptional  among 
the  Hebrews  (cf.  21 ;  the  cases  of  criminals,  Lv.  2o14  2i9  Jos.  y15-25 
Gn.  3824,  and  that  of  Saul  and  his  sons),  this  has  been  taken 
as  another  exception,  the  prophet  supposing  it  to  be  impossible 
to  adopt  the  usual  form  of  burial,  and  the  burner  represented 
as  acting  either  within  |j  or  without  ^[  the  home,  on  account  of 
the  peculiar  situation ;  or  the  burning,  like  the  plague  itself,  has 
been  considered  a  mark  of  divine  anger.**  The  reference  is 
not,  however,  to  the  burning  of  the  body,  but  to  the  burning 
of  spices  in  honor  of  the  dead ;  tt  °f-  Je-  345>  and  especially 
2  Ch.  i614  2 1196.  The  suggestion  has  also  been  madej|  that 
the  lack  of  timber  in  Palestine  would  make  cremation  of  any 
considerable  number  of  bodies  almost  impossible.  The  pronoun 
his  seems  to  suggest  some  common  custom.  §§  —  And  shall  say] 
It  is  the  relative  who  speaks.  —  To  him  who  is  in  the  innermost 
parts  of  the  house~\  i.e.  to  some  one  who  is  still  alive,  ||  ||  and,  in 
his  terror,  has  withdrawn  to  the  inmost  recesses  of  the  house  ;  ^[ 
not  to  a  neighbor  in  an  adjoining  house,***  nor  to  a  servant,ftt  nor 

*  Os.,  Geb.,  Hi.,  Torrey,  Marti.  f  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro. 

t  Jus.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Ke.  §  A.  V. 

||  Cal.,  Hi.  U  Ke.  **  W.  R.  Smith,  Sem.  372,  N.  3. 

ft  Har. ;  Thomson,  LB.  II.  493  ;  Mit.,  Dr.  ++  Mit. 

$$  Hi.,  Dr.  III!  Jus.,Va.,  Hi.,  Ba. 
1H1  Cf.  Ps.  1288;    \-o-\i  is  also  used  of  a  cave  in  i  S.  2^,  of  Sheol  in  Is.  14*^ 
of  a  ship  in  Jon.  16.                           ***  Cal.  ftf  Schlier. 


VI.  9-12  I  $  5 

to  a  relative  who  remains  weeping.*  —  Is  there  yet  any  one  with 
thee}  Are  you  altogether  alone  ?  —  And  he  shall  say}  Inserted  to 
separate  the  two  parts  of  the  statement,  cf.  2  K.  627f>  Gn.  i68'n  2i7. 

—  None}    The    last   survivor  answers,  and    in    his    answer   gives 
utterance   to    the   deepest   feelings  of  despair.  —  And  he   shall 
say:  Hush!  one  may  not  mention  the  name  of  Yahweh~\   Cf.  83 
Hb.  220  Zp.  i7  Zc.  213.     This  is  not  the  utterance  of  the  survivor, 
and  thus  to  be  taken  as  a  word  of  repentance  (being  rendered, 
Ought  we  not  to  remember  Yahweh's  name?),t  nor  an  explana 
tory  statement  by  Amos  of  what  was  in  the  sick  man's  mind ;  { 
but  the  utterance  of  the  relative  to  the  survivor,  which  partakes 
of  the  despair  common  to  the  situation  :   "  No  prayer  will  avail, 
all  is  lost,"  §  or  "  recourse  to  Yahweh  is  of  no  use  "  ;  ||   "  do  not 
tempt  Yahweh  to  farther  outburst  of  anger"  ;f  "do  not  mention  his 
name  and  thus  make  him  aware  of  your  presence  "  ;  **  cf.  Is.  i917.ft 

—  11.    For  behold  Yahweh  will  command^   A  part  of  the  gloss, 
intended  to  regain  the  connection  which  has  been  lost.     What 
follows  should,  however,  be  joined  directly  to  the  last  words  of  v8, 
viz.  /  will  give  over  the  city  and  its  contents,  and  one  shall  smite 
the  great  house  and  the  small  house~\  Utter  destruction  is  coming. 
The  great  house  in  connection  with  the  small  house,  means  either 
all  houses,  alike  of  rich  and  poor,  JJ  for  God  is  no  respecter  of 
persons ;  cf.  315  Is.  917 ;  or,  as  seems  better,  the  nation  Israel  and 
the  nation  Judah,§§  the  former  of  which  suffered  under  Shalmaneser, 
the  latter  under  Sennacherib.  —  Into  fragments  .  .  .  into  fissures'} 
The  distinction  suggested  that  the  destruction  of  the  great  house 
(whether  taken  of  the  rich,  or  of  Israel)  is  to  be  more  complete 
than  that  of  the  small  house   (i.e.  the   poor,  or  Judah),  is  not 
found  in  the  text.     The  second  word  is  as  strong  a  word  for  de 
struction   as   the   first.  — 12.    Do  horses  run  upon  crags?}    It  is 
just  as  unnatural  and  absurd  for  you  to  pervert  justice,  as  for  men 

*  Os.  +  Hi.  ||  Jus.,  Schro.  **  Ba.,  Reuss. 

t  Har.  §  Dathe,  Va.,  Ros.  IT  Ew.,  Dr. 

ft  The  collection  of  materials  on  conceptions  of  divine  names  among  primitive 
peoples  given  by  F.  J.  Coffin,  in  his  dissertation  on  the  Third  Commandment,  is 
of  interest  as  illustrating  the  last  clause  of  v.™ ;  see  JBL.  XIX.  166  ff.  Cf.  also 
Baumann's  sugg.  that  mrv  has  displaced  an  original  DTI^N  =  spirit  (i  S.  2818). 

It  Cal.,  Har.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Marti. 

§§  ZT,  Jer.,  Dahl,  Dathe,  Jus.,  Hd.,  Or.,  We. 


1 56  AMOS 

to  make  horses  run  upon  crags.*  We  are  not  to  understand  that 
the  rock  represents  the  hard  and  stubborn  people. t  —  Does  one 
plough  the  sea  with  oxen  ?~\  This  reading  (v.s.)  avoids  the  necessity 
of  supplying  an  important  word  in  thought  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  very  irregular  plural  form,  D'Hpa.  —  That~\  *3  can  scarcely  be 
rendered  but,  \  or  surely,  §  —  Ye  have  turned  justice  into  poison] 
Only  a  general  word  may  be  used,  since  the  exact  meaning  of  tf&O 
is  uncertain  (v.i.).  "  A  moral  order  exists  which  it  is  as  impossible 
to  break  without  disaster  as  it  would  be  to  break  the  natural  order 
by  driving  horses  upon  a  precipice."  ||  —  The  fruit  of  righteousness 
into  wormwood^  i.e.  what  would  be  good  and  helpful,  into  that 
which  is  bitter  and  injurious.  — 13.  Who  rejoice  in  that  which  is 
not~\  A  strong  effect  is  produced  by  using  vh  to  negate  a  noun 
(cf.  01?  vh,  bsrxb,  Dt.  3217  21;  trx  vb,  Is.  3i8).  The  people,  whom 
the  prophet  rebukes,  flatter  themselves  with  self-deception,  that 
which  is  imaginary,  not  real  ^[ ;  but  v.i.  —  Who  say,  Have  we  not 
taken  for  ourselves  horns  by  our  own  strength  ?~\  The  nation  is  rep 
resented  as  boasting  of  the  new  power  **  which  they  had  acquired 
under  Jeroboam  II. ;  ft  tne  horn  represents  power,  Je.  48^  Dt.  33" 
Ps.  755-10  8917.  An  utterance  of  pride,  similar  to  this,  is  placed  in 
Ephraim's  mouth,  Is.  9™.  Against  Graetz's  suggestion \\  that  xb 
•m  is  a  city,  viz.  Lo-debar,  2  S.  94f-  ly27,  and  Q-np  another  city 
(i  Mace.  526;  cf.  Ashteroth-Karnaim,  Gn.  i45  (§),  both  on  the 
east  of  Jordan,  and  that  the  boast  has  to  do  with  their  recent 
subjection  by  Jeroboam,  the  names  of  these  towns  being  selected 
because  of  their  peculiar  significance,  §§  may  be  said  :  ||  ||  (i)  the 
Hebrew  prophets  are  not  accustomed  to  speak  thus  of  victories, 
(2)  Pipb  is  not  the  proper  word  for  capturing  a  town,  but  rather 
izb,  (3)  b  npb  is  a  common  idiom  for  the  idea,  to  provide  oneself 
with  (cf.  Is.  81  Je.  362-28  Ez.  41  5*  Zc.  n15,  etc.)  ;  (4)  these  towns 
were  not  sufficiently  strong  to  warrant  such  a  reference  to  them,1ft[ 
(5)  °f-  515;  (6)  tne  unanimous  testimony  of  the  versions. — 
14.  Yea~\  or  surely,  goes  back  again  to  v.11  after  the  digression 


*  Dathe,  Schro.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Reuss,  Mil.,  Dr.  f  Cal.,  Os. 

t  Mit.  §  Hes.  ||  GAS.  U  Cal.,  Os.,  Geb.,  Ros. 

**  Geb.,  Har.,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Dr.  ft  Jus.,  Schro.,  Ba.,  Ke.,  Dr. 

It  So  We.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Elh.,  BDB.,  p.  520,  Marti.  §§  GAS.          ||||  Dr> 

HU  Cf.  however  GAS.  1. 176  ft 


vi.  12-14  i$7 

in  vs.12-13;  not  but*  nor  for  as  "justifying  the  low  estimate  of 
their  power,  expressed  in  v.13,"  f  nor  "  as  a  means  of  destroying 
you  in  spite  of  your  imagined  strength  "  ;  J  nor  therefore,  because 
of  your  self-confidence.  § — Behold]  Here,  as  so  often,  in  the 
announcement  of  the  climax.  —  /  am  raising  up]  Cf.  f  Hb.  ifl 
Is.  io5;  in  the  sense  of  giving  to  them  a  commission;  it  is  some 
thing  which  is  even  now  in  progress.  —  Against  you,  O  house  of 
Israel,  a  nation]  By  the  removal  of  the  clause  beginning  with 
DK3  the  object  nation  is  brought  nearer  the  verb.  This  nation 
was  of  course  Assyria;  cf.  s27  Is.  $™ff-  —  And  they  shall  crush 
you]  Cf.  Ex.  3°  Ju.  43  69  Nu.  2225. — From  the  entrance  to  Hamath] 
Cf.  2  K.  i4~5,  which  describes  the  restoration  of  Jeroboam  II.  in 
almost  the  same  words  ;  also  Nu.  34®,  which  indicates  this  as 
the  territory  promised.  This  was  the  pass  between  the  Lebanons, 
the  northern  limit  of  Israel's  territory.  Dan  was  at  its  mouth. 
—  Unto  the  stream  of  the  Arabah]  This  could  not  have  been 
the  Nile,  ||  nor  the  Dead  Sea^f  which  in  Nu.  343 12  is  the  southern 
border,  nor  the  river  Arnon;**  cf.  2  K.  I425;  nor  the  Kidron.ft 
We  must  decide  between  (i)  the  stream  of  Egypt,  i.e.  the  Wady- 
el-Arish,  Nu.  345 ;  j  J  (2)  the  sea  of  the  Arabah,  i.e.  Wady-el-Hasy, 
the  old  boundary  between  Moab  and  Edom,  which  flows  into 
the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea;§§  or  (3)  a  stream  flowing 
into  the  north  end  of  the  Dead  Sea ;  ||  ||  in  this  case  2  K.  I425 
would  mean  that  Jeroboam  II.  had  extended  his  kingdom  as 
far  as  the  Dead  Sea  (cf.  Dt.  3l6f').f1F 

In  many  forms  and  under  many  figures  the  poet  has  thus  pro 
nounced  the  doom  of  captivity.  With  each  new  effort,  he  has 
become  more  clear  and  definite  ;  and  with  this  direct  statement 
the  first  part  of  the  book  closes. 


*  AV.  J  Mit.  ||  Dathe.  **  Jus. ;  cf.  Hoffm. 

f  Dr.  $  Cf.  Geb.  U  Dahl.  ft  Ros.,  Schro.,  Mau.,  Hd. 

jj  Cf.  We.,  who  suggests  that  originally  the  reading  was  probably  onXD  Sru, 
and  that  the  present  text  is  the  work  of  a  later  writer  who  desired  to  exclude  Judah 
from  the  threatened  territory. 

$$  Hi.,  Gun.,  Now.,  Dr.  ||||  Mit.,  GAS. 

ill!  The  name  mijjn  Sm  occurs  only  here  ;  as  We.  notes,  the  southern  border 
is  onxo  Sru  when  Judah  is  included  and  nmpn  o^  when  it  is  excluded.  A 
D^anjn  Sru  is  mentioned  in  Is.  15"  as  the  boundary  between  Moab  and  Edom 
which  is  probably  not  referred  to  here. 


158  AMOS 

8.  r^-iDjD]  This  is  the  3  of  swearing;  cf.  Gn.  2i23  2216  Am.  814;  Ko.  391  a\ 
BDB.  89  f.;  his  soul  =  himself ;  cf.  Ps.  2513  Gn.  496,  etc.;  H.  8,  2«r,  rm.  (</). 
—  3NPD]  =  3>'nD.  Cf.  the  constant  interchange  of  *?>•  and  VN  ;  ^>'j  and 
VNJ;  z/.  BSZ.  577.  The  weakening  of  y  to  x  is  characteristic  of  the  later 
development  of  the  Semitic  languages  ;  it  is  especially  frequent  in  Assyrian, 
Mandaic,  Samaritan,  Phoenician,  and  the  later  stages  of  Ethiopic  and  Aramaic; 
cf.  Lindberg,  Vergleich.  Gram.  d.  sem.  Sprachen,  I.  21  f.  —  pNJJ  V.  note  of  Dr., 
pp.  238  f.  —  9.  irci]  The  i  marks  apod.,  H.  44,  2c.  — 10.  vm]  Most  com 
mon  force  in  Heb.  as  in  other  Semitic  dialects  (cf.  Assyr.  dddzf)  is  "loved  one"; 
so  Is.  51  and  Ct.  I13f-  et  passim  ;  but  the  meaning  "uncle"  is  well  attested; 
cf.  Lv.  io4  i  S.  H59;  so  also  in  Syriac.  A  broader  term,  e.g.  kinsman,  would 
seem  better  here  (Hi.,  Ba.,  Ke.,  Or.,  RV.  m.,  BDB.).  — wo::]  Cf.  I  K.  i827, 
jppforro;  La.  26,  •]•&  for  -p •  La.  44,  ens  for  DID;  28. 12'2,  JVM  for  JIDJ;  for  similar 
interchange  in  Aramaic,  cf.  Dalman,  Gram.  d.  jild.-pal.  Aram.,  p.  74.  This 
use  of  the  pron.  suf.  without  reference  to  an)  thing  already  mentioned  is 
awkward,  but  not  unknown;  cf.  Is.  17°  (where  the  text  should  probably  be 
emended  to  read  ip).  For  the  use  of  sg.  suffix  referring  to  pi.  antecedent, 
cf.  K6.  3480.— D3.x]  Used  absolutely,  GK.  152*,  cf.  Ew.8  §  322  £.—  on] 
Ordinarily  as  here  (Ju.  319  Am.  83  Hb.  2'20  Zp.  i7  Zc.  217)  an  interjection; 
cf.  Ne.  811  Nu.  I330  where  it  is  treated  as  a  vb. —  -v:nns]  On  construction, 
cf.  Ew.8  §295^;  Ko.  399/3.  —  sira]  D  of  interest,  K6.  212*;.  — 11.  D-D-DI] 

a.X.;   cf.  Ar.  .  u^  =  "a  fountain  choked  up  by  ruins";   and  the  related  root 

in  Assyr.,  resu  (DSI)  —to  shatter,  kill,  etc.;  cf.  p:n  and  Din,  and  trimi 
(Je.  517).  In  Ct.  52  the  same  word  has  the  sense  drops  (of  dew),  but  this 
must  come  from  another  DDT  (cf.  Ez.  4614).  Cf.  Hoffm.  ZAIV.  III.  115. 
On  use  of  ace.,  cf.  Ew.8  §  284  a,  (c)\  Ko.  327^.  — 12.  onpaa]  It  is  urged 
against  the  reading  31  ipas  (i)  that  the  pi.  anpa  appears  in  2  Ch.  43; 
cf.  Ne.  io37;  (2)  that  the  mention  of  oxen  in  connection  with  sea-ploughing 
is  superfluous;  (3)  that  the  absence  of  the  article  with  D"1  would  be  excep 
tional;  and  (4)  that  the  figure  would  be  too  bold  for  a  Semite;  cf.  Gun.; 
Ko.  254^.  —  trsi]  Written  tr^,  Dt.  3232.  Ho.  io4  and  Dt.  2917  show  that 
the  word  denotes  some  plant,  and  its  frequent  association  with  nj;-^  indicates 
that  it  was  of  a  bitter  (Ps.  6922)  and  probably  poisonous  nature.  Poison  is 
clearly  meant  in  Dt.  3233  Je.  814  Jb.  2O1G,  etc.  Some  have  thought  that  the 
poppy  was  the  plant  in  question  (T/ies. ;  G.  E.  Post,  DB.  II.  104). — 
13.  NSS]  GK.  1520,  N.;  Ew.8  §  286^;  H.  8,  2  d,  rm.  (/) ;  Ko.  3807  (T»N 
being  dropped  from  consciousness).  — 14.  nisoxn]  The  article  in  this  title 
is  exceptional.  The  full  title  niN2x[n]  inSx  mrp  occurs  26  times  in  O.  T., 
but  the  article  appears  with  msox  only  four  times,  viz.  Ho.  I26  Am.  313  614  95. 
It  occurs  six  times  in  Amos  without  the  article  (413  514.15.16.2758^  Q^ 
Ko.  295  i  and  285  a.  —  >u>]  "Indeterminate  for  the  sake  of  amplification" 
(as  in  Arabic)  =a  terrible  (?)  nation;  GK.  125  c.  —  NiuSn]  On  construc 
tion,  Ko.  406  c. 


vii.  1-9  i59 

§  11.  Three  visions  of  destruction,  y1'9.  These  three  visions 
were  probably  announced  at  Bethel  :  *  (i)  a  vision  of  devouring 
locusts,  the  destruction  stayed  by  the  interposition  of  Yahweh's 
hand  (71"3)  ;  (2)  a  vision  of  devouring  fire,  the  destruction  stayed 
again  by  the  interposition  of  Yahweh's  hand  (y4"6)  ;  (3)  a  vision 
of  a  plumb-line,  the  destruction  this  time  permitted  to  become 
complete  (77'9).f 

Contrary  to  the  usual  interpretation,  this  section,  like  those  which  have  pre 
ceded,  is  a  poem.  I  reached  this  conclusion  in  March,  1897  ;  see  BW*  Nov. 
1898,  pp.  333  ff.  ;  cf.  Elh.  De  profetie  van  Amos  (1899);  Lohr  (1901); 
Baumann  (1903).  The  form  and  style  are  in  many  respects  similar  to 
those  found  in  the  first  pieces  (chaps.  I  and  2).  The  poem  consists  of  three 
stanzas  of  nine  trimeters  each.  These  stanzas  present  in  common  a  remark 
able  symmetry,  each  falling  logically  into  three  subdivisions;  the  first  and 
second  are  strictly  parallel  throughout  :  — 


mm  -U-IN  -ox-in  na  mm  >j-m  ••jx-in  na 

jj  nxv  [mm]  njni  anS  Nip  rum 

c>pSn  niS?  nSnna  mm  >;-ux  ??sa 

xn  >mi  nai  oinn'nx  ^nxni 

N  SoxS  pSnn  nx  nSiixi 

xj~nSo  mm  ijix  icxi  xj'S-in  mm  -unx  insi 

xin  |iop  ^  apjp  oip^  ID  Nin  pop  13  apj?^  Dip1*  ^D 

mm  onj  nsr  Sy  mn^  onj 

n^nri  xS  mm  ^DN  ninn'x1?  x^n  DJ 


Of  the  nine  lines  five  in  each  are  practically  the  same;  in  the  remaining 
four  there  is  a  similarity  of  plan;  cf.  rum,  line  2,  the  forms  of  Sjx  in  lines 
4  and  5;  and  the  same  logical  division  comes  at  the  end  of  each  triplet.  Con 
cerning  the  corrections  of  the  text,  viz.  (i)  omission  of  -]scn  vj  inx  trp*?  njni 
(v.1)  and  (2)  the  reading  of  nSan  xn  >mi  (v.2),  v.i.  The  third  stanza  is  from 
its  nature  essentially  different,  and  yet  the  difference  is  one  of  thought  rather 
than  of  form.  With  the  omission  of  v.8°  (v.i.}  the  arrangement  is  as  follows  :  — 

iS  maj?  my  rpoix  N1?  ijson  no 

ax:  >jnx  njm 


anna  oyam  no    y  TDp)  ^jx  nt^  ^jjn  ijix  IDXM 

Sxitj"  >DJ?  anpa 

*  Note  the  suggestion  of  H.  P.  Smith,  Old  Testament  History  (1903),  p.  211,  that 
these  visions  belong  to  the  opening  of  Amos's  ministry. 

f  (i)  On  the  relationship  of  chs.  7-9  to  those  which  have  preceded,  see  Intro 
duction,  p.  cxxviii;  (2)  on  the  nature  of  the  vision  and  its  use  in  prophecy,  see 
references  on  p.  388. 


l6o  AMOS 

VII.  1-3.   A  vision  of  destroying  locusts,  whose  destructive  work 
is  stayed  by  Yahweh  upon  the  prophet's  urgent  intervention. 


1.  ixv]  <&  tTriyovrj  =  -Vi'  (so  also  Ba.,  Hoffm.,  Gu.,  We.3,  Marti);  so  &  and  & 
Pl?3.  Insert  mm  as  subject  of  ixv  (so  Oort,  Now.,  Elh.).  —  nVnn]  Baumann 
om.  —  T?cn  n:>  ins  trp1?  rum]  Read  p^.  for  a>ps  (so  Hoffm.,  We.,  Lohr; 
Che.,  Crit.  Bib.;  Marti).  ©  /SpoCxos  efs  Fw7  6  jSacrtXetfs;  'A.  8\j/i(j.o$  OTT/CTW 
rrjs  ydfys  TOV  /SacrtX^ws  ;  S.  /ecu  ws  elire'iv  &\f/t/j.os  /wera  TT);>  Kovpiiv  TOV 
/SacaX^tos;  G.  /cat  /Sot)  5i/a/.xos  yuerd  TT^V  Kovpav  TOV  ^SacrtX^ws.  Gr.  *•:)  PN  E'p'S. 
Oort,  p^  for  tfpS  (so  Val.).  Elh.  p^n  oj  nns  njni.  Volz  (7^2z.  XXV. 
1900,  p.  292)  BMpSon  'n"  "^L1-*  ^il^l  ;  cf.  Marti.  Schmidt  (EB.  4332),  ju  Y?D 
or  i^sn  ju.  Che.  {Crit.  Bib.}  Voni  oni  na^Ni  p1"  njn\  This  phrase  is  an 
explanatory  insertion  not  belonging  to  the  original  text,  as  appears  from 
the  form,  the  thought,  and  the  strophic  structure  (so  Now.,  Baumann).  — 
2.  ns:  DN  rrm]  Read  n-^p  NH  -TIM  (so  Torrey,  JBL.  XIII.  63;  We.3, 
Dr.,  Oort,  Em.;  Lohr;  cf.  GK.  H2uu;  but  cf.  Baumann).  We.1  ona  THI. 
Now.  T.PN3  \IM  or  o  •'.IM  (so  Elh.).  Val.  ox  TIM.  Oet.  -in:n  =  ijn  (cf.  Je.  i83). 
Volz,  L)^N[S]  nS  ^CNM.  Baumann  and  Marti  om.  n1?}  ON.  —  Nj~rV?D]  @ 
?Xews  YevoG;  U  propitius  esto,  obsecro  ;  <S  ^-Hl^*.  Gr.  xj~Sin,  as  in  v.6.  — 
=  Hiph'il  (so  also  Os.,  Dathe,  Gr.,  Seb.,  Oct.).  S.  T^  &v 
'Ia/cc6^3.  Cf.  the  frequently  occurring  phrase  a^pD  px  (e.g.  52). 
Oort,  aip;*?  for  oip^  ns  (so  Val.,  Now.  (?),  Elh.,  Oct.);  but  the  text 
may  well  stand.  —  3.  am]  ©  (j.eTa.v6r)<roi>  —  cnj  (Vol.)  or  arnn  (Va.);  so 

^7  "T 

misertus  est  ;  'A.  Trape/cX^r;;    2. 


1.  7%//j-  ^^  Z^r^/  Yahweh  showed  me~\  This  is  the  uniform 
introduction  to  all  the  visions  except  the  fifth  (9*).  There  is 
no  evidence  to  show  whether  the  vision  came  in  a  dream,  or  in 
ecstasy.  Indeed,  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  either  of 
these  methods  was  employed.  They  are,  nevertheless,  real 
visions,  since  the  writer  clearly  distinguishes  between  them  (to 
gether  with  the  fourth  vision  in  81'4)  and  the  historical  episode  in 
710"17.  —  Yahweh  was  forming]  Cf.  Gn.  27.  To  supply  Yahweh  as 
the  subject  brings  the  form  of  expression  into  harmony  with  the 
corresponding  line  of  the  second  stanza,  and  makes  unnecessary 
the  reading  of  iy.  (formation,  breed)  instead  of  the  participle, 
although  this  is  favored  by  (§&&  and  many  scholars  (v.s.).  The 
participle  shows  that  the  action  was  not  yet  finished.  —  Locusts~\ 
Perhaps,  here,  locusts  in  the  larval  stage.*  Reference  was  made 

*  See  Dr.,  pp.  82-91  (=  Excursus  on  Locusts)  ,  and,  in  addition  to  the  literature 
there  cited,  art.  "  Locusts,"  in  DB.  and  EB. 


vrr.  1-2  161 

in  49  to  the  sending  of  locusts  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  Israel 
to  see  the  error  of  her  ways.  This  was,  of  course,  an  act  of  mercy 
on  the  part  of  Yahweh.  But  here  the  mercy  "  appears  not  in 
sending  the  locusts,  but  in  withdrawing  them  before  they  had 
utterly  destroyed  the  vegetation  of  the  country.  It  is  the  same 
plague  viewed  from  two  slightly  different  standpoints,  from  the 
first  of  which  appears  the  active,  from  the  second  the  passive  side 
of  the  divine  mercy."  *  —  In  the  beginning  of  the  coming  up  of  the 
aftergrowth^  The  '  aftergrowth '  was  either  ( i )  the  second  growth, 
the  first  being  cut  off,  as  here,  for  taxes,  or  for  royal  use,f  or 
(2)  a  later  grass  which  started  up  in  March  and  April  under  the 
influence  of  the  late  spring  rains.  J  Ordinarily  grass  was  not 
cut  and  made  into  hay,  but  was  eaten,  as  it  grew,  by  the 
cattle.  §  Perhaps,  however,  in  this  case,  it  had  been  allowed  to 
grow  for  the  king's  levy  for  the  support  of  the  cavalry.  ||  — 
And  behold  there  were  full-grown  locusts  after  the  king's  mow 
ings^  This  is  undoubtedly  a  gloss  (v.s.)  intended  to  fix  more 
definitely  the  exact  time  of  the  invasion  of  locusts.  Does  this 
mean  the  king's  mowings,  which,  as  suggested  above,  were  levied 
for  the  army,  the  people  making  no  use  of  the  grass  until 
this  levy  had  been  taken  away?^[  This  seems  satisfactory,  yet 
some  take  *$  in  the  sense  of  shearings,  the  time  designated  being 
the  time  of  the  king's  sheeps hearing**  The  translation  locusts 
involves  a  change  of  text  based  upon  <&  (v.s.).  fftM,  has  after 
growth.  The  appearance  of  the  larvae  of  the  locust  in  the 
beginning  of  the  coming  up  of  the  aftergrowth,  and  of  fully 
developed  locusts  after  the  king's  mowings,  is  intended  to  rep 
resent  a  destruction  of  herbage  which  threatened  to  be  complete, 
since  the  latter  appeared  at  a  time  when  the  rains  were  all  past 
and  the  summer  heat  was  just  beginning.  —  2.  And  when  they 
were  making  an  end  of  devouring~\  Mitchell  contends  (i)  that 
,Tm  should  be  retained  instead  of  the  proposed  vn ;  (2)  that  it 


*  Mit.  f  Jus.,  New.,  Or.,  et  al.  \  Mit.,  GAS.,  Now. 

§  Burckhardt,  Travels  in  Syria,  246  ;  so  Mit.,  Now.,  and  others  ;  but  see 
Gun.  ( ThSt.  XVIII.  222  f.),  who  questions  the  statement  that  hay  was  unknown  in 
Palestine,  and  that  ^'ps  cannot  mean  aftergrowth,  and  cites  Ps.  yj'-  726  go6  to  show 
that  two  growths  of  grass  were  customary.  ||  WRS.  Sem.  246. 

IT  Ros.,  Ew.,  Ba.,  Now.,  Dr.  **  Hoffm.,  Mit. 


f62  AMOS 

has  the  inchoative  force  (cf.  Is.  44)  ;  (3)  that  to  suppose  that 
the  locusts  would  first  devour  the  herbage  and  then  proceed 
to  the  grass  is  to  make  a  distinction  between  atw?  and  ttfpb* 
(viz.  vegetables  and  grass)  *  which  does  not  exist,  and  also 
to  ignore  the  habits  of  locusts,  who  devour  everything  as  they 
go.  n*m  =  and  it  was  coming  to  pass,  i.e.  an  act  not  yet  com 
pleted.  This  is  better  than  the  suggestion  t  to  substitute  DIB  for 
DX ;  but  the  reading  n^aa  Kn  vn  (v.s.)  is  adopted  here  as  being 
still  more  plausible.  —  Forgive]  i.e.,  Israel  has  sinned;  the  locusts 
have  been  sent  to  punish  ;  the  punishment  having  been  inflicted 
in  part,  forgive  now  the  sins  on  account  of  which  it  was  sent.  — 
How  can  Jacob  stand]  The  interrogative  ""a  is  used  here  as  in 
Is.  5 119  —  as  who,  i.e.  in  what  condition  is  Jacob  that  he  should 
stand?|  The  reading  D'p1  (v.s.)  =  who  shall  raise  up  Jacob  ?  is 
not  necessary ;  nor  is  "ft  used  in  apposition  with  the  subject.  § 
Cf.  the  reading  cip'fc  (v.s.).  —  For  he  is  small]  Notwithstanding 
his  boasts  he  is  insignificant  in  the  sight,  not  only  of  God,  but  also 
of  men.  —  3.  Yahweh  repented  him  concerning  this]  The  usual 
anthropomorphic  expression  ;  cf.  v.6  i  S.  1 5s5  Jon.  39  Gn.  67  Jo.  214. 
—  It  shall  not  be]  The  utter  destruction  proposed  will  not  take 
place.  Perhaps  sufficient  infliction  has  now  been  given  to  bring 
Israel  to  a  realization  of  his  sins.  Cf.  the  similar  description  of 
Yahvveh's  method  of  work  with  Israel  in  chap.  4. 

The  first  vision  describes  graphically  a  visitation  of  locusts  sent 
upon  Israel  as  a  punishment,  which,  however,  because  of  the 
intervention  of  the  prophet  was  stayed  before  it  had  completely 
devoured  the  land.  The  prophet  had  in  mind,  according  to 
some,  an  attack  of  locusts ;  ||  according  to  others,  an  Assyrian 
invasion,  viz.  that  of  Pul  or  Tiglathpileser  III.,^[  or  past  punish 
ment,  of  whatever  kind,  which  had  been  only  partial.** 

1.  "m  rum]  The  equivalent  of  an  obj.  clause.  K6.  361  £•.  —  >ai]  From  the 
root  rnj  (not  found  as  such)  meaning  gather ;  cf.  UJ>>  =  N3J  (whence  N3>, 
Is.  3O14,  pool,  cistern} ;  Aram.  N33.  Three  nominal  forms  occur:  (i)  33  (in 
pi.),  Is.  33*;  also  (2)  3'v>,  Na.  317;  (3)  ou  orig.  vowels  a,  a;  cf.  GK.  86  z; 
Ols.  216  d\  Sta.  190  and  301  a.  —  >n]  Hoffm.  and  Mit.  render  shearings,  main- 

*  Hi.,  Ke.        +  Geb.,  Ros.,  Hd. ;  K6.  332*.         II  Pu.,  Mit.,  Dr.  **  We. 

t  We.  §  Hi.,  Dr.  H  Har.,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Hd. 


VII.  2-4  163 

taining  (i)  that  mowing  and  haymaking  are  and  always  have  been  unknown 
in  Palestine,  (2)  that  TJ  =  fleece  in  Dt.  i84  Jb.  ji20,  and  in  Ps.  72°  fleece 
suits  better  than  meadow.  But  as  We.  suggests,  (i)  the  king's  shearing 
would  take  place  at  the  same  time  as  that  of  other  people,  and  the  added 
genitive  would  be  superfluous,  (2)  the  rendering  mowing  is  made  probable 
by  its  occurrence  in  Arabic.  However,  Assyrian  gizzu  is  always  =  shearing, 
•wool.  —  2.  mm]  If  correct,  freq.  Dr.  §  120;  H.  25,  i  a;  but  better  as  above. 

—  ^axS  rtao]  On  the  use  of  the  infinitive,  GK.  1  14  #z;   Ew.8  285  <r;   H.  29,  4  a. 

—  3.   cnj]    Niph.  pf.;   cf.  Ar.  A-<V>  =  to  sigh  deeply,  groan  ;   with  L7  as  in 
v.6  Je.  86  Ex.  3212,  etc.,  sometimes  with  SN  Je.  263,  and  with  a  clause  intro 
duced  by  v,  Gn.  66f.  —  .-NT]    This  thing;  fern.  =  neut.  GK.  122  q.\   H.  2,  3; 
not  because  it  refers  to  a  plague.  —  mnr>]  Fern.;   cf.  TNT. 

4-6.  A  vision  of  destroying  fire,  whose  destructive  work  is  stayed 
by  Yahweh  upon  the  prophet's  urgent  intervention. 

P 

4.  ti'to  anS  Nip  run-]  <g  for  anS  has  r^  StKTjf  ;  J5  vlVi\;  &  j-icS; 
0.  KCU  6  /caXwi'  XT/P  BiKrjv;  3J  ^  ^^  vocabat  judicium  ad  ignem.  Ew.  inter 
prets  (so  Hi.,  We.,  Now.)  Nip  as  =  rnp  (Is.  3414).  Krenkel  (ZwTh.  IX. 
271)  C'S  ia'311?;  cf.  Dt.  322;  so  Oort  (TAT.  XIV.  121,  and  Em.},  Val.  ;  but 
as  Oct.  says,  301  is  not  so  used,  the  usage  being  as  in  Gn.  I924,  S>N  -PBCD. 
Gr.  B>Na  igaS.  Hoffm.  »N3  a^J  or  e>x  aanS;  cf.  Ps.  i814.  Elh.  and  Hal., 
B>N  nan^,  flame  of  fire.  Oct.  an^.  Riedel,  a>N  aoc'S  (Jb.  i85).  —  IJIN]  Gr.  om. 
as  dittog.  —  ^N'm]  Elh.  Vaxn  ICNM.  —  pSnn]  ©  adds  icvplov,  cf.  Dt.  329. 
F  inserts  «ww/.  Krenkel,  San  TNI  (ZwTA.  IX.  271;  so  Oort,  £/w.;  Val., 
Oct.).  Hoffm.  r^rn.  —  5.  NrSnn]  £>&  render  in  same  way  as  srnSo  v.2.  — 
6.  mnn  Ns]  ©  in  v.3,  OVK  etrrat,  here  ou  /AT)  ytvrjTai.  —  'nt  'N  ICN]  &  om.  as 
in  v.3. 


4.  77^  Z^r^/  Yahweh  was  calling  to  contend  by  fir  e~\  Cf.  Is.  6616. 
Yahweh  is  now  in  open  controversy  with  his  people.  This  repre 
sentation  is  not  infrequent  ;  cf.  Is.  313  Je.  29  Ho.  41  Mi.  612.  Call 
ing,  as  in  58  9",  =  giving  command.  Cf.  also  Is.  4813  Jb.  38™. 
It  is  Yahweh  who  is  calling,  not  an  angel,*  and  the  command  is 
that  punishment  shall  be  inflicted  by  fire  ;  in  other  words,  "  fire 
is  called  into  the  quarrel."  f  Other  suggestions  are  as  follows  : 
calling  (Israel)  to  strife  with  fire  ;  J  one  called  that  the  Lord 
Yahweh  would  punish  with  fire.  §  The  reference  in  any  case  is 
not  to  war,  ||  but,  as  the  context  plainly  shows,  to  summer  heat^" 
which  results  in  drought.  If  K"p  is  taken  as  =  rrp  (v.s.),  the 


*  Ew.          f  GAS.  J  Ba.  §  Ew.  |j  Hd.  II  We.,  Mit. 


1 64  AMOS 

meaning  is  (cf.  Dt.  25™  Is.  34")  Yahweh  meets  (i.e.  comes  near) 
to  strive ;  but  in  favor  of  the  ordinary  interpretation  is  (i)  the 
phrase  in  Am.  58,  (2)  the  parallel  in  Is.  4813;  cf.  Jb.  3834;  it  is 
true,  however,  that  these  are  all  late  passages. — And  it  devoured 
the  deep}  So  intense  is  the  drought  that  the  great  subterranean 
depths  which  supply  the  springs  and  streams  with  water  are  dried 
up.*  Cf.  On.  711  Dt.  3313  Ps.  24*.  For  similar  droughts,  cf. 
Jo.  i19-20  Ps.  8314  Is.  918.f  There  is  no  reference  to  large  bodies 
of  water  like  the  Jordan.  J  Elh.  supplies  "and  he  said,"  and  then 
reads  :  "  it  shall  devour  the  great  deep  and  it  shall  devour  the 
land."  — And  had  begun  to  devour  the  land"]  This  has  been  under 
stood  as  meaning  the  land  of  Israel,  i.e.  the  portion  assigned  by 
Yahweh  to  his  people  (cf.  Mi.  24  and  npbn  in  Am.  47)  ;§  by  others, 
as  the  cultivated  land  (cf.  Mi.  24  2  K.  9*°  36f-)  ;  ||  but  if  we  under 
stand  the  framework  of  the  land  in  distinction  from  sea,  i.e.  that 
which  is  apportioned  to  man  for  cultivation,^]"  we  obtain  the  climax 
which  Wellhausen  fails  to  see.** 

The  first  and  second  visions  are  parallel  with  the  list  of  inflic 
tions  in  46"11 ;  others  might  have  been  added,  but  these  two  were 
typical  of  all  the  efforts  which  had  been  made  to  turn  Israel  from 
her  evil  way.  The  fire  may  have  been  intended  to  represent  a 
more  severe  punishment  than  that  which  the  locusts  repre 
sented,  tf  While  there  is  no  reference  to  an  Assyrian  inva 
sion,!4:  the  two  represent  every  past  judgment  which  has  befallen 
Israel.  These  visions  are  not  premonitions  of  coming  disaster,  §§ 
but  rather  interpretations  of  actual  afflictions.  ||  || 

4.  anS]  Davidson  translates,  calling  fire  into  the  quarrel ;  but  see  GAS., 
p.  no;  H.  47,  3^/;  Ew.8  3380. — irx^]  On  force  of  art.,  cf.  K6.  299^. — 
nn->  "JIN]  On  peculiar  position,  cf.  Ew.8  306  </. —  Dinn  nx]  On  use  of  nx  and 
absence  of  art.,  K6.  293  c;  cf.  K6.  249  z,  on  feminine  gender.  —  nSoxi]  in  con- 
tin,  of  Sjxni  is  peculiar;  cf.  GK.  ii2#;  Dr.  §  120 n\  K6.  370^  =  it  had  just 
begun  to  eat,  i.e.  incipient  impf.  with  pluperfect  idea.  Cf.  Gun.  ( ThStt 
XVIII.  223  f.),  who  regards  this  as  indefensible  (either  a  slip  of  the  pen  01 
an  incorrect  phrase)  and  would  read  ^usm.  —  6.  XTTOJ]  Emph. 

*  Hoffm.,  We.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Now.  $  Geb.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  GAS.,  Dr. 

t  Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Book,  II.  228.          ||  Now. 

J  Geb.,  Ba.  U  Cal.,  GAS. 

**  Krenkel's  suggestion  of  Lirn,  the  world,  is  unnecessary.  \\  Or. 

ft  Cal.,  Dr.  JJ  Geb.,  and  many  others.  l|||  GAS. 


VII.  4-7  l6$ 

7-9.  A  vision  of  the  plumb  -line  t  whose  destruction  is  permitted 
to  become  complete. 

7.  'jxin]  Add  ^JIN  with  ©U  (so  Oort,  Em.;  Lohr,  Oct.).  —  -JJN  nmn] 
Read  nn'^n,  and  om.  "px  (so  Oort,  Gr.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Get.).  Val.  nan;. 
Hal.  fix  TI.  Riedel  sugg.  that  "px  is  an  abbreviation  of  ninx,  a  pun  being 
intended  here  as  in  81.  —  "px]  ©  dda/j-avrtvov,  dSd^as;  so  j$;  'A..ydi>(jj<ris; 
Q.  TT]K6fji.evov  ;  U  litum,  and  trulla  caementarii.  —  3SJ  ''Jix]  (§  om.  'JIN 
(so  Lohr);  <gAQms  and  Syr.-Hex.,  di/Tjp  ear^Kcus.  Hirscht  explains  (g's 
treatment  of  'j-ix  as  due  to  the  influence  of  the  similar  form  in  vs.1-4  and 
81,  and  perhaps  also  to  a  desire  to  avoid  the  anthropomorphism  of  ffttZT. 

—  8a.  is  a  gloss.  —  'JIN  icx11!]  Oort  (Em.*)  adds  ^x.  —  "iu>]  Hal.  sugg.  -1^7. 

—  9.    pnr11]   (H  TOU  7Awros,-  so  £>.     S.  roO  'IaKu>/3  (cf.  a  similar  change  by  (§ 
in  v.16).  —  iKnpc]  @  ai  reXerai.     Lohr  adds  nini  DNJ  at  close  of  v. 


7.  The  Lord  stationed  beside  a  wall~\  fE2T  reads  plumb-wall, 
but  this  is  very  difficult.*  According  to  this  interpretation  the 
picture  represents  the  Lord  as  a  builder,  and  describes  his  char 
acter.  The  wall  beside  which  he  stands  is  a  token  of  his  work, 
i.e.  it  is  built  by  a  plumb-line  ;  it  is  an  ideal  wall.  It  is  only  this 
kind  of  work  which  he  will  countenance.  His  work  must  be 
exact.  t  But  all  this  is  exactly  contrary  to  facts,  since  the  wall  is 
condemned.  The  rendering  of  "^K  by  "  adamant,"  J  referring  to 
the  unchangeableness  of  God's  decrees,  or  by  "  sling  "  §  as  more 
striking  and  as  representing  (v.8)  the  beginning  of  war,  or  by 
"  plaster  "  ||  may  not  be  accepted.  The  "  wall  "  can  hardly  be 
taken  allegorically  as  representing  the  people  of  Israel  ;  nor  is  the 
plumb-line  intended  to  signify  the  law  or  revelation.^"  It  is 
equally  impossible  to  render  the  phrase  "wall  together  with  a 
plumb-line  "  or  a  "  wall  built  to  the  plummet."  **  We  may  there 
fore  suppose  that  the  word  "  plummet,"  which  occurs  legitimately 
in  the  next  phrase,  has  crept  in  here  by  mistake.  —  With  a  plumb- 
line  in  his  hand~\  i.e.  the  purpose  of  the  builder  is  to  test  the 
character  of  the  wall,  in  order  to  determine  whether  it  has  been 
built  thoroughly  and  exactly  (cf.  Is.  2817).  There  is  here  an  antici 
pation  of  the  work  of  destruction  which  is  to  be  spoken  of  later, 
for  walls  were  destroyed  by  plumb-line,  i.e.  thoroughly  ft  (La.  28 
Is.  34n  2  K.  2  113).  It  is  not  enough  to  understand  that  the  plumb- 

*  Cf.  We.  t  ffi*.  Stru.        ||  Schegg.       **  Ke.,  GAS.,  Dr. 

t  Cf.  Sm.  SK.}  1876,  pp.  622  f.  n.       §  Staudlin.       H  Geb.  ff  Hi.,  Pu. 


166  AMOS 

line  indicates  the  measurement  of  that  part  of  the  wall  which  is 
to  be  destroyed.*  —  8.  I  am  setting  a  plumb-line  in  the  midst  of 
my  people  Israel^  The  builder  will  test  the  structure,  and  that 
which  does  not  stand  the  test  shall  be  destroyed  (cf.  texts  cited 
above).  —  And  I  will  not  again  pass  by  them  any  more]  In  the 
former  visions  Yahweh  had  permitted  the  intercession  of  the 
prophet,  but  now  any  request  to  this  effect  is  anticipated  and  shut 
off.  To  pass  by  or  over  is  to  pardon  (Mi.  y18  Pr.  i9n).  Hoffmann's 
translation  of  TD17  by  "  harvest  "  has  nothing  in  its  favor.  —  9.  The 
high  places^  Down  to  the  days  of  Josiah  the  nation  worshipped 
Yahweh  regularly  and  legitimately  upon  the  so-called  high  places.  f 
These  were  natural  or  artificial  eminences  chosen  as  being  nearer 
the  abode  of  the  gods.  Other  nations  had  followed  this  same 
custom  (Dt.  i22;  cf.  also  Is.  i52  i612,  and  the  Mesha-stone,  1.  3). 
On  these  high  places,  an  altar  was  raised,  which  was  attended  by 
priests  (i  K.  i231ff-  i332f')«  When,  in  and  after  Josiah's  time,  the 
centralization  of  the  worship  had  been  effected,  in  connection  with 
the  publication  and  acceptance  of  Deuteronomy,  a  ban  was  placed 
upon  worship  at  the  high  places.  But  in  the  days  of  Amos  this 
centralization  had  not  taken  place.  When,  therefore,  he  speaks 
reprovingly  of  the  worship  conducted  at  these  places,  it  is  not 
because  of  the  many  places  as  distinguished  from  one  place,  but 
because  of  the  unsatisfactory  (i.e.  unspiritual,  perfunctory)  char 
acter  of  the  worship.  —  Of  Isaac~\  A  synonym  used  by  Amos  alone 
for  Israel.  It  may  include  Judah,  but  not  Edom.  J  Many  sugges 
tions  have  been  made  touching  the  use  here  of  this  word,  e.g. 
(i)  because  Isaac's  example  was  often  quoted  in  support  of  this 
idolatrous  practice  ;  §  (2)  with  reference  to  the  meaning  of  the 
word  "  mockery"  as  descriptive  of  the  worship  here  conducted  ||  ((§, 
followed  by  Jerome  and  Theodoret,  treats  the  word  as  an  appella 
tive,  "mockery")  ;  (3)  for  the  altar  at  Beersheba,  built  by  Isaac 
(Gn.  2625),  greater  antiquity  and  authority  were  claimed  than  for 
the  worship  at  Jerusalem  ;  f  (4)  to  contrast  "  their  deeds  with  the 
blameless,  gentle  piety  of  Isaac."  **  The  spelling  pnt^  for  prar, 


*Ew. 

f  See  my  Constr.  Studies  in  the  Priestly  Element  in  the  O.  T.,  pp.  74  ff.,  and 
literature  cited  on  pp.  78  ff.     Now.  Heb.  Arch.  II.  12-14. 

J  So  We.  §  Cal.,  Os.  ||  Geb.  1  Har.  «*  Pu. 


VII.  8-9  1  67 

found  in  v.16  and  in  Ps.  io59  Je.  3326,  has  been  thought  to  be  pro 
vincial,*  and  to  cast  ridicule  on  the  idol-worship.t  —  And  the 
sanctuaries  of  Israel  shall  be  laid  waste'}  The  exactness  of  the 
parallelism  is  to  be  noted;!  but  the  order  is  chiastic.  —  And 
I  will  rise  up  against  the  house  of  Jeroboam  with  the  sword~\ 
Cf.  Ho.  i4.  Drought  was  the  punishment  pictured  in  the  first 
vision,  locusts  in  the  second,  and  now  the  sword  in  the  third  ;  cf. 
the  parallel  in  46"11.  The  prediction  is  plainly  one  against  Jero 
boam's  dynasty  ;  the  great  destruction  is  coming  in  Jeroboam's 
time  ;  and,  in  the  prophet's  mind,  the  destruction  of  the  dynasty 
and  that  of  Israel  are  synonymous.  The  ruin  of  Jeroboam's  house 
is  not  an  incident  in  the  general  destruction,  but  the  climax.  The 
sword  stands  for  the  Assyrian  army;  cf.  6U.  The  application  in 
the  third  vision  is  made  directly  to  Israel.  One  application  serves 
for  all  three  visions. 

7.  2Xj]  Indicates  something  more  formal  and  fixed  than  IE?  (Dr.).  — 
•px  vrai]  Characteristic  Hebrew  idiom,  cf.  Is.  6Ga  2  S.  I61  Zc.  25  2  Ch.  2619. 
For  order  of  words  in  circ.  cl.  cf.  H.  45  rm.  (</);  K6.  362  c  ;  GK.  156^.  On 
meaning  of  IJN,  cf.  Lag.  BN.,  p.  175,  1.  5  ;  Jensen,  Hitliter  u.  Armenier, 
p.  209;  Dl.  HWB.  p.  101  ;  Riedel,  p.  31.  —  8.  DIP  >JJ-i]  Ptcp.  refers  to 
present,  not  to  future  time.  —  -nj?  rpDiN  ^]  Usual  idiom  to  express  the  idea 
of  doing  (or  not  doing)  a  thing  once  more,  e.g.  52  713  Dt.  519  Gn.  81'2  Is.  2312, 
etc.  —  V  -or]  Pass  by,  forgive,  cf.  :np2  -ay  (517),  pass  through,  destroy.  — 
9.  ictt'j]  Other  words  expressing  the  idea  of  waste,  desolation  are  a  in,  3Ni, 
3  of  instrument. 


§  12.  An  Accusation  and  a  Reply,     y10"17. 

(1)  The  priest  of  Bethel,  to  whose  ears  have  come  the  words 
of  Amos's  utterances,  charges  him  to  the  king  as  a  conspirator; 
and,  acting  doubtless  for  the  king,  orders  him  to  leave  Bethel, 
the  king's  headquarters,  and  return  to  Judah. 

(2)  The  prophet  Amos,  in  reply  to  the  charges  of  the  priest, 
asserts  that  he  is  not  one  of  the  prophetic  guild,  but  a  herdsman 
sent   by  Yahvveh   directly  to    speak   to    Israel  ;    and,    acting   as 
Yahweh's  spokesman,  declares  the  fate  of  the  priest,  his  family, 
and  his  country. 

*  Va.,  SchrS.  t  Ros. 

J  D^anpn  =  nina  ; 


1 68  AMOS 

This  passage  has  always  until  recently  (see  my  strophic  arrangement  in 
BW.,  Nov.  1898,  pp.  333-8)  been  taken  as  a  piece  of  historical  prose  thrown 
in  between  the  first  and  second  groups  of  visions.  It  is  clear  that  it  is  an 
episode  growing  out  of  former  utterances  of  Amos  (cf.  Riedel's  suggestion 
that  710-17  was  placed  after  7°  because  the  name  Jeroboam  occurs  nowhere  else 
in  the  book).  At  first  sight  it  would  seem  to  be  prose  ;  and  yet  mere  prose 
would  scarcely  be  expected  even  in  an  episode  if  we  remember  (i)  the 
very  early  date  of  the  work  of  Amos,  and  the  tendency,  at  this  early  date, 
to  describe  all  events  in  poetry;  cf.  Ju.  chap.  5,  Ex.  I51'18;  (2)  the  fact  that 
Amos  in  his  introductory  address,  which  was  prosaic  enough  from  one  point 
of  view,  and  very  monotonous,  nevertheless  adopted  the  poetic  form  and 
worked  out  the  various  statements  in  so  careful  a  manner  as  to  make  them 
seem  almost  artificial.  If,  now,  we  note  still  further  (3)  the  many  parallelisms 
which  the  passage  contains  ;  (4)  the  logical  division  into  two  parts  (vs.1(M3 
and  vs.14"17);  (5)  the  triple  division  of  the  first  part,  viz.  v.10  six  lines,  v.11 
three  lines,  vs.12-  13  six  lines  ;  (6)  the  similar  triple  division  of  the  second 
part,  viz.  vs.14- 15  six  lines,  v.16  three  lines,  v.17  six  lines ;  and  (7)  the  measure 
of  the  first  part,  regular  trimeter,  and  that  of  the  second,  regular  tetrameter,  we 
have  sufficient  data  for  supposing  that  this  was  originally  intended  to  be  poetry. 
The  artistic  skill  which  put  the  accusation  in  a  trimeter  movement,  and  the 
strong  and  terrible  reply  in  the  heavier  and  statelier  tetrameter  is  charac 
teristic  of  Amos.  The  symmetry  is  throughout  extraordinary.  Lohr  (1901) 
also  maintains  the  poetical  character  of  this  narrative  and  arranges  it  in  five 
strophes  of  four  lines  each,  the  introductory  statements  in  vs.10-12- 14- 17  being 
regarded  as  prose  :  str.  I  =  vs.10  n  ;  str.  2  =  vs.12- 13 ;  str.  3  —  vs.14- 15  ;  str.  4 
=  v.16  j  str.  5  =  v.17.  But  this  arrangement  involves  (i)  the  omission  of 
mm  I*?K  10*01  from  v.15 ;  (2)  the  omission  of  inmx  SJ?D  nSj->  nSj  SN-WI  from 
v-17;  (3)  considerable  irregularity  in  the  length  of  lines;  (4)  the  treat 
ment  of  "\ON  nnx  as  a  line,  although  the  corresponding  line,  mm  ION  HD  pS, 
in  v.17  is  not  counted.  Elhorst  (1900)  treats  the  passage  as  poetry  and 
arranges  it  in  three  strophes  :  (i)  vs.10~15  =  18  lines  ;  (2)  vs.16-17a  =  6  lines ; 
(3)  v.176  =  3  lines.  This  arrangement  exhibits  neither  symmetry  nor  logic. 
See  also  Baumann's  strophic  arrangement.  For  a  discussion  of  the  authen 
ticity  and  date  of  this  portion  of  the  book  of  Amos  v.  pp.  cxxiv,  cxxix. 

10.  p:i]  {£  N3n  as  usual.  —  "^P]  S.  Avt-jrco-ev  dvarapao-cro,  a  corruption  of 
iirolr)ffev  tivrapffiv  (v.  Field,  Hex.\  — 11.  niD\j  Gr.  adds  n^3.  — 12.  nrn] 
(&  6  opu>v ;  U  qui  vides. —  onS  .  .  .  SON]  d§  Karaftiov.  — 13.  Nin]  Lohr  and 
Baumann  om.  the  second  time.  — 14.  -OJN]  <5J5  om.  the  second  (so  also 
Lohr  and  Baumann).  —  ipis]  Lit.  cow-herd,  is  inconsistent  with  JNX  in 
v.15,  and  must  therefore  either  be  changed  to  ipu,  cf.  i1  v'so  Hi.,  Gr., 
We.,  Gun.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Now.,  Oort,  Em.;  Elh.,  Lohr,  Oct.,  Baumann),  or  be 
taken  in  a  general  sense,  the  larger  including  the  lesser.  —  D'DptP  oSiai] 
2.  €xwi>  <TVKOfji.6pov3.  QL  NnS^cb  >S  fpptri,  and  adds  "  because  of  the  sins  of 
the  people  Israel,  I  afflict  my  soul."  —  15.  nnND]  <&  IK;  "$  cum  seguerer. 


VII.  lo-n  169 

=  hy  (so  also  Elh.,  Oort,  Em.\  Oct.).  — 16.  «|V3n  K1?]  ©  otf  ^ 
s,  perhaps  =  rfc^n  (Vol.),  cf.  <&&,  i^Sn  (v.  Seb.  j»  /<?<:.).  U  non 
stillabis;  S.  ov/c  ^Trtrt/i^ets  ;  'A.  ou  <TTaAd£ets  =  fEE.  —  pns"]  @  'lairri/S; 
U&  =  v.9.  — 17  a.  nj?n  -vya]  Hoffm.'s  reading,  rwn  1^2,  is  unnecessary,  and 
is  rightly  objected  to  by  Gun.  because :  (i)  ~\y  =  ix  only  in  Aramaic  (Dn.  416) ; 
(2)  nj?  with  3  is  not  used  to  express  such  an  action;  (3)  other  words,  e.g. 
'Mir,  are  regularly  used  to  denote  violation  of  this  sort ;  (4)  i!HC  is  per 
fectly  clear.  Hal.  njyn.  — 17  b.  Lohr  and  Baumann  om.  last  clause.  (OF  adds, 
from  beginning  of  chap.  8,  the  words :  oi/rws  e5ei£^  /xoi  Ki/ptos. 

10.  And  Amaziah  the  priest  of  Bethel^  This  outbreak  led  by 
the  priest,  perhaps  a  high  priest  (certainly  not  the  only  priest), 
was  provoked  by  the  scathing  words  which  now  for  some  time 
Amos  had  been  preaching.  It  is  not  impossible  to  suppose  that 
the  interruption  was  due  immediately  to  the  utterance  of  v.9.* 
But  from  the  beginning  the  prophet  had  antagonized  the  priestly 
order.  The  interests  of  the  priest  were  identical  with  those 
of  the  king.  —  Amos  has  conspired  against  thee~\  The  prophet  is 
not  charged  with  having  entered  into  actual  conspiracy ;  but 
rather  with  conduct  of  a  deceitful  and  seditious  character  which 
would  produce  conspiracy.  —  The  land  is  not  able  to  contain  all 
his  words~\  Either  the  land  is  too  small,  |  the  prophet's  words 
being  too  many  and  too  atrocious ;  or,  the  people  cannot  endure 
the  prophet's  work,  because  it  is  so  hostile,  the  priest  thus  pro 
claiming  in  hyperbolical  fashion  his  own  thought  as  that  of  the 
people.  — 11.  Jeroboam  shall  die  by  the  sword~\  The  words  of 
Amos  here  quoted  by  the  priest  contain  only  the  subject  of  his 
preaching,  and  this,  indeed,  is  given  in  a  form  which  would  be 
most  likely  to  incite  the  king,  for  it  will  be  noted  that  (i)  the 
actual  statement  of  Amos  was  not  personal ;  he  said  the  house 
of  Jeroboam  (79),  |  although,  while  Jeroboam  was  still  alive  he  was 
the  principal  member  of  the  house  ;§  (2}  the  reasons  for  Amos's 
words  are  not  given,  viz.  Israel's  sins  and  the  prophet's  inter 
cession.  Perhaps,  on  the  other  hand,  no  concise  statement  of 
this  kind  could  be  more  accurate,  and  it  may  therefore  be  an 
injustice  to  charge  the  priest  with  distorting  or  perverting  the 
prophet's  words.  ||  —  Israel  shall  surely  go  away  into  captivity"] 

*  Ke.,  We.        f  Va.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Dr.         §  Hi.,  Ke.,  We. 

I  Os.(  Geb.,  Har.,  Jus.,  Schro.,  Pu.  ||  So  Now. ;  per  contra  GAS.,  Dr. 


I/O  AMOS 

These  words  had  been  uttered  by  the  prophet  many  times; 
cf.  56-27  67. — 12.  And  Amaziah  spoke  unto  Amos']  This  message 
was  sent  by  the  priest  to  Amos,  either  (i)  because  his  words 
to  the  king  produced  no  effect,  and  he  was  compelled  there 
fore  to  act  upon  his  own  authority;*  or  (2)  after  the  message 
had  been  sent  to  the  king  and  before  the  answer  had  been 
returned ;  in  this  case  they  were  prompted  by  a  friendly  desire 
to  have  the  prophet  avoid  the  king's  wrath,  f  or,  as  seems  most 
plausible,  (3)  on  the  authority  of  the  king,  the  statement  to  that 
effect  being  omitted ;  J  such  ellipses  in  conversation  are  very 
common;  cf.  Is.  y10"13.  There  is  no  evidence  (4)  that  an  un 
satisfactory  answer  had  been  received  from  the  king,  and  is 
left  unmentioned  because  it  was  unsatisfactory.  §  —  O  thou  Seer  /] 
Cf.  the  rendering,  visionary.  \\  The  history  of  nrn  is  brief  :f  in 
pre-exilic  literature  it  is  used  only  of  Gad  (28.  2411,  cf.  i  Ch.  2i9) ; 
in  later  literature  it  occurs  2  Ch.  29^  (Gad),  i  Ch.  2$5  (Heman), 
2  Ch.  <f  i215  (Iddo),  i92  (Jehu,  son  of  Hanani),  29'°  (Asaph), 
3515  (Jeduthun),and  (in  the  plural)  Is.  29™ 30™  Mi.  37  2  Ch.3318-19. 
The  other  word  translated  seer,  Hfcjh,  is  said  (i  S.  9°)  to  be  the 
oldest  designation  for  prophet,  and  is  used  as  a  title  only  of 
Samuel  (i  S.  9»-"-™-™  i  Ch.  922  2628  29*),  of  Hanani  (2  Ch.  i67-10), 
and  in  plural,  Is.  30™.  Amos  had  just  announced  three  visions ; 
it  was  appropriate  to  apply  to  him  this  title ;  **  but  it  is  also 
probable  that  mockery  was  intended,  much  as  if  we  should  say, 
"  O  thou  gazer  !  "  |t  —  Go,  flee  thee  to  the  land  of  Judah]  This 
is  not  the  advice  of  a  friend ;  but  the  command  of  one  in  au 
thority.  In  Judah,  the  prophet's  own  land,  he  might  say  con 
cerning  Israel  what  he  pleased.  —  Eat  bread  there  and  prophesy 
there~\  To  understand  this  it  must  be  noted  (i)  that  in  the  ear 
lier  days  there  were  soothsayers,  rather  than  prophets,  %  |  whom 
the  people  consulted  about  the  affairs  of  life,  making  a  gift  for 
the  privilege  of  the  consultation  (cf.  i  S.  97'8)  ;  (2)  that  these 
soothsayers  constituted  local  guilds  (i.e.  the  schools  of  the  proph 
ets),  and,  for  the  most  part,  restricted  their  work  to  a  particular 
locality,  securing  their  livelihood  by  means  of  the  gifts  received, 

*  Dr.          f  Ros.          J  Ew.          §  Cal.  ||  GAS.          f  See  Dr.,  p.  206. 

**  Dahl,  Mit.,  Dr.,  Da.  (DB.  IV.  109).  ft  Merc.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Dr. 

JJ  Cf.  Da.,  art.  "  Prophecy  and  Prophets,"  DB. 


VII.  12-14  I71 

i.e.  from  charity;  (3)  that  in  later  times  the  great  mass  of 
the  so-called  prophets  were  only  soothsayers  of  this  character, 
receiving  rewards  from  the  people  for  speaking  according  to 
their  wishes  (cf.  Is.  3o10  Mi.  35  Ez.  i319  i  K.  2213  Je.  2316-17  28" 
298f)  ;  (4)  that,  in  every  case,  those  whom  time  has  shown  to 
be  true  prophets  were,  like  Amos,  bold  in  their  utterance,  and 
regardless  of  public  opinion.  The  priest  is  anxious  to  dismiss 
Amos,  for  he  supposes  him  to  be  a  soothsayer,  and  therefore 
one  who  is  in  sympathetic  touch  with  the  masses  of  the  people, 
and  these,  as  always,  are  ready  to  rise  against  those  who  are 
in  authority.  He  orders  him  to  go  to  Judah,  where  he  will  have 
no  difficulty  in  making  a  livelihood  by  uttering  invectives  against 
Israel,  for  the  people  of  Judah  will  be  pleased  to  hear  of  any 
calamity  which  threatens  Jeroboam  II.  —  13.  But  at  Bethel  thou 
shaft  no  longer  prophesy}  Cf.  212.  Then  follow  two  reasons  for 
this  banishment:  (i)  Bethel  is  the  place  of  the  king's  sanctuary, 
i.e.  the  principal  headquarters  in  the  kingdom  for  the  national 
religion;  and  (2)  it  is  the  royal  residence;  these,  of  course, 
were  the  very  reasons  why  Amos  desired  to  preach  in  this  place. — 
14.  And  Amos  answered  and  said~\  With  these  words  the  move 
ment  leaves  the  lighter  trimeter,  and  becomes  a  heavier,  more 
sonorous  tetrameter.  The  opening  words  are  strong :  /  am  no 
prophet,  nor  a  prophefs  son,  etc.~\  "  Amos  was  the  founder  and 
the  purest  type  of  a  new  phase  of  prophecy."*  The  use  of  the 
past  tense,  /  was  no  prophet,  etc.  (i.e.  when  I  was  called),  to 
avoid  a  contradiction!  with  v.15,  is  based  upon  a  misconception 
of  the  meaning  of  the  prophet's  words,  which  is,  "  I  am  not  a 
prophet  by  profession,  nor  am  I  a  member  of  a  prophetic  guild."  J 
The  literal  use  of  the  phrase,  prophet's  son,  has  been  defended  § 
on  the  ground  that  among  false  prophets  the  office  was  trans 
mitted  from  father  to  son ;  but  for  this  no  evidence  exists.  The 
other  interpretation  depends  upon  (i)  the  general  use  of  the 
word  "  son  "  in  Semitic  in  the  sense  of  belonging  to,  (2)  the  name 
applied  to  the  companies  of  prophets  at  Bethel,  Gilgal,  etc. 
(cf.  i  K.  2035  2  K.  23-5-7-15,  etc.).  — A  shepherd  am  /]  See  on  i1. 


*  We.  Pro!.  472.  t  So  (PS,  Ros.,  Schro.,  AV.,  RV.,  Dr. 

I  ye:,  Cal.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  We.,  Mit.,  Dr.,  GAS.  §  Har. 


1 72  AMOS 

—  And  a  dresser  of  sycamores']  This  occupation  was  of  the 
lowest  in  rank,  and,  joined  with  that  of  herdsman,  it  indicates  the 
humble  origin  of  the  prophet,  obn  has  been  thought  *  to  refer 
to  the  "  piercing  "  of  the  fruit  in  order  that  it  might  ripen ;  but 
the  verb  is  better  understood  as  signifying  "  to  tend  or  dress 
the  fruit  of  the  sycamores  "  (v.i.).  This  fruit  resembles  a  small 
fig,  although  it  is  very  insipid  in  taste.  The  tree  "  grew  abun 
dantly  in  the  mild  climate  of  the  Shephelah,  or  Maritime  Plain 
(i  K.  lo27  i  Ch.  2y28),  as  it  does  still  in  that  of  the  deep  Jordan 
valley;  in  Egypt,  where  it  also  grew  (Ps.  y847),  and  where  it  is 
found  still,  its  wood  was  used  for  doors,  boxes,  coffins,  and  articles 
of  furniture  (Wilkinson-Birch,  Anc.  Eg.  II.  416).  It  attains  the 
size  of  a  walnut  tree,  has  wide-spreading  branches,  and,  on  account 
of  its  shade,  is  often  planted  by  the  wayside  (Lk.  ip4).  The  fruit 
grows,  not  on  the  branches,  but  on  little  sprigs  rising  directly 
out  of  the  stem,  and  in  clusters  like  the  grape  —  it  is  something 
like  a  small  fig  in  shape  and  size,  but  insipid  and  woody  in 
taste"  (Driver,  p.  207).!  — 15.  Go,  prophesy  against  my  people, 
Israel^  It  was  while  he  was  following  his  occupation  that  the  mes 
sage  of  Yahweh  came  to  him,  a  message  which  he  could  not  refuse 
to  obey,  a  command,  indeed,  to  go  north  to  Israel,  and  to  preach 
against  her.  The  prep.  b$  is  euphemistic  for  btt  (cf.  v.16).  This 
usage  in  a  bad  sense  (cf.  Je.  26"  ff-  288  Ez.  62)  is  clearly  indicated 
by  the  context,  j  "  There  is  a  note  of  yearning "  in  the  suffix 
<_  of  "tel?  (cf.  "  thy  "  in  915).  §  — 16.  Now,  therefore'}  All  that  has 
been  said  thus  far  is  preliminary,  the  real  word  is  yet  to  be 
spoken. —  Thou  sayesf]  A  marked  antithesis  is  made  between  the 
thou  sayest  of  Amaziah  and  the  Yahweh  hath  said  (v.17). —  Thou 
shalt  not  preach}  tpj  in  Hiph.  is  here  first  used  of  prophecy 
(cf.  Mi.  2tt11  Ez.  2i2-7  Jb.  2922  also  Ct.  416  Dt.  322).  The  transfer 
of  drop  to  preach  may  rest  upon  the  idea  that  the  word  of 
prophecy  drops  refreshingly  like  dew  upon  the  obedient,  weari 
somely  upon  the  disobedient ;  ||  or,  better,  may  have  been  suggested 
by  the  flow  of  prophetic  speech  when  in  the  ecstasy.^"  The 
verb  is  here  essentially  synonymous  with  KS3  of  the  parallel  clause, 

*  ®F,  Ba. ;  cf.  Lagarde,  Mit,  I.  68  f. ;  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  396  ;   Mit.,  Dr. 
t  Cf.  G.  E.  Post,  art.  "  Sycamore,"  DB.  ||  Pu. 

t  Mau.,  We.  §  Mit.  H  Dr. 


VII.  H-I7  173 

and  does  not  carry  with  it  any  contemptuous  idea.  —  17.  Thy 
wife  shall  be  a  harlot  in  the  city~\  This  does  not  imply  that  she 
is  already  one  of  the  Wtfip  of  Baal  ;  *  or  that  she  shall  enter 
voluntarily  into  whoredom,  in  order  to  obtain  her  accustomed 
luxuries;!  or  that  she  will  be  seduced  by  the  conquerors;!  but 
that  she  shall  be  forcibly  ravished,  §  and  that  in  the  city,  i.e.  in 
public  (cf.  i13  Is.  i316  La.  5"  Zc.  i42),  the  disgrace  being  all  the 
greater.  ||  —  Thy  sons  and  thy  daughters  shall  fall  by  the  sword~\ 
i.e.  thy  children.  The  daughters  were  generally  taken  as  wives  for 
the  soldiers,  but  the  punishment  is  here  extraordinary.  —  Thy  land 
shall  be  divided  by  line~]  This  distribution  of  land  to  colonists  was 
in  accordance  with  the  Assyrian  policy  after  the  time  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  (cf.  2  K.  iy24  Mi.  24  Je.  612).  The  line  was,  of  course, 
the  measuring-line.  —  Thou  shalt  die  in  an  unclean  soil']  This 
is  characteristic  of  the  early  Israelitish  thought.  Any  land  in 
which  Yahweh  was  not  present  was  unclean  (i  S.  2619).  More 
over,  Yahweh  could  not  be  present,  unless  he  could  be  properly 
worshipped  (cf.  Ho.  g3-*  Ez.  413).^T  The  reference  is  probably 
to  Assyria.  It  was  for  this  reason,  in  part,  that  no  place  of  wor 
ship  was  established  in  Babylon  during  the  exile.  —  Israel  shall 
surely  go  into  captivity  away  from  his  land~\  The  very  words 
(v.11)  with  which  Amaziah  had  charged  him  are  now  repeated. 
This  shows  his  daring.  These  words  were,  after  all,  the  sum  and 
substance  of  his  preaching.  Perhaps  he  expected  the  captivity 
immediately.  In  any  case,  about  twenty-five  years  passes  before 
Tiglathpileser  III.  attacks  Israel,  and  thirty-five  before  Samaria 
is  destroyed  by  Sargon. 


10.  Sain]  From  *?ai;  cf.  Arabic  <5  .  The  -i  of  the  preformative  has 
arisen  through  a  depression  of  the  vowel  from  h^  (ground-form  yaukhal 
-  yawkhal}  ;  GK.  69  r\  so  Ko.  I.  i,  36,  2;  Bottcher,  §  475  f.,  Bickell,  §  33, 
Stade,  §486.  On  the  basis  of  the  proper  name  Srnrv  (Je.  37";  cf.  381),  Ew.8 
§127^,  explains  it  as  a  Hoph.  always  used  instead  of  the  Qal.  —  VonS] 
From  another  root,  but  similar  in  sound  to  Sain.  —  11.  3nra]  Emph.  position; 
chiastic  order;  and  the  emph.  inf.  n^j;  cf.  55  717;  GK.  113  «;  Ew.8  §312*7. 
—  12.  n-a]  Imv.  fol.  by  another  imv.,  and  this  by  an  impf.,  —  a  rare  combi- 

*  Jus.  ;  cf.  Har.  f  Ew.  J  Geb. 

$  Cal.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  We.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.       ||  See  RP.  III.  51. 

IT  Now.  Arch.  II.  275  f.;  WRS.  OTJC.  249  f. 


1 74  AMOS 

nation. —  N2jn]  GK.no/;  H.  23,rm.(i).  —  iS]  Eth.  dat.;  H.  39,7;  Ew.8, 
§  315  «;  K6.  35.  — 13.  *?NTP3]  Emph.  pos.;  ace.  of  place.  —  Xin]  Showing 
that  fc?N~no  is  masc.,  as  are  all  names  of  towns  in  which  no  appears;  K6. 
248  c. — -ny  «]imn  «S]  Cf.  52  78  82.  —  Y?D  anpn]  Note  omission  of  art.  with 
•jSo  in  this  common  phrase,  cf.  Da.  §22,  rm.  3.  — 14.  fyi]  Here  used  in 
the  technical  sense  of  retort,  or  reply  to  an  accusation;  cf.  Jb.  98.14.15.32  ^ 
etc.  —  0*713]  The  vb.  seems  to  be  a  loan-word,  being  a  denominative  from 

the  Arabic  (jIxXj,  a  fig,  or  Ethiopic  balasa  —fig,  or  sycamore  (Di.  Lex. 
Aeth.  col.  487;  Lag.  BN.  108),  and  evidently  =  to  care  for,  or  dress,  figs, 
or  sycamores.  @  renders  xvlfav  =  scraping ;  0.  similarly  (xapdcrcrcui') ;  this, 
perhaps,  points  to  some  process  of  nipping  the  fruit  to  aid  it  in  maturing. 
(Cf.  Lag.  Mit.  I.  68  f.;  Tristram,  Nat.  Hist.  Bib.  399.)  — 15.  \)n,-"i]  The 
waw  cons.  =  but.  —  IEN  nnx]  In  contrast  with  mrv  IDN  no. 

§  13.  A  fourth  vision  of  destruction,  with  an  explanatory 
discourse.  81"14. 

(i)  A  vision  of  summer  fruit,  the  ripeness  of  which  indicates 
that  its  end  has  come;  81-2.  (2)  An  address:  O  ye  who  are 
corrupt,  who  practise  every  manner  of  wrong-doing,  against 
whom  the  earth  quaked,  but  in  vain  —  the  day  is  coming  when 
the  sun  shall  be  darkened,  when  slaughter  shall  prevail,  when 
mourning  shall  be  universal,  when  a  famine  for  the  presence  of 
Yahweh  shall  fill  the  land,  for  he  may  not  be  found ;  when  the 
strongest  shall  faint,  when  men  shall  swear  by  their  gods,  and 
when  they  shall  fall,  never  to  rise.  S4"6- 7f  9  and  3- 10- llf- 13f-. 

This  section  is  a  logical  unit.  It  is  composed  of  seven  strophes  of  trimeter 
movement,  each  of  six  lines.  Each  strophe  represents  a  step  in  the  progress 
of  the  thought :  str.  i  (vs.1- 2),  the  vision  that  the  end  has  come;  str.  2  (vs.4  6), 
a  pointed  arraignment  of  those  who  stand  accused;  str.  3  (vs.7- 8),  the  threat  of 
earthquake;  str.  4  (vs.9-3),  the  darkening  of  the  sun,  the  slaughter  of  multi 
tudes;  str.  5  (v.10),  deep  and  universal  mourning;  str.  6  (vs.11-12),  the  aban 
donment  of  his  people  by  Yahweh  ;  str.  7  (vs.13-  14),  despair,  confusion, 
destruction. 

The  most  important  modifications  of  the  text  are  the  following:  (i)  The 
omission  of  v.2a,  —  the  question  and  answer,  a  gloss,  after  the  style  of  Zecha- 
riah,  which  has  crept  in  and  supplanted  the  original  third  line  of  the  strophe. 
This  third  line  contained,  perhaps,  a  further  description  of  the  V>p  aiSo,  cf. 
a  similar  expanded  form  in  47  71;  (2)  the  transposition  of  v.3,  describing  the 
wailing  because  of  slaughter,  to  follow  v.9,  thus  making  with  v.9  a  complete 
strophe.  In  its  present  place  v.3  has  no  meaning,  while,  after  v.9,  it  not  only 
continues  the  thought  of  terrible  punishment,  but  prepares  the  way  for  the 


vni.  i-2  175 

following  strophe,  which  is  wholly  given  up  to  the  thought  of  mourning; 
(3)  the  omission  of  v.6,  which  consists  of  the  repetition,  with  slight  changes, 
of  266,  and  the  gloss  TOtW  *U  Sani;  (4)  the  omission  of  the  stereotyped 
phrases  in  v.lla:  mm  ...  run.  Hal.'s  transposition  of  vs.llaud12  to  precede 
911  is  at  least  unnecessary. 

VIII.  1,  2.    The  fourth  vision  of  destruction  —  the  basket  of 
summer  fruit. 


1.    vp  aiSa]    6»  tiyyos  i&vrov,  perhaps  =  tfgii  iS?  (Schro.)  ;  'A., 

S.,  Kd\afws  (}7rc6/>as;   6.,  #7705  dirwpas  dcpivys; 
or  V(5  nSs  (Seb.);  d  N^i?  •'fl-vo  >So  JND;  U  uncinus  pomorum. 

—  2.  IDN^I]   &  adds  ^N  mm.  —  fpn]  Hoffm.  n^  (so  Gu.). 

1.  Thus  the  Lord  Yahweh  showed  me~\  Each  of  the  first  four 
visions  begins  with  the  same  words.  —  A  basket  of  summer  fruit~\ 
The  word  iibs  occurs  only  once  outside  of  this  passage,  viz.  in 

Je.  5",  where  it  is  "cage"  (cf.  Assyr.  kilubi,  bird-net).      The 

^-^ 

word  was  doubtless  a  general  term  for  receptacle  (cf.  ^Jij  , 
stitch,  braid),  used  alike  for  cage  or  basket.  The  use  of  pp, 
summer  fruit  (cf.  Je.  24lff-)  is  to  be  connected  with  the  pp  (end) 
of  v.2.  The  picture  in  the  vision  is  suggested  by  the  thought 
concerning  Israel.  —  2.  The  end  has  come  unto  my  people  Israel~\ 
The  advance  in  thought  between  this  and  the  former  visions  will 
be  noted.  The  end  is  now  close.  Paronomasia,  or  punning,  is 
not  infrequent  among  the  prophets.*  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  the  words  pp  and  pp  are  at  all  connected  etymologically.f 

—  I  will  not  again  pass  them  by\  Cf.  78.     For  v.3,  v.i.,  p.  181. 
This  vision  is  really  a  reassertion  of  the  thought  contained  in 

the  third  vision,  which  had  been  interrupted.  Three  interpreta 
tions  are  suggested:  (i)  As  summer  fruit,  when  ripe,  may  not 
last  long,  so  Israel,  ripe  in  her  sins,  shall  now  come  to  an  end.  J 
(2)  As  summer  fruit  is  plucked  when  ripe,  so  that  it  may  not  rot, 
so  shall  Israel  be  removed  from  home  and  carried  into  captivity.  § 
But  it  is  better  to  adopt  another,  viz.  (3)  the  summer  fruit  is  late 

*  See  Je.  i»f-  5020-  34  5120  EZ.  2516  Mi.  ii4f-  Ho.  i^  ;  cf.  Casanowicz,  Paronomasia 
in  the  O.  T. 

t  Cf.  Hoffm.,  who  substitutes  pp  for  yp,  and  treats  -nsy  as  in  y8. 
J  So  Cal.,  Mau.,  Now.,  Elh.  §  Merc.,  Ros.,  Hes.,  Schlier. 


176  AMOS 

and  poor,  the  best  being  gathered  earlier  ;  a  receptacle  containing 
summer  fruit  shows  the  last  of  the  crop,  the  end  of  the  year,  and, 
by  analogy,  the  approaching  end  of  Israel's  kingdom.* 

4-6,  7f.,  9  and  3,  10,  11  f.,  13  f.  An  address,  growing  out 
of  the  vision,  directed  to  the  corrupt  and  wicked  Israelites,  an 
nouncing  the  certain  and  immediate  destruction  of  the  nation. 
V.4  has  no  connection  with  v.3,  which  for  this  and  other  reasons 
is  transferred  to  follow  v.9. 


4.    o-'DXtt'n]  Read  O'BNtfn  =  who  tread  upon  (so  We.,  Now.,  Oct.).     @  ol 
ets  rb  irpul,  the  last  three  words  being,   perhaps,  a   dittog.   of 

p 

(so  Hirscht).  £  »  *  "*•  ?  ~  ""^y-"1  (Seb.),  cf.  &  r^"%  — 
pox]  ,§  om.  —  nott'Si]  5  om.  ;  (§  Karadwaareijovres',  0.  Xi/ovrej;  U  deficcre 
facitis.  Gr.  nx  piyyS.  Hoffm.  ratfSi.  Now.  D^pu^rn  (so  Oort,  Em.;  Marti). 
Oct.  r"ia^>,  omitting  i  (so  Bewer,  AJSL.  XIX.  Ii6f.,  who  considers  it  an 
adverbial  expression  meaning  altogether}.  Elh.  mntf1?,  which  he  transposes 
between  o^as^n  and  fvaN.  —  pix]  (§  airb  rrjs  7975.  Bewer  adds  v:n\  — 
5.  Bnnn]  Gr.  Bhnn.  —  "12^]  "F  merces  ;  6  om.  (so  Marti).  —  natfm]  Sb  adds 
a  predicate,  viz.  jOS/o.  Gr.  |'i»n.  —  -a]  ©  6r)<ra.vpbv  =  IXIN;  so  ,S  (so  also 
Oort,  77;  T.  XIV.  155,  and  Em.;  Gr.,  Elh.).  F  frumentum.  —  ptopn1?]  SS^, 
I  p.  pi.,  as  also  for  the  remaining  infinitives.  —  n>s]  Oort  (Em.)  ma^'?. 
We.  nu:S.i  (so  Marti,  Now.2).  —  6.  SDC]  6  dTri  Trai/r^s  (=i?3p);  5  £^L.— 
"^]  ©  76^/xaros;  (§Q'n,  Trpdaews;  perhaps  =  x^3  (Va.,  Stek.),  or  nau;  (Vol.). 
Gr.  -U3  or  ias.  —  -i>airj]  Hoffm.  -i3^;j.  Oort  rejects  the  last  three  words 
of  v.6;  while  Lohr  and  Oct.  consider  the  first  six  a  repetition  from  26,  and 
doubt  whether  the  last  three  words  should  be  connected  with  v.5,  or  be 
looked  upon  as  the  conclusion  of  a  missing  sentence.  We.,  Now.,  Bau- 
mann,  and  Marti  reject  the  entire  verse.  —  7.  app  psja]  &  om.  a  and 
renders  as  an  appos.  to  rnrv.  Gr.  fixjS.  —  natPN]  <§  ^TriXTya-^creTai;  so  {£. 
,  misunderstanding,  renders  e/s  vt/cos  (cf.  I11).  —  an^ty^c]  ©  = 
(so  Marti).  —  8.  n-in]  Hal.  adds  jnnrn  (cf.  95).  —  nnSj:]  'A.,  S.  o-/ce- 
=  nsoy  (Hirscht).  —  nx^]  Read  -nxo  (so  Oort,  WTe.,  Gr.,  Gu., 
Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  All  versions  render  river,  Riedel,  nxa  (cf.  Baumann). 
—  n*?a]  @  <rvj>Tt\eia  =  nS?  (Vol.,  Seb.;  adopted  by  Hirscht);  so  &  <n^D> 
TS  universus;  other  Greek  versions  ira<ra.  —  nptt'j)  ntt»-\jj-i]  @  uses  one  vb., 
Kara/S^o-erat,  the  first  being  probably  a  gloss  (so  Now.,  Elh.,  Oort,  Em.,  Oct.; 
Gr.  regards  it  as  a  dittog.;  but  cf.  Hirscht).  Hoffm.  nisnjr,  for  nty-uji  (so 
We.3).  Read  with  Qert  and  several  codd.  nypsrj  (cf.  95)  (so  Gr.,  Hoffm.,  Gu., 
Now.,  Oct.,  et  at.).  —  Elh.  om.  86  as  a  repetition  from  95.  We.  om.  entire 
v.  (so  Now.,  Lohr.  Marti). 


VIII.  4-5  177 

4.  Hear  this}  The  beginning  of  a  new  strophe ;  the  actual 
threat  will  be  given  later  in  v.7 ;  cf.  31  41.  — Oh  ye  that  tread  upon} 
This  rendering,  based  upon  the  text  O'BKtpn  (v.s.),is  preferable; 
cf.  27. —  And  are  for  making  the  poor  to  cease}  The  idiom  is  a 
peculiar  one  but  well  established.*  To  translate  "  even  to  make," 
etc.,t  or,  connecting  it  with  D'BKBH,  "  panting  after  the  needy  and 
to  destroy,"  \  is  unsatisfactory.  Nor  is  it  advisable  to  read  "and 
on  the  Sabbath  after  the  poor  of  the  land  "  (v.s.),  which  spoils  the 
parallelism,  and  fails  to  furnish  a  consistent  thought ;  or,  "  ye  who 
oppress  the  poor  "  (v.s.),  on  the  basis  of  41  and  (d. —  The  poor  of 
the  earth}  K'thibh  "nap  ;  in  Q'ri.,  nyy  ;  the  latter  =  poor,  wretched 
(of  the  physical  state),  §  the  former  =  humble,  meek  (of  the  spirit 
ual).  ||  The  emphasis  here  is  on  the  low  and  miserable  social  state 
of  the  poor  (cf.  27  Jb.  24*  Is.  314f<),  for  which  either  form  would  be  a 
correct  expression.^"  —  5.  When  will  the  new  moon  pass}  The  day 
of  the  new  moon  was  celebrated  as  a  religious  festival  (cf.  i  S. 

205.18.24.27.34.     alsQ     2    R      ^3    ^     jM    figffl    £z      451.6     j    Ch>    ^    wkh 

TOtt;  Ho.  211  Nu.  2811-15  Ne.  io32f-).  On  this  observance  cf.  Di. 
Lev.  578  f. ;  Benz.  Arch.  464  f. ;  also  Muss- Arnolt,  JBL.  XI.  72  ff., 
i6off.  The  reference  here  is  to  such  observance;  it  is  to  be  in 
ferred  that,  like  the  Sabbath,  it  included  suspension  of  trade.**  The 
view  that  BHrn  means  month,  the  desire  being  that  some  disaster 
would  come  which  would  increase  the  price  of  grain, ff  or  that  the 
month  is  the  harvest  month  during  which  the  poor  might  gather 
what  they  needed,  \  \  scarcely  deserves  mention.  Note  also  the 
suggestion  of  Graetz  (v.s.}  to  read  "how  long  till  the  new  (corn) 
will  pass  away  .  .  .  and  the  old  (corn)  "  etc. —  That  we  may  sell 
grain]  The  eager  desire  to  resume  a  business  in  which  profit 
might  be  gained,  with  utter  disregard  of  all  conventional  and  legal 
restraints,  is  rebuked.  One  can  see  no  occasion  for  the  suggestion 
of  Wellhausen  that  this  reproach  is  strange,  because  ordinarily  the 
corn-merchant  is  no  loser  by  delay  in  disposing  of  his  wares. — And 
the  Sabbath  that  we  may  offer  corn}  This  is  better  §§  than  "open 
(our)  storehouses,"  "  grain  "  by  metonymy  for  "  storehouse  "  ||  ||  (cf. 

*  Dr.  Tenses,  §  206;  Da.  Syn.  \  96,  rm.  4;  GK.  114^.  ||  Geb.,  Har.,  Mit. 

f  AV.  J  Mit.  §  Ros.  U  Hi. 

**  Va.,  Schro.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Man.,  Ke.,  Mit.  +J  Ki. 

ft  Merc.  .  $$  So  generally.  ||||  Ros. 

N 


1/8  AMOS 

Gn.  4 156).  This  is  the  earliest  allusion  to  the  Sabbath  in  prophetic 
literature.  —  Diminishing  the  ephah  and  enlarging  the  shekel^  The 
size  of  the  ephah  is  not  definitely  known,  being  estimated  at  from 
21.26  quarts  (Thenius)  to  40.62  quarts  (Josephus).*  The  shekel 
given  in  gold  or  silver  has  been  variously  estimated,  perhaps  in 
gold  16.37  grains  (=  $10.80) ;  in  silver  14.55  grains  (=$.6o).f 
—  Perverting  balances  of  deceit^  i.e.  providing  false  balances.  A 
third  kind  of  deceit  is  here  mentioned.  The  attitude  of  the  right- 
minded  toward  these  practices  is  seen  in  Ho.  i27  Jb.  226  Pr.  n1 
2023.  The  legal  attitude  is  given  in  Lv.  ip35-36  Dt.  2513"15;  cf.  also 
Ez.  459-1°.  —  6.  This  verse  consists  of  two  elements,  both  of  which 
are  glosses  or  interpolations  :  ( i )  To  buy  the  poor  for  silver  and 
the  needy  for  a  pair  of  shoes^  A  double  phrase,  of  which  the 
first  part  is  a  modification  and  the  second  a  repetition  of  26.  J 
These  lines  stand  in  no  close  relationship  with  those  which  pre 
cede  (vs.4and5  refer  to  dealers  in  grain;  6a  has  nothing  to  do  with 
this)  ;  are  entirely  out  of  grammatical  harmony  with  those  which 
follow ;  are  a  mere  repetition  (but  in  a  different  context)  of  26 ; 
and  may  not  be  adjusted  to  any  satisfactory  construction  of  the 
strophic  system. —  (2)  And  we  sell  the  refuse  of  the  corn\  This 
phrase  is  interpreted,  "  and  buy  (the  needy)  for  a  share  by  lot  in  the 
wheat  for  sale  "  ;  §  is  declared  unintelligible  by  one,  ||  and  at  least 
out  of  place  by  another.^"  It  is  impossible  to  connect  it  gram 
matically  or  logically  with  what  precedes,  although  it  is  sometimes 
called  the  climax**  of  the  indictment,  or  the  final  proof  of  their  ava 
rice.  |t  The  whole  is  therefore  to  be  taken  as  two  later  explanatory 
glosses,  coming  from  different  hands.  Nowack  suggests  that  per 
haps  in  66  we  have  a  fragment  of  an  old  saying  by  Amos,  which,  with 
the  addition  of  the  material  in  26  (suggested  by  D'BKtrn  in  84  and 


*  Benz.  Arch.  183 f. ;  cf.  Novr.ArcA.  I.  203;  and  art.  "Weights  and  Measures," 
DB. 

f  Benz.  Arch.  194;  cf.  Dr.  p.  211 ;  WRS.  PEF.,  1894,  p.  229 ;  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy, 
art.  "  Money,"  DB ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews. 

%  njp  is  used  for  IDS,  and  D^Sl  for  pnx,  without  any  serious  modification 
of  the  sense.  The  infinitive  nupS  has  been  taken  as  indicating  the  purpose  of 
the  fraud  described  in  v.5,  the  inf.  there  indicating  the  method  (Geb.)  ;  as  indi 
cating  result  rather  than  purpose  (Hi.),  and  as  (like  ni^S)  parallel  with 
and  ^-nnS  §  Hoffm.,  changing  text,  v.s.  ||  Oort. 

U  We.  (who  calls  the  entire  v.  suspicious).  **  Mit.  ff  Dr. 


VIII.  5-8  179 

27),  makes  up  the  verse.*  —  7.  Here  begins  a  new  strophe  (vs.7- 8), 
marked  by  the  solemn  introduction  :  Yahweh  hath  sworn  by  the 
glory  of Jacob~\  The  oath  is  an  evidence  of  indignation,  and  here, 
as  in  42  68,  "  is  provoked  by  the  spectacle  of  some  crying  moral 
wrong,  "f  (§  has  \  against  the  pride  of  Jacob,  but  ?  after  l?2tttt 
=  by.  The  glory  of  Jacob  is  not  Palestine,  the  possession  of 
Jacob  (although  citation  may  be  made  of  Je.  i39  Ne.  23  Ps.  47* 
Dn.  89)  ;  nor,  the  greatness  which  he  has  given  Israel ;  §  nor  —  by 
myself  (cf.  68),  ||  for  although  Yahweh  himself  is  Israel's  glory 
(i  S.  i529),  the  author  of  68  could  hardly  have  described  Yahweh 
as  "  the  glory  of  Jacob  "  :  it  is  rather  the  vainglorious  boasting  of 
Israel  (cf.  68  Ho.  55  y10),  by  which,  as  an  unchangeable  fact,  Yah 
weh  swears  scornfully  .^[ —  I  will  never  forget  all  their  dceds~\  i.e.  the 
multitude  of  their  wicked  deeds.  The  elliptical  form  of  the  oath 
is  here  employed  ;  for  the  full  form  see  2  S.  39  ip13,  etc.  —  8.  Con 
trary  to  the  arrangement  usually  adopted,**  v.8  is  to  be  closely  con 
nected  with  v.7,  forming  with  it  a  strophe.  The  indignant  feeling 
of  Yahweh  is  shared  by  nature,  and  in  proof  of  this  the  earth  will 
quake.  —  On  this  account  shall  not  the  earth  tremble  ?~\  Not  on 
account  of  the  oath  just  sworn, ff  but  on  account  of  the  wicked 
ness  and  corruption  of  Israel,  Yahweh  (cf.  95)  will  bring  a  convul 
sion  of  the  land  itself.  Tri  describes  the  movement  up  and  down, 
the  restlessness  which  characterizes  the  earthquake.  Some  \% 
have  thought  this  refers  to  the  earthquake  in  Uzziah's  time  (Am.  i1 
Zc.  i45).  —  And  every  inhabitant  in  her  shall  mourn\  Its  univer 
sality  and  its  grievous  character  are  thus  vividly  depicted.  —  And 
shall  not  the  whole  of  it  rise  like  the  Nile  ?~\  n«3  has  been  read  like 
light,  §§  but  is  almost  universally  taken  for  IK'S,  like  the  Nile  (cf.  95). 

*  Elh.  rearranges  the  text  of  vs.*.  ««.  5.  and  6&(  and  translates  as  follows :  — 

(4)  Hear  this,  ye  who  long  to  plunge  the  poor  and  the  miserable  in  ruin, 

(6  a)        To  buy  the  poor  for  money  and  the  miserable  for  a  pair  of  shoes, 
(5  6  £)    Who  say,  when  will  the  new  moon  be  over  that  we  may  sell  grain 

And  the  Sabbath,  that  we  may  open  the  granary,  and  sell  the  chaff  of  the 
grain? 

Who  diminish  the  measure 

And  advance  the  price 

And  falsify  the  deceitful  balance. 

t  Dr.        J  So  also  Jer.,  Os.,  Jus.,  Schro.        $  Bauer.        ||  Hes.,  Ke.,  Marti. 
H  We.,  Now.,  Dr.          **  Dr.          ft  Schegg,  Ke.          ++  Or.          $§  Rashi. 


l8o  AMO2 

The  reference  is  to  the  annual  inundation.  The  rendering,  "  the 
whole  land  shall  be  inundated  as  by  the  Nile,"  *  makes  the  subject 
of  nbl?  not  the  thing  which  goes  up,  but  that  unto  which  some 
thing  goes  (cf.  Is.  3413  Pr.  2431).  The  interrogation  continues  as 
indicated  in  the  translation  given.  —  And  heave\  A  gloss  ;  omitted 
by  O,  lacking  in  95  and  superfluous  ;  probably  due  to  inability 
to  understand  nptwi.f  Cf.  Hoffmann's  suggestion  (v.s.).  }  —  And 
sink  like  the  Nile  of  Egypi\  Cf.  Is.  2419-20.  This  phenomenon  was 
known  throughout  the  world.  The  usual  translation  makes 
=  as  by  the  Nile. 


9.   Lohr  and  Marti  reject  the  first  six  words  as  a  later  addition.  — 
<§  3  p.  with  c>Eiy  as  subj.,  Sutrercu.     Similarly  2.,  6.;    IS  occidet  ;   1&  ^DDN. 

—  Tocrin]  @  3  p.;   but  U  tenebrescere  faciam.  —  nix  ova]  Gr.  ava  nix;  Che. 

?      *• 

(Crit.  Bib?)  DP  m>'a.  —  3.  i^im]  &  _l^sJc.  —  nin^]  Read  n'nr,  singing- 
women,  since  on>2>  would  be  expected  for  songs,  and  the  present  text  yields 
no  sense  (so  Hoffm.,  Oort,  We.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Lohr,  Oct.,  Baumann, 
Marti).  (51  TO,  (parvdnara,  variously  explained,  e.g.  as  =  nnvtf  (Dahl),  rm^ 
(Va.),  D>J1DD  (Vol.),  rVnV  (Riedel).  'A.  arpd^iyyes;  6.  rd  tirdvudev;  S.  y5a£; 
U  cardines  =  n'n^x  (Dahl).  —  S:pn]  (g^  have  article  (so  Gr.).  —  Ninn  era] 
Superfluous  (so  Lohr,  Marti);  cf.  89.  Sb  has  this  phrase  twice,  connecting 
it  the  first  time  with  the  preceding,  and  the  second  time  with  the  following 
context.  The  presence  of  ots  between  the  two  occurrences  renders  dittog. 
improbable  (Seb.).  —  ni.-p  IJTN  DSJ]  Lohr  transposes  to  the  end  of  the  v. 
Baumann,  Marti,  and  Now.2  om.  —  "Ufln  21]  @  TTO\I>S  6  ITCTTTW/CWS;  U  multi 

^    y  p  *, 

morientur;  %  ],\4/  ^  t  '^m  1.  —  on  ^»n]  Read  TjWn,  and  om.  on  as  a 
dittog.  (so  Oort,  Gun.).  (5  tTripptyu  ffiw-jr-fiv  =  on  •jiSlPNj  U  projicietur 
silentium;  &  M^P  ^L^AJo-  Zeydner  (-ii^ay  =)  D3p;  n^n  (ThSt.,  1886, 
pp.  205  ff.;  so  Val.).  Elh.  Dj?a  ^Wn.  Get.  and  Hal.  on  ^Srn.  Lohr  suggests 
that  n  of  DI  was  originally  the  article,  while  D,  or  c,  is  the  initial  letter  of  a 
lost  word,  perhaps  nimTD.  —  10.  ITP]  <H  Aya-n-rjTov.  —  nnnns]  @  robs  /J.CT 
avTov  ;  2.,  6.  r6  iff\o.rov  rrjs  7175.  Gr.  mrnDj?n\  —  11.  The  first  six  words 
are  a  gloss  (so  also  Baumann).  —  p-wa  3j;i]  Gr.  inserts  NDXI.  —  Before  poie'1?] 
@  inserts  Xi/idi/  =  ay^.  —  nan]  Read  sg.  with  @&U&  and  many  Mss.  (so 
Dr.,  Marti).  —  12.  iyji]  &  ^a-*bls£Jo.  —  D^D]  @  uSara  T^S  ^aXdo-o-^s,  a  double 
rendering.  —  IBBW*  nn?D]  Gr.  IBBW^I  nnn-"  p^n  (?).  —  13.  njeSynn]  @  exXef- 
iffovcriv.  —  NDxa]  Om.  as  superfluous  to  sense  and  metre  (so  Lohr).  —  14.  Lohr 
om.  14  a  as  a  later  addition.  —  DDi^Na]  <&  /cord  TOV  JXaoviou,  with  BB>N  in 


*  Dathe,  Jus.,  Ros.  f  Now. 

J  There  is  no  good  reason  for  treating  (with  We.)  the  whole  v.  as  a  gloss. 


VIII.  9,  3  I8l 

mind;  £>  l^siuajs.  Oort  metea  (so  Gr.,  Elh.).  —  «pnSNj  Baumann  >rv?N.— 
•pi]  <S  6  0e6$  <rou.  Oort,  rpa  =  T}N3  (so  We.,  Elh.).  Hoffm.  rpn  (so  von 
Gall,  Altisr.  Kultstdtten,  49;  Oct.;  Marti;  Now.2;  cf.  Wkl.  A  OF.  II.  194*".). 
Dozy,  TI^N  (Jsr.  zu  Mekka,  31  f.;  so  Now.).  Gr.  T>nSN  (so  Gu.).  Gun.  ^ 
Houtsma,  -priD  {ThT.  X.  91).  Hal.  T 


9.  The  next  strophe  is  made  up  of  vs.9and3.—  /  will  cause  the 
sun  to  set  at  noon}  The  writer  has  in  mind  the  day  of  Yahweh, 
which  is  characterized  by  great  natural  changes.  These  are  sug 
gested  by  those  with  which  the  prophet  is  familiar.  An  eclipse 
had  occurred  June  15,  B.C.  763,*  the  centre  of  which  passed 
through  Asia  Minor  at  about  38-39°  N.  At  Jerusalem  (31° 
46'  N.)  it  would  be  visible  "as  a  fairly  large  partial  eclipse."! 
Reference  to  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  has  been  found  by  some, 
also,  in  Mi.  36  Zc.  i46  Jo.  210-31  315  Je.  is9  2  K.  2O11  Is.  388 
(689  B.C.)  ;  |  Ez.  3018  327-8  (556  B.C.)  ;  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
nowhere  in  the  Old  Testament  is  there  direct  mention  of  an 
eclipse,  and  that  in  all  the  cases  cited  greater  or  less  doubt 
exists  whether  there  was  really  any  thought  of  an  eclipse.  This 
leaves  our  passage  as  the  only  clear  case  of  an  indirect  char 
acter.  —  3.  The  result  of  such  an  eclipse  is  the  terror  and  dismay 
which  first  appear  in  connection  with  the  palace  life  :  the  singing 
women  of  the  palace  shall  wail'}  For  text  v.s.  The  word  ba-n, 
Assyrian  ekallu,  means  large  house,  used  ordinarily  of  temple  in 
Hebrew,  although  just  as  regularly  of  palace  in  Assyrian.  §  An 
other  rendering  is  "  walls  "  (rrnitf).  ||  Some  urge  against  the  trans 
lation  palace  the  representation  in  64"9,  and  the  use  by  Amos  of 
nua-ix  to  express  the  idea  of  palace  (68  i4-7-10-12  etc.)  f  ;  but  this 
is  not  conclusive.  Wailing  was  the  ordinary  sign  of  grief  for  the 
dead  (Is.  i52-3  i67  etc.).  —  A  multitude  of  carcasses'}  The  eclipse 
foretells  and  accompanies  the  direst  of  all  disasters  —  an  indis 
criminate  slaughter.  —  In  every  place  they  are  cast}  The  imper 
sonal  one  casts  is  used  for  the  passive,**  or  better  (v.s.)  vocalize  as 


*  According  to  Michaelis,  Feb.  9,  784  B.C.  ;  but  cf.  Dr.  who  cites  von  Oppolzer, 
Canon  der  Finsternisse  —  vol.  52  (1887)  of  the  Denkschriften  of  the  Vienna  Acad 
emy;  G.  Smith,  Eponym  Canon,  46  f.,  83.  f  Dr. 

J  V.  Bosanquet,  TSBA.  III.  31  fit,  V.  261 ;  Pinches,  DB.  I.  193. 

\  Cf.  Boutflower,  AJSL.  XVII.  244-9.  II  ©,  Dahl.  H  Schro. 

**  Geb.,  Va.,  Mau.,  Ba, 


1 82  AMOS 

passive.  So  great  is  the  slaughter  that  the  burial  is  thus  promis 
cuous.  Some  prefer  to  take  the  verb  as  imperative,  "  throw  them 
anywhere."  *  If  the  text  is  allowed  to  stand,  en  is  translated 
Hush  /]  So  deep  is  the  despair,  and  so  great  the  danger,  that 
silence  is  enjoined  by  those  who  are  removing  their  dead  (cf. 
the  gloss  in  69-10).  But  this  is  quite  doubtful.  The  principal 
treatments  of  en  have  been:  (i)  as  an  adverb,  in  silence  ;\ 
(2)  as  an  imperative,  be  silent ;  \  (3)  as  an  interjection  ;§ 
(4)  as  connected  with  the  following  sentence ;  ||  (5)  as  a  mar 
ginal  note  added  to  express  the  feeling  of  some  reader  ;f 
(6)  omitted  as  unintelligible  ;  **  (7)  rendered,  with  a  change  of 
text  (v.s.)f  "  casts  bitterness  "  ;  ff  (8)  it  is,  most  probably,  a  corrup 
tion  of  Ttfn,  an  abbreviation  for  ^btt'H  (v.s.).  The  strophe  is  the 
most  picturesque  of  this  series.  It  is  strictly  logical  —  the  eclipse 
—  the  slaughter  —  the  confusion  and  despair  of  the  burial.  The 
dramatic  effect  is  probably  not  so  definite  nor  so  strong  as  is  sug 
gested  by  G.  A.  Smith.  —  10.  And  I  will  turn  your  pilgrimages 
into  mourning'}  The  pilgrimages  or  festivals  were  the  types  of 
rejoicing  (Is.  3O29  Ho.  211  La.  515).  —  And  all  your  songs  into 
dirges'}  Cf.  v.3  and  51.  —  Sackcloth'}  i.e.  a  coarse  cloth  made  of 
goats'  hair  or  camels'  hair.  It  was  the  garb  of  prophets  (Is.  2O2 
Zc.  i34  2  K.  i8  Mk.  i6)  and  mourners  (Is.  15*  2212),  and  was  worn 
next  to  the  skin  (i  K.  2I27  2  K.  630  Jb.  i615  Is.  32"),  being  bound 
about  the  loins  (Ez.  y18),  sometimes  as  the  only  garment  (i  K.  2O31 
2 127),  and  sometimes  under  an  outer  cloak  (2  K.  6?>0).  It  is  prob 
able  that  a  loin  cloth  of  sackcloth  was  the  earliest  dress  of  the 
Hebrews  (cf.  Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  200  ff.),  and  the  use  of 
it  in  mourning  is  an  illustration  of  the  general  custom  of  retaining 
ancient  forms  and  usages  in  religious  ceremonies.  JJ — Baldness] 
This  was  another  sign  of  mourning ;  it  was  artificially  produced, 
the  hair  on  the  forehead  being  shaved  off  (Dt.  I41).  It  was  a 
custom  common  to  Hebrews,  Moabites  (Is.  i52),  Phoenicians 
(Ez.  2731),  Philistines  (Je.  4y5),  Arabs  (Agh.  xv.  12),  and  many 
others.  It  seems  to  be  a  relic  of  ancestor- worship,  the  object  of 


*  JT,  Merc.,  Hd.  +  Merc.,  Har.         ||  SS.  **  We. 

f  Cal.,  Os.,  Va.,  Schro.,  Mau.,  Ba.,  St.        $  Drusius.  f  Gun.         ft  Elh. 

Jt  Cf.  Schwally,  Das  Leben  nach  dem  Tode,  12  ft". ;    Kennedy,  art.  "  Sackcloth," 
DB.  \  Now.  Arch.  I.  193. 


viii.  io-i2  1 83 

it  being  to  establish  an  inviolable  covenant  between  the  living  and 
the  dead,  whereby  the  aid  and  protection  of  the  latter  are  assured 
to  the  former.  In  Arabia  the  hair  was  deposited  on  the  tomb. 
Hair,  on  account  of  its  rapid  growth,  was  thought  to  be  a  special 
seat  of  life  and  strength  (cf.  the  story  of  Samson)  ;  hence,  like 
blood,  it  was  considered  especially  efficacious  as  a  bond  of  union. 
For  the  later  Hebrew  use  of  the  custom,  cf.  Is.  324  2212  Mi.  i16 
Ez.  y18  etc.*  —  And  I  will  make  if\  Not  the  land  and  its  people, f 
but  the  lamentation  and  sorrow  of  Israel  on  this  terrible  day.  J  — 
Like  the  mourning  for  an  only  son~\  An  expression  of  the  most 
intense  sorrow,  cf.  Je.  626  Zc.  i210.  There  is  no  reference  to  Tarn- 
muz,  the  Assyrian  Adonis.  —  And  the  end  of  if\  That  is,  of  the 
mourning  ;  §  not  of  the  Messianic  times,  ||  nor  of  the  land.^f — As 
a  bitter  day~\  Theirs  will  be  a  hopeless  sorrow,  the  end  of  which  is 
worse  than  the  beginning.**  — 11.  And  I  will  send  a  famine^  In 
such  misery  the  people  will  naturally  turn  to  Yahweh,  but  there 
will  be  a  famine  and  thirst,  not  for  bread  nor  for  water,  but  for 
hearing  the  word  of  Yahweh']  The  singular,  as  in  versions  (v.s.).  — • 
12.  And  they  shall  wander  from  sea  to  sea~\  i.e.  from  the  Dead 
Sea  to  the  Mediterranean  ft  (cf.  Ps.  72®  ioy3  Zc.  9™  Jo.  220)  ;  or, 
perhaps,  the  term  is  a  more  general  one,  meaning  the  ends  of 
the  earth,  j  J —  And  from  the  North  even  to  the  rising  of  the  sun 
they  shall  run  to  andfro~\  A  brief  expression  designating  the  earth 
with  reference  to  its  quarters.  —  They  shall  not  find  /'/]  Cf.  i  S.  286 
Ez.  y26  Je.  3717.  This  is  the  climax  of  distress. 

The  arguments  for  treating  this  strophe  (vs.11-  12)  as  an  interpolation 
(Oort,  We.,  K6.  (Einl.  304^),  Now.,  Che.  in  EB.,  Lohr,  et  al.)  have  little 
force.  It  is  urged:  (i)  that  literal  and  figurative  thirst  cannot  properly 
be  so  closely  joined;  (2)  that  the  formula  in  v.13  points  back  to  v.9,  and  not 
to  "  Lo,  the  days  are  coming"  (v.11).  But  in  answer  it  is  to  be  said  that 
(i)  the  word  KEU-  (v.13)  is  a  gloss;  (2)  likewise  the  words,  "  Behold,  the 
days  are  coming;  it  is  the  oracle  of  the  Lord  Yahweh"  (v.11);  (3)  these 
verses  make  a  complete  strophe,  the  essential  thought  of  which,  abandonment 

*  Cf.  WRS.  Sent.  323  ff. ;  arts,  on  "  Baldness,"  by  Macalister,  DB.t  and  W.  Max 
Miiller,  Jew.  Enc. ;  art.  "  Cuttings  "  (§  3),  by  C.  J.  Ball,  EB. 

t  Cal.,  Merc.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Or.,  Mit.  $  We.,  Dr.,  Elh.  H  Or. 

J  Geb.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  We.,  Dr.,  Elh.  ||  Schegg. 

**  Oort  and  Gun.  are  unwarranted  in  pronouncing  v.10&  unintelligible, 
ft  Va.,  Jus.,  Ros.,  Or.,  Mit.,  Marti.  J+  Ke.,  Now. 


1  84  AMOS 

of  the  people  by  Yahweh,  is  most  appropriate  after  the  description  of  the 
bitter  mourning  (in  the  preceding  strophe).     Marti  om.  116-  126  as  glosses. 

13.  A  new  strophe  now  begins,  —  the  last,  which  describes  the 
pitiable  plight  of  the  nation.  The  fairest  maidens  and  the  youths~\ 
The  flower  of  the  people,  and  its  strength,  shall  faint"]  This  is  no 
anticlimax  ;  nor  is  there  real  force  in  the  argument  for  omitting 
this  verse  instead  of  vs.11-12.*  The  moment  one  recognizes  the 
division  into  strophes,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  no  difficulty  arises 
in  going  from  v.12  to  v.13.  —  14.  The  flower  of  the  people  have 
been  they  who  swear  by  Samaria's  guilt'}  The  calf  at  Bethel  ; 
cf.  1^  nK'iOPi,  Ho.  io8;  but  since  Amos  nowhere  else  attacks  any 
special  feature  of  the  cult,  and  since  Samaria  is  not  used  else 
where  by  him  for  Israel,  Wellhausen  supposes  that  originally  there 
stood  here  the  name  of  the  god  of  Bethel,  f  Notice  should  be 
taken  of  the  emendation  adopted  by  W.  R.  Smith,  Oort,  Graetz, 
and  Elhorst  of  mtPK,  Asherah,  for  n»t?K  ;  but  cf.  Stade,  ZA  W. 
III.  13,  and  Hoffmann,  ibid.  123.  —  And  say  :  as  liveth  thy  God, 
O  Dan\  The  calf  at  Dan,  in  northern  Israel,  near  the  base  of 
Mt.  Hermon  (i  K.  I220).  \  Swearing  was  a  part  of  the  routine 
of  worship,  cf.  Dt.  613  io20  Is.  481  Je.  i21G.  Under  the  Canaanitish 
influence,  there  had  come  to  be  different  Yahwehs  at  different 
places,  with  different  names;  cf.  Gn.  i613  2I33  3320  357.  §  —  And 
by  the  way  of  Beersheba~\  On  account  of  the  difficulty  of  ^"V^i, 
there  have  been  suggested  (v.s.)  :  (i)  thy  darling,  (2)  thy  well, 
(3)  thy  lord,  (4)  thy  god.  It  is  possible  to  understand  "way" 
of  the  method  of  worship  at  Beersheba  (cf.  Ju.  222  Je.  io2)  ;  but, 
on  the  whole,  it  seems  preferable  to  take  it  of  the  pilgrimages 
to  Beersheba,  with  which  may  be  compared  those  to  Mecca.  || 
—  And  they  shall  fall  and  not  rise  again~\  The  conception  of 
God  is  so  far  from  the  true  one,  and  the  worship  based  upon 
it  is  so  far  from  that  which  Yahweh  desires,  that  utter  ruin  awaits 
the  people.^" 


1.  a]  A  noun  of  the  same  form  as  tf-ia,  waa,  from  the  ground-form  aii> 
(z  -*i)  as  is  shown  by  the  Assyrian  equivalent  kiltibi,  bird-net  (cf.  Winckler, 
ZA.  VI.  145;  Zimmern,  ibid.,  157),  which  occurs  as  a  Canaanitish  gloss  in  the 

*  GAS.  185.       f  So  Now.,  Che.  (£#.).  Marti.       J  Stanley,  Sin.  and  Pal.  461. 
$  Now.  Arch.  II.  8  f.  ||  GAS.,  Dr.  H  Paton,  JBL.  XIII.  88  ff. 


VIII.  I3-I4  185 


Tell-el  Amarna  letters.  Cf.  GK.  84  a,  /.  —  2.  S  iujr]  Cf.  78;  these  are  the 
only  two  cases  of  this  phrase;  the  more  common  expression  for  forgive 
is  ty  -ay  (Mi.  718).  —  4.  nor1?]  With  syncopation  of  n,  GK.  53^.  Inf.  cstr. 
continuing  a  ptcp.,  H.  29,  50;  Ko.  413^;  Dr.  §  206.  —  •>•):>?]  For  which  Qr. 
^jy.  MJJ?  in  Kt.  and  Qr.  is  found  in  one  Ms.  which  is  followed  by  the  second 
and  the  third  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  (Naples,  about  1491-1493,  and 
Brescia,  1494)  ;  while  another  Ms.,  followed  by  the  fourth  edition  of  the  Bible 
(Pesaro,  1511-1517)  and  by  the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  has  "jy  in  both  Kt. 
and  Qr.  (see  Ginsburg).  For  explanations  of  forms  cf.  Earth,  NB.  §  113; 
Lag.  BN.  pp.  48,  1  88,  190,  and  Mit.  I.  81  ;  BDB.  uj?  and  >jy  differ  in  meaning 
(v.s.,  and  cf.  Lag.  Mit.  I.  81),  but  the  line  between  them  cannot  be  very  strictly 
drawn,  for  they  are  frequently  interchanged,  —  a  confusion  no  doubt  partly  due 
to  the  Massoretes.  —  5.  ~a#  moirji]  Impf.  with  i  to  denote  purpose;  cogn. 
ace.  —  popnS]  This  infinitive  and  the  following  are  parallel  with  iCN1?  at  the 
beginning  of  the  verse,  the  construction  being  that  of  concomitant  circum 
stance,  equivalent  to  the  gerundive;  cf.  Dr.  §  206;  GK.  1140;  H.  29,  3^.  — 
IJTNO]  Cf.  Pr.  n1  2O'23  Ho.  i28  Mi.  611  (yen  'TND);  and  the  opposite  (pis  'TNI:) 
Lv.  I936  Ez.  4510  Pr.  i6n  Jb.  3i6.  Other  words  are  0^=3  and  n;,-j  (Is.  466).— 
7.  rm'N  DN]  Ellipt.  form  of  oath;  Ew.8  356  a;  GK.  149  b;  H.  48,  9  a; 
Ko.  391  £.  —  nxj^]  Other  phrases  denoting  the  same  idea  are  nn>  "vn1?; 
-ni  -n  nj?;  cSiy  nj?  (Je.  f  Ps.  IO317);  cSiy1?  (Gn.  322);  -ij£  (Am.  i11  Ps.  I910); 
"V  '?%  (Ps-  8318).  —  8-  «'?...  ?.]  The  two  particles  separated.  —  nj?pe»ji] 
Kt.  nppji.  In  some  Mss.  n^pjyji  is  found  in  Kt.  and  Qr.,  and  so  also  in  the 
Complutensian  Polyglot.  Cf.  POJ  =  jnx  —  9.  nnnx]  According  to  Lag.  BN. 

129,  1  6,  this  is  connected  with  Arab,  "-llb  (  =  /<?  step  for  tti),  and,  like  the 

s  ft  T.  ^ 

Arab.   /"£^>  literally  =  ^ar/^  (cf.  Assyr.  Xtru),  and  denotes  the  midday  as  the 

highest  point  in  the  sun's  course.  Ko.  II.  i.  p.  93  derives  it  from  inx  =  -I--IT  (to 
shine}.  It  occurs  (ainx)  in  Mesha-Stone,  1.  15.  It  appears  to  be  a  dual 
form;  cf.  aoiy  (Ex.  i612).  —  P^V]  ^  introducing  the  obj.,  a  common  Ara 
maic  usage;  Ko.  289  d.  —  3.  S;pn]  Probably  a  loan-word  from  Sumerian  e-gal 
(  —  great  house],  which  has  passed  over,  directly  or  indirectly,  into  Assyr.,  Arab., 
Aram.,  Syr.,  Ethiop.,  and  Heb.  (Oppert;  Schra.  Hollenfahrt  der  Istar,  p.  148; 
COT.  II.  39;  Haupt,  E-vowel,  u  f.;  Lehmann,  SamaYsumukin,  126).  Aram. 
and  Syr.  N^IPP,  and  Assyr.  ekallu  —  palace  or  temple,  but  the  latter  meaning  is 
rare  in  Assyr.  (Dl.  HWB.},  while  in  Ethiop.  and  Heb.  it  is  the  prevailing 
one.  It  is  used  of  palaces,  as  here,  in  i  K.  2I1  2  K.  2O18  Is.  I322  397 
2  Ch.  36^  Na.  27  Ps.  459-  16  Ho.  814  Jo.  45  Pr.  3O28.  The  word  is  much  more 
frequent  in  post-exilic  literature  than  in  early  writings,  which  may  be  due  to 
Assyrian  influence  or  to  the  greater  prominence  of  the  temple  in  Hebrew 
thought,  or  to  the  combined  influence  of  both  causes  (cf.  BDB.  228).  — 
V?>S>n]  Other  words  used  in  mourning  are  :  nrp  N^J,  pp,  "too,  mj,  SJN, 
"np,  .-IJN,  n^',  ncn,  nnj.  —  10.  nrp]  Cf.  51.  The  elegiac  measure  appears  in 
this  verse  with  the  introduction  of  the  word  nj<ip;  the  evenly  balanced  mem 
bers  of  the  preceding  verses  are  dropped,  and  their  place  is  taken  by  mem- 


1 86  AMOS 

bers  consisting  of  long  and  short  lines,  with  the  long  line  each  time  containing 
the  predicate  of  the  short  line.  It  is  limited  to  this  verse  (cf.  Bu.  ZAW.  II.  30 f.). 
—  n-]  Neut.,  GK.  I35/;  H.  2,  3.  —  -PIT]  Obj.  gen.;  GK.  128/1;  K6.  336  </. 
— 11.  ox  "o]  Here  adversative;  not,  as  frequently,  exceptive;  cf.  GK.  163 £. 
Note  K6.  372  h.  —  TO^TII]  Pf.  with  Waw  cons,  in  apodosis  following  a 
ptcp.,  H.  25,  2d\  K6.  361  c.  —  yw*]  On  use  of  •?  cf.  K6.  281  p.  — 12.  pcv, 
mr;_]  In  Heb.  the  points  of  the  compass  are  denoted  in  three  ways:  (i)  with 
reference  to  one's  position  facing  the  east  they  are  Dip  or  anp  (east},  ^v  or 
p>n  (south'],  nnrux  (west),  >NDZ>  (north);  (2)  with  reference  to  the  sun  they 
are  mro  or  tfoty  mra  (east),  om  (south),  t^cir  NOD  or  :n>D  (west),  jicx 
(north)',  (3)  geographically,  SJj  (south),  &  (west). — itrjv.r1]  Denotes  an 
uncertain  roaming  up  and  down  in  order  to  find  something  (2  Ch.  i69  Je.  51 
Zc.  410  Dn.  I24  =  to  search  through  a  writing).  — 13.  njatynn]  On  form  cf. 
GK.  54  k,  146  £•. —  14.  jnii'j]  The  custom  of  attesting  the  truth  of  a  matter 
by  oath  was  exceedingly  common  among  the  Hebrews.  Most  commonplace 
affairs  were  ratified  by  oath  (Gn.  2i25ff-);  in  certain  cases  a  man's  oath  was 
sufficient  to  establish  his  own  innocence  (Ex.  226f-9f-12);  treaties  were  made 
binding  by  oath  (Gn.  2i23f-),  likewise  promises  (Gn.  2437  SO5*"-).  This  fre 
quent  usage  caused  it  to  become  little  more  than  an  emphatic  form  of  state 
ment,  as  is  seen  by  the  fact  that  Yahweh  himself  is  spoken  of  as  swearing  to 
do  or  not  do  certain  things  (e.g.  68  Je.  4913).  Since  oath  was  usually  taken 
in  the  name  of  the  god  worshipped  by  the  one  swearing,  it  came  about  that 
swearing  by  a  god  was  considered  synonymous  with  worshipping  a  god  (Dt. 
613  io20  Je.  I21S  Is.  481).  —  *n]  Not  the  st.  cstr.  of  the  substantive  vi  (Ew.8 
329  ;  K6.  II.  i.  p.  42),  but  a  contracted  form  of  the  adj.  ^n  (whose  st.  cstr. 
appears  only  in  Dn.  12"),  the  two  forms  of  the  adj.  having  been  differentiated 
by  the  Massoretes  who  reserved  *n  for  oaths  sworn  by  Yahweh,  and  used  *n 
in  oaths  sworn  by  false  gods  and  other  non-enduring  persons  and  things 
(Hoffm.  ZA  W.  III.  124;  GK.  93,  aa,  note;  BSZ.,  BDB.). 


§  14.  A  fifth  vision  of  destruction,  with  a  passionate  de 
scription  of  the  ruin.  91"86.  (i)  A  vision  of  the  downfall  of  the 
altar  at  Bethel,  the  chief  seat  of  the  Northern  religion,  and  of 
the  utter  ruin  of  the  votaries  ;  91.  (2)  A  vivid  expression  of  the 
thought  that  escape  is  impossible,  whether  they  flee  to  the  under 
world,  or  to  the  heavens,  to  the  top  of  Carmel  or  to  the  bottom 
of  the  sea ;  or  even  if  they  are  captives  in  a  foreign  land ; 
p2"4.  (3)  An  assurance  that,  after  all,  Israel,  because  of  sin, 
will  be  treated  like  other  nations,  whose  migrations,  as  well  as 
that  of  Israel,  Yahweh  has  conducted ;  and  that  complete  de 
struction  awaits  the  nation,  in  spite  of  her  feeling  of  false 
security;  97"86. 


IX.  i-8  1  87 

This  section  is  clearly  composed  of  four  strophes  of  six  lines  each.  The 
movement  is  for  the  most  part  tetrameter,  although  occasionally  for  the  sake 
of  more  vivid  description  it  falls  into  the  trimeter.  Strophe  I  (v.1)  presents 
the  vision  of  the  catastrophe;  strophes  2,  3  (vs.2-4)  describe  the  utter  impossi 
bility  of  escape;  strophe  4  (vs.7*85)  silences  the  objection,  which,  of  course,  an 
Israelite  would  urge,  that  Yahweh,  as  Israel's  God,  could  not  thus  humiliate 
her. 

The  more  important  modifications  of  the  text  are:  (i)  the  treatment  of 
vs.5-6  as  a  later  interpolation,  on  the  same  grounds  as  assigned  for  413  58-9; 
(2)  the  omission  of  v.8c,  "except  that  I  will  not  utterly  destroy  the  house  of 
Jacob  ;  it  is  the  oracle  of  Yahweh,"  as  a  gloss  inserted  by  a  later  hand  to 
modify  the  absolute  assertion  of  destruction  made  by  Amos,  and  as  a  connect 
ing  link  to  the  section  of  promise  which  was  added,  perhaps  by  the  same  hand. 


—  -p]  Gr.  n-N(?);  Volz  (ThLZ.  1900,  p.  291)  and  Marti,  -]<<.  —  mnojn] 
@  titi  rb  i\a<rTripi.ov(=  r^jr-i);  U  cardinem  ;  'A.  (TO)  oi/co^/^/xa;  2.,  9.  ^TTI 
rb  Kifiupiov,  5»  fop]  M\.  Gr.  3mDn(?).  Lohr  calls  attention  to  the  possi 
bility  of  dittog.  in  iinflzn  "p.  —  D^DDH]  <§  ra  irpbtrv\a.;  U  superliminaria  ; 

t>     9         ^  >         .       ^ 

£>  ]£waiic|  —  3"33]  Imv.,  so  (5  dtaKO\l/ov;  17  avaritia  ;  5>  ^cgiN^il.  Seb.  3i*X3i. 
Lag.  (Anmerk.  z.  gr.  Uebers.  der  Prov.  V./i)  Bj?p  =  D%;O,  in  'wrath,  cf.  Hb.  312. 
Oort,  3  ITS  or  srox.  Elh.  S^D-'N  ^30  J7X3  ^xai.  Gr.  D;%XDS"I  =  n;xDM(?). 
Oct.  I-IVTII.  Volz  (op.  cit.}  and  Marti,  trna  oyx3«  T:NM\  —  D^D]  @  iravruv; 
so  3J.  —  2.  nrn']  (5  KaTaKpvpSxriv.  Oort,  •nnrs<»_  (so  Gr.).  Gun.  m-,  with 
fol.  3  omitted.  Lohr  and  Baumann  om.  v.2  as  late  and  as  out  of  harmony 
with  the  strophic  arrangement.  —  3.  DNI]  @  tai>.  —  TV  IJJE]  Baumann  and 
Now.2  om.  as  gloss.  —  "p^P]  ©5  pi.  —  3"-']  Oort  om.  r.  —  4.  TV]  (§  pi. 
Lohr  and  Now.2  om.  46  as  Jeremianic.  —  5.  &  inserts  -ON  at  beginning  (so 
Gr.).  Before  ruNSsn]  65  inserts  6  debs  =  \~iSx  (so  Elh.,  Oct.);  cf.  the 

remark  of  We.,  "  Am.  does  not  say  mssxn  mn\  but  'sn  ^n^N  -\"  —  jirml 

p     p  J 

@    /cai   craXei;a;j'  avrriv  ;     5»  j^-«'|c.  —  H^D]    (*f   <Tvi>Tf\eia  avTrjs   (=  n^a),  the 

pron.  being  absent  in  88  ;  so  £>  ;  U  omnis,  but  in  °8  nniversus.  —  nj'pu'i] 
Gr.  n>'p^ji.  —  nj  O'^i  SD  1^2x1]  Elh.  om.  as  repetition  from  88.  —  Oct.  om.  56 
as  repetition  from  88.  —  ix"?]  Riedel,  "\N3.  —  6.  irs;;;]  ^  is  a  dittog.;  read 
vn'^r  or  \-^v;  cf.  Ps.  IO43  (so  Oort,  Gun.,  Gr.,  We.,  Mit.,  Now.,  Elh.,  Oct., 
Marti).  (§  sg.  —  ir.iisi]  ©  /cat  TT^V  eTrayyeXlav  avrov;  &  dJ^Xaitfo;  both 
possibly  deriving  it  from  njj;  cf.  Jb.  2i31  Is.  447  (Va.,  Seb.,  Vol.,  et  al.}. 
Other  Greek  versions,  dfo'Lyv.  Gr.  innjxi.  —  mrr]  (Q%  add  riN3x  (so  Gr.). 
Vs.5  6  are  to  be  associated  with  413  5&9,  and  treated  as  an  insertion;  for 
the  argument  in  full  v.t.  —  7.  N^I]  S>  =  njn.  —  IIDDD]  (@  2.  KaTTTraSo/cfas; 
so  T^S'U.  —  *vp]  (@i  /36(9pou,  deriving  it  from  nip;  6.  rot'xoy  ;  'A.,  E'.  Kti'p  ; 
S  i-»-c;  ^-  KupTyi-Tjj  ;  U  Cyrene;  &  ^-"r1.  —  8. 
IJIN  ^  ]  Oort,  3s%:  •'ry.  —  "ui  ^  DSN]  A  gloss. 


1 88  AMOS 

IX.   1-4.    The  vision  of  destruction  ;    the  impossibility  of  escape. 

1.  1 saw~\  This  vision  has  an  entirely  different  introduction  from 
those  of  the  preceding  visions.  Here  Yahweh  himself  appears,  the 
symbol  being  no  longer  used.*  —  By  the  altar]  The  translation 
on  t  is  too  specific  (but  cf.  f)  ;  the  idea  is  that  of  leaning,  or 
hovering,  over;  cf.  Nu.  233-6  i  K.  I31  i  S.  2^  Is.  62.  %  The  altar 
in  the  prophet's  vision  was  not  the  altar  in  general  as  a  place  of 
refuge,  §  nor  the  altar  at  Jerusalem,  including  the  temple  and  all 
that  the  temple  represented,  ||  nor  in  particular  the  altar  of  burnt 
offering  at  Jerusalem  ;  ^[  but,  rather,  the  altar  at  Bethel,**  reference 
being  made  to  the  form  of  religion  practised  at  the  northern  sanc 
tuaries  (cf.  814),  concerning  which  already  much  has  been  said. 
The  chief  temple  of  Northern  Israel  was  located  in  Bethel.  —  And 
he  said~]  The  person  commissioned  to  do  the  work  of  destruc 
tion  is  not  mentioned.  It  was  not  the  prophet,ft  but  rather 
one  of  the  angels  \\  in  Yahweh's  court  (cf.  2  S.  2416  i  Ch.  2i15). 
—  Smite  the  capitals]  Originally  ninpa  was,  perhaps,  the  ornament 
or  knop  (cf.  Ex.  253L33ff-)  at  the  top  of  the  column  (Zp.  214)  ; 
later,  the  capital  itself,  here  used  collectively.  These  capitals 
at  the  top  of  the  columns,  on  which  rests  the  roof  of  the  altar- 
building,  shall  be  smitten  with  a  violent  blow.  —  That  the  thresh 
olds  may  shake~\  The  posts,  §§  or  thresholds,  ||  ||  or  sills  which 
really  formed  the  foundation.  Some  of  the  old  interpreters  5F1F 
understood  these  phrases  to  be  intended  figuratively  of  the  kings, 
princes,  and  high  priests.  According  to  Ewald  both  terms  apply 
to  the  altar;  nines  to  the  knop,  i.e.  the  horns;  D'BD  to  the 
bottom  of  the  altar ;  so  that  the  whole  altar  is  shivered,  and 
the  pieces  fly  u^'  .  the  assembled  people. —  Yea  break  them 
off  (/)]  DMDl  is  so  difficult  that  Wellhausen  and  Nowack  give 
it  up.  It  is  perhaps  an  imperative.***  The  suffix  evidently  refers 
to  the  parts  of  the  temple,  i.e.  the  capitals,  or  the  sills,  or  both. 

*  Cf.  Hi.,  Ba.  J  Ew.,  Ba.,  Dr.         ||  £,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Ke. 

t  Dusterdieck,  SK.,  1849,  p.  914.        §  Dahl,  Mit.  II  Os.,  Merc. 

**  Bar.,  Mi.,  Ew.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Schlier,  Pu.,  Or.,  Gun.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Dr.,  Elh., 
Maiti.  ft  Jus.,  Ba. 

+t  Jer.,Theod.,  Os.,  Merc.  =  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Pu.,  Now.,  Dr.        §§  Cal.,  Geb. 
III!  Jus.,  Hd.,  We.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Marti.  Ull  E.g.  Mere.,  Geb. 

***  So  ®,  Merc.,  Va.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Or.,  Gun.,  Mit.,  BDB.,  GAS.,  Dr. 


ix.  1-3  1 89 

Elhorst  by  emendation  of  this  and  the  two  following  words  (v.s.) 
gets  this  sense :  "  Those  who  seek  unjust  gain  from  corn,  I  will 
deprive  of  children."  —  And  the  residue  of  them}  Cf.  i8  42.  This 
is  not  the  beginning  of  a  new  verse,  but  a  continuation  of  the 
vision,*  for  the  picture  includes  the  falling  altar,  those  crushed 
beneath  it,  and  also  those  who  escape  and  flee  to  meet  a  death 
even  more  terrible,  death  by  the  sword.  There  is  no  reference 
to  the  common  people. f  The  phrase  means  the  last  one  of 
them,  \  i.e.  the  one  left  from  the  destruction  of  the  temple.  — 
There  shall  not  escape  a  fugitive'}  There  can  be  no  escape  from 
Yahweh.  It  is  this  thought  which  is  expanded  in  the  strophe 
that  follows.  —  2.  Dig  through  to  Sheol~\  The  under-world,  the 
abode  of  the  dead  (Is.  I49-11  Jb.  n8  265f-),  located  in  the  very 
centre  of  the  earth  (Eph.  49),  and  therefore  a  most  appropriate 
and  significant,  though  hyperbolical,  example  of  inaccessibility. 
—  Climb  up  to  heaven]  The  utmost  height  (Je.  5I53).  The  two 
terms  biKtf  and  D'&EJ  are  often  thus  employed  as  points  of 
extreme  opposition;  cf.  Jb.  n8  Ps.  i397  8  Is.  y11  Mat.  n23.  §  — 
3.  At  the  top  of  Carmel~\  Carmel  was  another  example  of  in 
accessibility,  not  only  for  its  height  (1800  ft.  above  the  sea), 
but  more  especially  for  its  limestone  caves  (said  to  exceed  2000 
in  number,  and  to  be  so  close  together  and  so  serpentine  as  to 
make  the  discovery  of  a  fugitive  entirely  impossible),  and  its 
forests,  which  in  the  days  of  Strabo,  ||  were  the  retreat  of  robbers. 
Cf.  Ju.  62  i  S.  13°  i  K.  i842.f  —  Bottom  of  the  sea'}  The  only 
place  remaining  for  a  fugitive  compelled  to  leave  the  land,  of 
which  Carmel,  projecting  into  the  sea,  was  the  last  portion.** 
The  sea  was  of  course  the  Mediterranean,  and  hence  the  ser 
pent}  could  not  have  been  the  crocodile,ft  nor  tne  venomous 
marine  serpents  found  in  tropical  regions;  jj  the  reference  must 
be  to  the  imaginary  sea-monster  supposed  by  the  ancients  to 
have  its  abode  in  the  depths  of  the  sea;  Gn.  i21  Is.  27*.  §§ 


*  On  the  contrary  We.,  Now.  J  EXv.,  We.,  Mit.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Dr. 

t  Gal.,  Os.,  Geb.,  Ros. 

§  Cf.  Stark,  SK.  LXXVI.  1576°.,  who  uses  this  clause  to  prove  that  Yahweh 
was  thought  of  as  dwelling,  not  in  the  heavens,  but  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem. 
II  XVI.  2,  28.  **  Dr.  ffKi.  Jt  Pu. 

H  Cf.  Fu.,  Ke.,  Dr.  $$  Or.,  Mit.,  Now.,  Dr.,  Marti. 


1 90  AMOS 

-4.  If  they  go  (about}  in  captivity']  Cf.  s27.  The  prophet  has 
no  definite  place  in  mind  —  either  in  Egypt  or  Assyria.  It  is 
perhaps  an  allusion  to  another  Israelitish  conception,  viz.  that 
outside  of  Palestine  Yahweh  had  no  power  over  them ;  since  in 
a  strange  and  foreign  land  they  would  be  under  the  power  of 
the  god  or  gods  of  that  land;  cf.  Jon.  i1.  From  this  point 
of  view,  the  remark,  "  Elsewhere  exile  is  the  worst  threat ;  here 
that  is  surpassed,"  *  has  no  place. —  The  sword  and  it  will  slay 
them~\  The  serpent,  upon  Yahvveh's  command,  would  bite  them ; 
the  sword,  spoken  of  as  a  thing  of  life  (cf.  Ez.  3211  Ho.  n° 
Is.  345'6),  at  the  same  command,  will  slay  them. — /  will  put  my 
eye  on  them  for  evil}  This  phrase,  used  elsewhere,  "to  keep 
watch  over"  (Gn.  44-'  Je.  24°  3912),  i.e.  in  a  good  sense,  is  here 
defined  in  the  bad  sense.  With  it  may  be  compared  "set  the 
face  against"  (Je.  2i10  Ps.  34™  Lv.  2o5  Ez.  i57).  The  purpose 
which  was  ordinarily  good  is  now  hostile.  —  5.  The  Lord  Yah 
weh  SabaotJi}  The  proposed  logical  connection  of  this  verse 
with  the  preceding,  "  God  is  able  to  bring  such  punishments, 
because  he  is  the  almighty  one  "  |  is  unnatural  and  far-fetched. 
We  have  here  a  dignified  and  heartfelt  utterance  introduced  by 
one  who  has  been  reading  the  words  of  Amos  in  the  light  of  the 
history  of  the  centuries  which  have  followed.  It  is  better  to  treat 
the  phrase  as  practically  independent,  \  rather  than  to  make  it  the 
subject  of  what  follows  §  or  an  oath,  "  by  the  Lord,"  etc.  ||  Else 
where,  as  has  been  noted,f  Amos  always  says  "  God  of  Hosts."  ** 
With  these  verses  may  be  compared  413  58f-.  —  He  that  touches 
the  earth  and  it  melts}  Cf.  Ps.  46°  gf  IO432  I445  Na.  i5.  The 
manifestation  of  Yahweh's  power  in  lightning,  storm,  or  earth 
quake  brings  terror.  Cf.  also  Mi.  i4  Ju.  54  Ps.  753.  —  And  it 
rises  up,  etc.]  A  repetition,  almost  verbatim,  of  886.  —  6.  He  that 
builds  his  chambers  in  the  heaven}  This  is  the  Hebrew  picture 
of  Yahweh's  dwelling-place.  "  The  Hebrews  pictured  the  sky 
as  a  solid  vault  (firmamentum) }  resting  at  its  extremities  on  the 
earth  (Jb.  26")  ;  in  this  vault  the  heavenly  bodies  were  imag- 

*  We.  f  Merc.,  Ros.,  Jus.,  Mit.,  Dr.  J  Hi.,  Ke.,  Or.,  GAS.,  Now. 

§  Mit.,  Dr.  ||  Ew.  f  We.,  Mit.,  Now. 

**  See  GAS.,  p.  205  f.,  for  statement  on  Amos's  use  of  divine  names.     Cf.  Lohr, 
pp.  38-67. 


IX.  4-7  I91 

ined  to  revolve  :  '  in  front  of  it '  (i.e.  in  the  open  air  below  its 
lower  surface)  the  birds  flew  (Gn.  i20)  :  above  it  were  reservoirs 
in  which  rain  was  stored  (as  also  snow  and  hail)  ;  and  above 
these  '  waters  above  the  firmament'  Jehovah  sat  enthroned."* 
The  slight  change  of  text  (cf.  Je.  2214  Ps.  IO43)  here  adopted 
(v.s.)  does  away  with  the  interpretations,  (i)  ascents,  i.e.  air, 
fire,  and  spheres  which  successively  approach  nearer  to  heaven  ;  f 
(2)  heaven  of  heavens,  or  third  heaven  (cf.  Dt.  io14  i  K.  S27 
Ps.  i484)  ;  I  (3)  clouds,  as  formed  by  the  ascent  of  moisture ;  § 
(4)  heavenly  orbs,  supposed  to  be  in  steps  one  above  another 
leading  to  Yahweh's  throne.  ||  — His  vault  upon  the  earth  he  has 
established^  rPW&t,  used  in  Ex.  i222  Is.  586  2  S.  2*  of  something 
held  firmly  together,^,  a  bundle,  has  been  explained  as  (i) prom 
ise  (from  -TM)  ;  ^[  (2)  arch  =  p'pn,  firmament,  something  beaten 
out,  the  vault  which  overhangs  the  earth.**  —  He  that  calleth 
for  the  waters,  etc.]  Repeated  from  586.  The  arguments  which 
have  been  urged  against  the  genuineness  of  these  two  verses 
are  :  tt  (0  tne  abruptness  of  their  connection  with  the  context ; 
(2)  the  fact  that  they  repeat  much  from  88  and  58;  (3)  their 
similarity  to  413  and  58-9,  which  are  interpolated  passages;  (4)  the 
use  of  the  title  OX  mrP  "HK  as  compared  with  Amos's  use  of 
WK-3C  "nbx  m,T ;  (5)  the  style  resembles  that  of  Deutero-Isaiah 
and  other  late  writers ;  (6)  their  metre  and  strophic  form  differ 
from  the  structure  of  the  original  material.  —  7.  Are  ye  not 
as  the  sons  of  the  Cushites  unto  me .?]  The  Cushites  or  Ethio 
pians,  \  \  in  Amos's  times,  occupied  Nubia,  with  Napata  as  capi 
tal.  About  this  time  upper  Egypt  with  Thebes  became  a  part 
of  the  Ethiopian  territory.  The  king  of  Ethiopia,  Piankhi,  after 
overcoming  most  resolute  resistance  and  capturing  Memphis,  es 
tablished  his  authority  over  the  petty  princes  of  Egypt,  receiving 
homage  and  tribute  from  them  and  preventing  all  attempts  on  their 

*  Dr.,  p.  218.  +  Pu.  ||  Merc.,  Ros. ;  cf.  Hes. 

t  Cal.  §  Geb.  11  So  <&S>  and  Stru. 

**  Mich.,  Ros.,  Jus.,  Hi.,  Ba.,  Hd.,  Mit.,  Now. 

ft  So  e.g.  Duhm  (  Theol.  119),  Oort  (TAT.  XIV.),  Sta.  (GVI.  I.  571),  Gieseb. 
(BeitrSge,  190  f.),  Co.  (£/'»/.),  Che.  (in  WRS.  Proph.  xv  f.  and  EB.},  Taylor  (DB.\ 
We.,  Now.,  Lohr,  Marti;  but  cf.  WRS.  (Proph.  400),  Kue.  (Einl.  §  71,6),  K6. 
(Einl.  303 f.). 

tt  Brugsch,  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  387  ff. 


I 92  AMOS 

part  to  unite  in  opposition  to  him.  However,  Shabako,  probably 
the  grandson  of  Piankhi,  was  the  first  Ethiopian  ruler  to  seat  him 
self  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt  and  actually  administer  its  affairs. 
Israel,  says  the  prophet,  is  no  more  to  me  than  the  far-distant, 
uncivilized,  and  despised  black  race  of  the  Ethiopians  ;  cf.  Je.  i$2s. 
No  reference  is  made  to  their  Hamitic  origin,*  or  their  black 
skin ;  f  and  yet  their  color  and  the  fact  that  slaves  were  so  often 
drawn  from  them  added  to  the  grounds  for  despising  them.  J  — 
Did  /  not  bring  up  Israel  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt  ?~\  This  is 
not  to  be  read  separately  from  what  follows.  The  sense  and 
syntax  will  be  seen  either  by  treating  this  clause  as  a  protasis, 
viz.  "  If  I  brought  Israel  up  from  the  land  of  Egypt  (as  you 
assert),  did  I  not  also  bring  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  ? " 
etc. ;  or,  more  literally,  by  reading  the  three  clauses  in  close 
connection.  —  Did  I  not  bring  up  Israel  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt, 
and  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  and  Aram  from  Kir?~\  Yahweh 
from  his  point  of  view  was  equally  concerned  in  many,  or  indeed 
all,  historical  movements,  of  which  three  are  cited  as  examples 
and  placed  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  Israelites.  This  thought 
was  probably  not  new  with  Amos ;  it  was  involved  in  the  general 
idea  of  the  day  of  Yahweh,  and  must  therefore  have  existed  be 
fore  Amos's  day.  §  All  this  is  in  answer  to  the  objection  made 
by  certain  narrow  Israelites  that  Yahweh  could  not,  if  he  would, 
desert  Israel  at  this  stage  of  his  connection  with  them.  —  Caphtor] 
Not  a  part  of  the  Nile  Delta,  ||  but  Crete  ;1"  cf.  Dt.  223  Je.  47* 
Gn.  io14  (in  which,  "  from  whom  the  Philistines  came  forth " 
should  be  transposed  to  follow  "  the  Caphtorim ").  Cf.  also 
Cherethites,  Ez.  2516  Zp.  25  i  S.  30".  —  Syrians  from  Kir\  See 
under  i5.  Some  groundless  inferences  have  been  drawn  from  this 
verse,  e.g.  that  the  Philistines  and  Arameans  had  also  been  deliv- 

*  Ba.  t  Ke. 

%  Gush  (Gn.  ioc-7  Is.  n11  iS1  2O3-5  37°  433),  often  mentioned  =  Soudan  (Arabic, 
asw&d—  black).  In  Egyptian  inscriptions,  Kesh  (cf.  Dr.).  Che.  (EB.  968)  inter 
prets  Gush  here  as  designating  the  N.  Arabian  district  of  that  name,  which  adjoined 
the  land  of  Musri.  See  Wkl.  Musri,  2  (1898),  and  Hibbert  Journal,  II.  (1904), 
571-590.  §  Sellin,  Beitrage,  I.  95 f, 

||  Ebers,  sEgypten  u.  d.  Blicher  Moses,  130  f. ;  Brugsch,  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs; 
see,  however,  Sayce,  Academy,  April  14,  1894,  p.  314. 

H  De  Goeje,  Th  T.  IV.  257  f. 


IX.  7-8  193 

ered  from  slavery ;  *  that  according  to  Amos  the  Philistines  and 
Syrians  were  Cushites.f  —  8.  The  eyes  of  the  Lord  Yahweh  are 
upon}  Cf.  94.  The  use  of  n  marks  the  unfavorable  look;  cf. 
Ps.  3415'16.  In  v.4  it  was  declared  that  Yahweh  would  look  with 
disfavor  upon  Israel ;  v.7  asserts  that,  in  reality,  no  greater  reason 
exists  for  the  exercise  of  favor  toward  Israel  than  for  its  exercise 
toward  other  nations ;  v.8  goes  back  again  and  reasserts  the  un 
favorable  attitude  of  Yahweh  to  Israel  and  its  consequent  ruin. 
This  is  a  clear  logical  sequence. —  The  sinful  kingdom}  This  is  not 
every  sinful  kingdom,  J  nor  Judah,  §  nor  both  Israel  and  Judah,  || 
but  Israel  alone, f  With  the  article  it  might  well  be  rendered  this 
sinful  kingdom.**  — /  will  destroy  it  from  off  the  face  of  the  earth} 
This  is  the  statement  of  absolute  destruction  which  has  been 
made  so  frequently  and  which,  made  now  for  the  last  time,  is 
expanded,  vs.9- 10.  —  Save  that  I  will  not  utterly  destroy  the  house 
of  Jacob'}  A  later  Jew,  who  saw  that  the  words  of  Amos  had 
not  been  literally  fulfilled,  adds  this  saving  clause.  The  line  is 
an  extra  one  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  strophic  arrange 
ment  ;  it  is  flatly  contradictory  to  the  thought  which  precedes 
and  follows ;  it  has  the  tone  of  the  later  environment.  The 
entire  verse  is  late  in  the  opinion  of  some.ft  The  efforts  made 
to  explain  the  clause  as  a  part  of  the  text  show  at  a  glance  the 
futility  of  the  effort,  e.g.  "  the  favor  here  granted  to  Israel  is  a 
special  one  because  of  the  covenant  with  their  fathers."  \  \  It  is 
true  that  in  later  days  (cf.  Je.  5,  30,  Ez.  14)  this  argument  was 
urged  by  prophets  and  others ;  but  at  this  time  the  prophet  had 
just  announced  an  exactly  opposite  position.  —  The  hotise  of  Jacob} 
is,  of  course,  the  northern  kingdom  (s1-4-6  68-14  72-5-10-16  87),  for  the 
prophet  has  had  nothing  else  in  mind  from  71.  The  context 
directly  opposes  the  view  which  would  refer  these  words  to 
Judah  ;§§  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that  Israel  in 
general  is  meant.  ||  || 

1.   vtfjrvi]   i  of  purpose;   H.  26,  2  a. —  ojrxai]    For  form  of  suffix,  cf.  GK. 
6ig;  but  see  Margolis,  AJSL.  XIX.  45-48,  for  a  better  explanation.  —  orr?] 

*  Geb.  J  Gal.,  Merc.,  Pu.  ||  Ke.  **  Va. 

t  Cf.  Hi.  §  Jus.  H  Dahl,  Ros.,  et  al. 

ft  E.g.  We.,  Che.  in  WRS.  Propk.  p.  xv,  and  in  Exp.  5th  ser.  V.  46 ;    Volz, 
Jah-weproph.  23  f. ;  Now.,  Marti.  JJ  Merc.  \\  We.  ||||  Ew.,  Ke. 


194  AMOS 

—  dat.,  K6.  286  d,  —  DJ  .  .  .  Dir]  A  somewhat  uncommon  expression  for  the 
impers.  idea;  cf.  Is.  i610  Nu.  69  Dt.  if;  GK.  144  *;  K6.  324 /.—B^B  ...  »*?!:•] 
Same  as  prec.  except  that  the  cognate  root  ti^o  is  used  as  subj.,  with  D  instead 
of  o  on  account  of  preceding  D  of  on1?. —  2.  DN]  Here  with  impf.  in  a  cond. 
sent,  assuming  an  imaginary  case  =  "  though  they  were  to  dig  .  .  .  my  hand 
wo uld  fetch  them";  GK.  159/5  H.  48,  4;  K6.  390^;  Dr.  §  143.  — 3.  Nan, 

•VD]  «an  =  to  withdraw,  hide  (BDB.).  iro,  as  Arabic  Jiu*  shows,  means 
to  cover,  veil,  protect,  etc.  They  are  practically  synonymous  in  Hebrew,  and 
neither  of  them  is  used  in  the  Qal.  Nan,  however,  is,  with  one  exception 
where  it  is  used  figuratively  (Jb.  3830),  always  used  with  reference  to  man; 
while  IPD  is  used  indiscriminately  of  men  and  things  (cf.  Ps.  I97  Ho.  I314 
Gn.  3 149).  Hence  tro  is  of  more  frequent  occurrence  than  Nan.  —  ^D"on] 
On  art.,  cf.  H.  5,  i.  —  >T"ip]  Root  perhaps  -np,  "to  dig  out  "  (so  K6.  II.  i. 

G'<. 
p.   91);    cognates,  Assyr.   qaqqaru  and  Arabic    Js  *JJ  =  ground.     On  form 

(pilpel}  GK.  840;  Sta.  243,  i) ;  change  of  i  to  y  is  for  sake  of  euphony;  cf., 
for  other  cases  of  dissimilation  in  reduplicated  stems,  aaia  =  aaaa ;  D3ia 
=  03SD  (K6.  II.  i.  p.  465).  The  word  occurs  in  five  other  passages  (Nu.  517 
i  K.  615-16-30  77)>  each  time  denoting  the  floor  of  a  building.  Here  it  is 
the  floor  of  the  sea.  — 4.  or\nm]  On  suf.,  GK.  59^-;  on  ending  n_,  GK.  59 a; 
on  vowel-change,  GK.  ^c,g.  —  5.  ^INI]  There  is  much  force  in  Ew.'s  treat 
ment  of  this  i  as  the  i  of  the  oath  ;  other  possible  examples  of  this  usage 
are  Ho.  I26  Jo.  420  Je.  2923  Is.  5i15  Dt.  3231  Ps.  yi19  Sg38;  cf.  Ew.8  340^; 
H.  44,  it/,  rm.  (i). —  >uun]  The  ptcp.  here  is  followed  by  Jinrn,  i.e.  impf. 
with  i  cons.,  and  this  by  iSaxi  (also  nn*?>'i  and  nyppi).  GK.  \\2tt  regards 
this  case  (i.e.  the  pf.  with  i  cons,  following  an  impf.  with  i  cons.)  as  one 
of  a  few  instances  due  to  error  in  the  text,  or  to  incorrect  modes  of 
expression  ;  cf.  K6.  366  i  who  treats  the  ptcp.  as  referring  to  past  time ; 
Ew.8  343  #.  In  Am.  7*  what  seems  to  be  a  similar  case  proves  on  exami 
nation  to  be  different,  since  nSaNl  is  equivalent  to  an  incipient  impf.  (v.s.'}. 
The  proper  explanation  is  this :  the  ptcp.  together  with  Jicm  expresses  not  a 
descriptive  action,  but  a  fact  of  general  experience,  a  construction  ordinarily 
denoted  by  the  pf.;  GK.  io6/£;  Dr.  §  12;  H.  18,  3.  The  whole  expression 
=  "  he  causes  the  earth  to  melt."  This  was  the  principal  statement,  which  is 
followed  by  three  clauses  each  giving  a  detail  of  the  concurrent  phenomena. 
These  clauses  are  not  subordinated  as  circumstantial  clauses  would  be  by 
placing  the  subject  before  the  predicate;  they  are  concurrent  and  coordinate, 
yet  descriptive,  and  hence  the  pf.  with  i  consec.  (=  impf.)  is  employed.  It 
is  possible  that  this  peculiar  const,  points  to  a  late  and  unclassical  date  for 
vs.5-6. — 6.  imjs]  His  vault;  from  the  root  idea  of  binding  (Talm.  and 
Aram.  "UN)  come  four  different  ideas,  each  of  which  occurs  but  once,  viz. 
b^^nch  (of  hyssop),  Ex.  I222,  company  (of  men),  2  S.  225,  bands  (of  ox-bow), 
Is.  588,  and  here  the  heavens,  as  bound  or  Jitted  together  into  a  vault.  Cf. 

£ 

AT.  4>Lil.  —  7.    D"Eo]  On  o«_,  GK.  87  a.  —  wSn]  Given  concessive  force  in 


ix.  8-is  195 

GK.  150  £.  —  SxiK"~nx]  The  force  of  the  position  may  be  expressed  by  placing 
emphasis  on  the  word  Israel.  —  8.  ^  DDN]  An  adv.  of  limitation,  =  save  that; 
the  other  cases  of  this  are  Nu.  I328  Dt.  15*  Ju.  49;  also  (according  to  We.,  Sta. 
GVI.  I.  199,  Dr.,  Kit.,  and  BDB.),  I  S.  I5.  —  N1?]  For  unusual  position  (else 
where  only  in  Gn.  3*  Ps.  498)  cf.  GK.  113  v\  H.  28,  3  rm.  f ;  K6.  352 /. — 
•vceri]  Intens.  inf.  abs.,  here  written  fully;  cf.  Dt.  15"  Is.  59*  Je.  315;  etc. 
(GK.  53*). 

§  15.  A  later  voice  of  promise.  98c-15.  (i)  A  modification  of 
the  prophetic  utterance  concerning  the  exile,  which  shall  not  be 
doom,  but  a  source  of  discipline,  destruction  coming  upon  the 
wicked  only;  p80-9-10.  (2)  There  will  be  a  lifting  up  and  repair 
ing  of  David's  hut,  now  fallen,  and  the  acquisition  of  all  the  terri 
tory  originally  intended  for  Israel;  9"-  12.  (3)  There  will  be  a 
return  of  numerous  and  plenteous  harvests,  a  rebuilding  of  cities, 
and  a  replanting  of  vineyards;  and  Israel  shall  be  permanently 
reestablished ;  913"15. 

This  section  is  composed  of  three  strophes  of  six  lines  each.  Strophe  I, 
introduced  by  the  transition  clause,  save  that  I  will  not  utterly  destroy,  etc., 
furnishes  the  ground  for  what  follows,  viz.  only  the  wicked  of  Israel  shall 
perish  ;  strophe  2  describes  the  political  reestablishment  of  Israel,  including 
Judah;  strophe  3  pictures  the  prosperity  and  permanency  of  restored  Israel. 

The  chief  reasons  for  denying  this  section  to  Amos  are:  (i)  the  many 
linguistic  affinities  between  it  and  the  works  of  exilic  and  post-exilic  times 
(see  especially  Che.  Exp.  5th  ser.  VIII.  44  f.;  Volz,  23;  Dr.  119;  Day  and 
Chapin,  AJSL.  XVIII.  81;  Grimm,  Liturgical  Appendices,  91);  e.g.  -P^TI 
(v.86),  SID-*  (v.9),  TH  (v.11),  ttnin  and  ixip  (v.13)  scriptio  plena;  the  late 
formula  eriO  a^D1  run  (v.13);  the  phrase  aSiy  •'D'o;  cf.  Mai.  3*  Mi.  714  Is.  5i9 
Je.  4626,  which  are  late  passages;  the  phrase  n)3B>  av.r,  which  is  post-exilic; 
Tnt%  cf'  Is-  4jl°  52?  546  669  Ps.  I4712  Jo.  417;  D-'Dj?  is  later  than  E>WP,  occur 
ring  only  in  Jo.  i5  418  Is.  4926  Ct.  82;  ro-nn,  cf.  ronn,  Is.  4919;  JID  in  Hithpa. 
only  in  Na.  I5  Ps.  IO726;  (2)  the  fact  that  this  picture  of  restoration  is  incon 
sistent  with  Amos's  repeated  announcements  of  entire  destruction  (cf.  51  2 
91"4  7)  5  (3)  a  favorable  attitude  towards  Judah,  as  distinct  from  Israel,  is  not 
characteristic  of  Amos;  (4)  the  emphasis  laid  upon  material  blessings,  ex 
tension  of  territory,  etc.,  to  the  exclusion  of  every  moral  characteristic,  is  in 
consistent  with  the  attitude  of  Amos,  whose  whole  message  is  ethical;  (5)  the 
fact  that  the  passage  contains  echoes  of  later  writings,  e.g.  cf.  v.11  and  Is.  1 11, 
v.13  a  and  Lv.  265,  v.136  and  Jo.  418,  v.14  and  2  K.  I929  Je.  I49  29s  »  is.  543  6521 
Dt.  2830t  39  Zp.  I13;  (6)  the  abruptness  of  transition  from  the  announce 
ment  of  destruction  to  the  promise  of  restoration  in  v.86;  (7)  the  use  of  the 
title  "\>rh»  is  in  opposition  to  the  usage  and  thought  of  Amos  (412  being  a 


196  AMOS 

questionable  passage)  ;  (8)  Amos  always  represents  the  whole  people  as  the 
object  of  punishment,  but  here  a  distinction  is  made  between  the  righteous 
and  the  sinner  which  is  characteristic  of  later  thought;  (9)  the  passage 
seems  to  look  back  upon  a  ruined  nation  (vs.11-141'-);  (10)  Amos  always  con 
templates  an  exile  in  Assyria,  not  a  scattering  among  the  nations  as  here. 
(So  e.g.  Sta.,  We.,  Oort,  Marti  (Gesch.  191  and  Dodekaprophetoti),  Sm.  (Rel. 
183);  Houtsma  (TAT.  XXXIV.  433),  Co.  (Einl.  ed.  3,  p.  184),  Che.  (WRS. 
Proph.  XV.  and  Exp.  Jan.  1897,  pp.  44-47,  and  EB.},  Preuschen  (ZAW. 
XV.  24-27),  Now.,  GAS.,  Volz,  Lohr,  Taylor  (DB.\  Bu.  (Jew.  Enc.},  Bau- 
dissin  (Einl.'),  Grimm  (Liturgical  Appendices,  88  ff.);  but  cf.  Val.,  Dr.,  Mit., 
Get.  (pp.  24  f.),  Co.  (Einl.  ist  ed.).) 

Some  interpreters  make  the  interpolation  begin  with  v.11;  so  e.g.  Torrey 
(JBL.  XV.  153  f.;  cf.  Schwally,  ZA  W.  X.  227;  Seesemann,  p.  15),  who 
saves  vs.8*10  for  Amos  by  pruning  them  of  later  additions,  viz.  v.86,  and  the 
last  clause  of  v.9,  which  were  added  in  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  vs.llff-. 

9.   inx]  @  avvTpiwa.  =  natf  (so  also  Elh.),  j§  .001  n  «  n?.     Get.  -u-u  (?), 

*  '  >.      » 
cf.  Is.  I76.  —  10.   iniD11]    4§  T€\evT^ffovffi  ;    U  morientur  ;  Sb  ^nN0!,!  —  njnn] 

©  TO,  Kcucci.—  B"jr]  Read  inn  (so  We.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Torrey,  Dr.,  Oort 
Em.,  Elh.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Cf.  Hi.  who  reads  jpirn  as  in  i  Ch.  2i12  Jb.  4i18, 
and  cites  the  substitution  of  B'^S  for  jpfc's  in  i  S.  I426.  —  onpn]  Read  nipn, 
since  Hiph.  occurs  only  in  Jb.  4i3  (so  We.,  Torrey,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oort  Em., 
Elh.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  unya]  (S  e0'  ^/xas.  Read  unj?  (so  Hoffm.,  We.,  Gr., 
Oort  Em.,  Torrey,  Now.,  Elh.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Riedel,  -irnya.  —  11.  nao] 
&  n>an  Nr-irSE.  Hoffm.  n'^D  and  rnSoJn  (so  Preuschen,  ZAW.  XV.  25; 
Schwally,  ibid.  X.  226;  Gu.).  At  end  of  v.11  &  adds,  ~n-n  nn  PIJITD;  cf. 
Dt.  327.  —  vnD-tm  pix-ifl]  J5  3  m.  pi.  suffixes;  U,  for  '-\e,  aperturas  murorum 
ejus.  We.  n^b-jni  n^-is  (so  Gr.,  Val.,  Now.,  Elh.,  O^t.,  Marti).  —  12.  ran"] 
v  =  ityn\  —  onx  nnNtf~PN]  @,  omitting  PN,  ot  /cardXotTroi  TWJ/ 
(=  D^N),  and  inserting  as  obj.  of  isnT  in  some  Mss.  /ie,  in  others, 
e.g.  ©A,  r^y  ntpiov,  cf.  Acts  I517.  —  on^S^  .  .  .  nti'N]  Gr.  ityxa.  ©  <?0'  ok  ... 
^TT'  airoiys;  F  *o  ^«^  .  .  .  super  eos.  —  nm]  ©FS>  pi.  —  13.  tt'Jji]  &  ^,J 
=  J^n  (Seb.).  —  ixipa  i^~nn]  @  6  d/i7;rds  rdj/  rpvyr]T6v.  Vol.  sug.  as  basis 
of  <§  n^xpa  trnn,  but  tynn  =  seedtime,  while  awrbs  =  harvest.  3T  NTixna  N^^; 

p    * 

!'?|.     Oct.  BnTin.    Gun.  ^ina  nxip.  —  'rn  'oa  o^ajj;  T^i]  (51  *al 
ij  <TTa<f>v\i]  tv  ry  <rirbp<$,  perhaps  reading  133  for  "pi;   cf.  Ez.  4712 

(Vol.).  s>  \±i\^  l-ai^?   1's^c;  cf-  ®  ^"}i  ">i  P?M  r?^  ^v  —  D'D>] 

5T,  freely,  nnn  IDH.  —  njjjinnn]  ©  CT^^UTOI  eaovrai,  perhaps  reading 
cf.  Ho.  II8  (Vol.);    U  <rw//z  ^r«w^/   ^  inSon>;    <S  ^Vim^aj.—  14. 
©,  freely,  ^0avt(r/A^as.  —  15.   itt>ru>]    5J  evellam  eos.  —  DDDIN]  <&>*B  om.  suff. 
6  0e6$  6  TravTOKpdrup;   hence  Gr.  msax  inSw. 


9.   /^?r  behold  I  command^    The  later  writer  preserves  the 
continuity  of  expression,  by  placing  the  words  in  the  mouth  of 


ix.  9-io  197 


Yahweh.  The  importance  of  the  utterance  is  indicated  by  the 
use  of  Behold.  The  participle  represents  the  action  as  on  the 
point  of  occurrence.  —  /  will  shake  the  house  of  Israel  among  all 
the  nations'}  Every  Israelite,  good  or  bad,  shall  be  subjected  to 
the  discipline  (no  longer  doom)  which  is  coming.  Instead  of  a 
particular  people,  among  whom  Israel  is  to  go  captive,  as  else 
where,  the  phrase  "  all  the  nations  "  occurs,  as  in  later  prophets  ; 
cf.  Je.  435  Ez.  3621.  —  Just  as  one  shakes  with  a  sieve}  The  sieve 
is  ordinarily  constructed  in  such  a  way  as  that  the  good  grain  is 
retained,  while  the  light  grain,  the  dust,  and  chaff  fall  through  to 
the  ground  when  the  sieve  is  shaken.  So  the  captivity  is  to  be  a 
means  of  sifting  out  of  Israel  all  the  wicked  and  worthless  who 
are  a  disgrace  and  offence  to  the  true  people  of  Yahweh.  —  And 
not  a  kernel  shall  fall~]  The  good  shall  remain  in  the  sieve,  i.e. 
in  exile,  but  the  bad  shall  fall,  i.e.  perish.  THE  =  kernel  or 
pebble;  cf.  the  following  views  :  (i)  that  the  nation  is  entirely 
chaff;*  (2)  that  11126  =  small  stones  which  remain  with  the 
wheat,  not  one  of  them  shall  fall  ;  t  (3)  that  it  means  firm  and 
solid  grain,  i.e.  something  pressed  together  ;  \  (4)  that  pebble 
=  wicked,  who  shall  remain  in  the  sieve,  i.e.  captivity,  while  the 
righteous  fall  out  or  escape  ;§  (5)  that  "iliac  =  pious,  who  are 
bound  in  a  bundle  that  they  may  not  be  lost.  ||  In  favor  of  the 
interpretation  of  TTtt  as  grain  are  :  (i)  the  fact  that  what  remains 
in  the  sieve  is  the  good  element  according  to  the  description  here, 
while  the  bad  falls  through;  (2)  the  idea  of  destruction  could 
not  be  expressed  by  the  figure  of  preservation  in  the  sieve,  nor 
deliverance  by  falling  through  the  sieve.^f  —  10.  All  the  sinners 
of  my  people'}  This  is  the  point  of  differentiation.  It  cannot 
mean,  "  all  my  sinful  people,"  **  a  thought  more  naturally  ex 
pressed  through  an  adjective.  These  sinners  must  be  removed 
through  the  process  of  sifting;  a  violent  death  awaits  them.  — 
Disaster  shall  not  touch  or  befall  us}  For  change  of  text,  v.s. 

*  Cal.  f  Merc.,  Ros.  t  Ba. 

§  Hoffm.,  Preuschen  (ZAW.  XV.  24).  This  interpretation  supposes  the  sieve 
referred  to  here  to  be  the  Kirbal  described  by  Wetzstein,  7.DPV.  XIV.  i  ff.,  as  a 
sieve  with  large  meshes  into  which  the  grain  was  first  thrown  in  order  to  screen  out 
of  it  small  stones,  clods,  straws,  and  imperfectly  threshed  ears,  which  could  not  be 
blown  out  by  throwing  the  grain  against  the  wind.  Cf.  Ecclus.  27*. 

|]  Hes.  U  So  Now.  **  Torrey,  JBL.  XV.  154  f. 


198  AMOS 

For  a  similar  attitude  of  mind  on  the  part  of  the  wicked,  cf. 
Am.  63.  Looking  forward  to  Yahweh's  day  as  a  time  of  joy  and 
blessing  (cf.  518),  they  scornfully  refuse  to  heed  the  prophet's 
warnings  of  calamity.  With  this  picture  of  Yahweh's  day  as  a 
time  of  discipline  and  purification  resulting  in  the  preservation 
and  strengthening  of  the  righteous,  that  of  Amos  is  in  striking 
contrast;  cf.  s^S9-10-1--13.  — 11.  In  that  day]  Cf.  the  introduc 
tory  phrase  in  v.13,  and  the  occurrence  of  both  together  in  811.  —  / 
will  raise  up  the  hut  of  David~\  This  expression  presupposes  the 
exile,  for  the  Davidic  house  is  here  reduced  to  a  hut ;  cf.  Hoff 
mann  (z;..f.)  who  reads  huts,  and  interprets  the  phrase,  not  as 
having  reference  to  the  union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  but  as  a 
picture  of  the  coming  restoration  of  the  simplicity  of  Davidic 
days  which  Amos  loved,  the  huts  of  David  being  contrasted  with 
the  palaces  and  forts  of  the  age  of  Jeroboam.  —  Build  it  as  in 
the  days  of  old'}  This  would  hardly  be  appropriate  in  Amos's 
days,  but  entirely  so  in  later  times.  — 12.  That  they  may  possess 
the  remnant  of  Edom  and  all  the  nations']  Cf.  Ps.  60.  This 
hostility  towards  Edom  in  particular  seems  to  reflect  the  feelings 
of  the  exilic  age ;  cf.  Ob.,  Is.  631"6,  etc.  This  political  exaltation 
of  Israel  at  the  expense  of  the  nations  in  general  is  strangely 
discordant  with  the  teachings  of  Amos  ;  cf.  v.7.  —  Which  are  called 
by  my  name']  This  does  not  mean  "  those  to  whom  he  shall  have 
revealed  his  divine  nature,  and  manifested  himself  as  a  God  and 
Saviour";*  nor  "  those  who  have  been  solemnly  proclaimed  by 
him  as  his  property  or  subject-lands,  which  was  done  in  his 
promises  to  Israel  and  David's  house  "  ;  f  DUt  refers  rather  to  the 
thought  (cf.  Je.  710  Dt.  28™  2  S.  i228)  that  an  owner's  name  will 
adhere  to  what  he  owns,  and  to  the  fact  that  David  had  actually 
subdued  extensive  territory  and  made  it  submissive  to  Yahweh.  J  — 
13.  The  ploughman  shall  overtake  the  reaper,  etc.]  Cf.  Lv.  26s. 
Ploughing  and  reaping  will  press  close  upon  one  another,  the  time 
of  ripening  will  be  so  short ;  before  the  farmer  has  his  crops  all 
sown,  it  will  be  time  for  him  to  begin  reaping  those  first  sown. — 
And  the  treader  of  grapes  him  who  soweth  seed~\  i.e.  the  vintage 
will  be  so  abundant  that  seedtime  will  arrive  before  the  vintage  is 

*  Ke.  f  Or.  t  Now. 


IX.  10-15  199 


finished.  Vintage  begins  in  September,  while  seedtime  begins  as 
soon  as  the  October  rains  have  made  ploughing  possible.  —  And 
the  mountains  shall  drop  sweet  wine~\  Cf.  Jo.  318.  The  vineyards 
were  commonly  planted  on  the  mountain  slopes.  —  And  all  the 
hills  shall  melt~\  It  will  appear  as  though  the  hills  themselves  were 
being  dissolved  in  the  copious  streams  of  wine  flowing  from  the 
vineyards  on  their  sides.  —  14.  /  will  lead  back  the  captivity  of 
my  people~\  In  Ho.  611,  and  everywhere  in  later  writings  (i.e.  eleven 
times  in  Je.,  three  times  in  Ez.,  Dt.  3O3  Ps.  i26L4  La.  214  Ps.  14* 
536  Zp.  27  320),  except  in  Jb.  42™,  the  phrase  niai?  SltP  may  be 
given  this  meaning  (v.i.).  The  other  interpretation  turn  the  for 
tune  (turning)  of  my  people,  based  on  the  derivation  of  iTDtt'  from 
511P  rather  than  n-tP,  is  favored  by  some  scholars  (v.i.).  The  latter 
meaning  is  more  general.  In  either  case,  the  post-exilic  origin  of 
this  utterance  is  clear  in  view  of  the  detailed  description  which  fol 
lows,  and  seems  to  have  been  written  in  the  light  of  experience.  — 
They  shall  rebuild  waste  cities  and  inhabit  the  ni\  Cf.  Je.  33™  Is.  543 
6s21.  The  opposite  is  seen  in  Zp.  i13  Dt.  2830.  —  And  they  shall 
plant  vineyards  and  drink  their  wine,  and  they  shall  make  gardens 
(i.e.  orchards),  and  eat  their  fruit~\  For  similar  ideals  of  the 
future  see  Is.  6521  Ez.  2826;  and  note  the  contrast  between  this 
and  Amos's  outlook,  49  5";  cf.  Dt.  28ao-89  Zp.  i13.  —  15.  I  will 
plant  them  upon  their  land~\  Cf.  Ho.  223  Je.  246  3241  42™  45* 
2  S.  y10  Is.  6o21  Jo.  320.  The  nation  is  here  represented  as  a  tree 
(cf.  Ps.  i3).  —  And  they  shall  not  again  be  plucked  up  from  their 
land  which  I  have  given  them~\  A  promise  of  permanent  posses 
sion,  qualified  by  no  conditions  ;  but  the  nation  is  thought  of  here 
as  righteous,  and  therefore  enjoying  the  favor  of  Yahweh.  —  Saith 
Yahweh  thy  6W]  Cf.  412  Is.  4i10  52'  546  66°.  This  is  a  phrase 
expressive  of  the  close  relationship  now  existing.  It  is  not  used 
by  Amos. 

9.  JW1]  Indef.  freq.;  literally,  is  shaken,  the  subj.  'grain'  being  under 
stood.  —  n-on]  a.X.  Apparently  from  ~o  :  =  intertwine,  weave.  There  seems 
to  be  no  sufficient  reason  on  either  lexicographical  or  exegetical  grounds  to  con 

nect  it  with  the  modern  JU*^,  described  by  Wetzstein,  ZDPV.  XIV.  1-7.  — 

~n-ri]  Etymol.  uncertain;  perhaps  from  -nx  =  to  press  together.  The  meaning 
pebble  is  assured  for  2  S.  ly13,  the  only  other  occurrence.  Grain  of  corn  suits 
the  present  context  better.  —  10.  >D>?  ^NBn]  Partitive  genitive,  GK.  128?; 


20O  AMOS 

not  "my  sinful  people"  (so  Torrey),  cf.  Da.  §240;.  —  tyjn]  Hiph.  never 
occurs  elsewhere  meaning  "  draw  near,"  but  rather  with  causative  force,  "  bring 
near."  Hence  the  original  consonants  trjn  should  probably  be  pointed  as  Qal. 
Likewise  onpn]  must  be  pointed  as  Pi.;  Hi.  occurs  only  in  Jb.  4i3,  where 
also  Pi.  was  probably  original  (so  Duhm).  —  "unjn]  If  f$U£  be  retained,  ^  is 
to  be  explained  as  scriptio  plena,  since  ipa  is  regularly  used  in  sg.  before 
suff.  But  (i)  this  unusual  pointing,  (2)  the  inappropriateness  of  this  prep, 
after  the  vbs.  used  here,  and  (3)  the  rendering  of  (&  (v.s.)  support  the  change 
to  unjr  adopted  here.  The  objection  of  Gun.  that  ny  does  not  elsewhere 
occur  with  suffix  of  I  p.  pi.  is  of  little  force. — 11.  roo]  Used  here  fig.  of  the 
fallen  Davidic  dynasty;  cf.  its  use  in  2  S.  2212  of  the  clouds  as  the  dwelling- 
place  of  Yahweh.  This  is  preferable  to  pointing  it  as  pi.,  with  Hoff m.  (v.s.),  and 
requires  less  change  in  the  following  suffixes,  involving  merely  the  reading  of 
masc.  sg.  suff.  instead  of  f.  pi.  in  firsts,  whereas  the  reading  rnrD  necessitates 
reading  jrpnDtn,  and  T1"1^3*  and  rflS^J.  Perhaps,  however,  it  is  better  to 
read  all  three  suff.  as  fcm.  sg.,  with  We.,  and  refer  them  to  roD. —  Tn]  The 
scriplio  plena  is  a  distinctively  late  characteristic,  not  becoming  customary 
until  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  In  65  it  occurs  again,  but  there  it  is 
certainly  a  later  addition.  See  Eckardt,  ZA  W.  XIII.  89  f. ;  cf.  BDB.  s.v.  ; 
for  the  statistics  of  the  two  forms  of  writing  the  name,  see  Bonk,  ZA  W.  XI. 
127  ff.  —  vrD"\n]  a.X. ;  a  passive  ptcp.  formation  (Barth,  NB.  126^),  from 
D-n  =  "to  tear  down."  If  the  masc.  suffix  be  retained  it  must  be  explained 
as  influenced  by,  or  referring  to,  -pn.  —  ^3]  For  this  use  of  o  cf.  Ho.  25. — 
12.  DmSy  >DE>  *opj  TJ>N]  This  phraseology  regularly  denotes  the  fact  of 
possession;  cf.  Is.  41  63™  Dt.  2810  Je.  y10  I516  2  S.  I2'28.  — PNT  nrp]  This  use 
of  the  ptcp.  to  express  an  attribute  of  Yahweh  is  found  also  in  413  58f-  95f-,  and 
is  common  in  late  literature.  — 13.  D^Dj?]  Pass.  ptcp.  formation  (Barth,  NB. 
I26r),  from  DDJ?  =  crush  by  treacling;  cf.  Mai.  321;  Syr.  <_tt^  =  to  explore; 
Arab.  IMX£  =  to  prowl  about.  This  was  probably  a  sweet  wine  made  by  not 
allowing  fermentation  to  continue  the  usual  length  of  time;  cf.  Dr.,  and 
Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  XIV.  9.  In  Ct.  82  this  word  is  used  of  wine  made  from 
pomegranates,  a  kind  of  wine  still  made  in  Persia.  —  njjjinnn]  Cf.  the  use 
of  this  same  vb.  with  reference  to  the  land  in  v.5,  and  of  the  hills,  as  here,  in 
Na.  i5.  In  Jo.  418,  where  this  statement  is  repeated,  the  more  ordinary  phrase 
3>n  "jSn  is  substituted  for  this  striking  expression.  — 14.  na:?]  Best  explained 
as  derived  from  n;y»,  not  from  ai2».  Cf.  the  effort  of  Barth  (ZDMG.  XLI. 
618)  to  connect  it  with  naip  =  to  gather  (Arab.  Lo),  translating,  "I  will 
gather  a  gathering." 


A  COMMENTARY  ON  THE  BOOK  OF 
HOSEA. 


§  1.  The  superscription,  i1.*  This  superscription  states  the 
authority,  the  parentage,  and  the  period  of  Hosea,  the  prophet 
whose  writings  make  up  the  collection.  The  superscriptions  of 
the  prophetic  books,  like  those  of  the  psalms,  had  their  origin  in 
many  cases  in  an  age  later  than  that  of  the  prophecies  themselves. 
This  fact  explains  the  inconsistencies  so  frequently  found  between 
the  contents  of  the  superscriptions  and  the  contents  of  the  books. 
The  data  for  determining  the  value  of  the  statement  must  be 
gathered  from  the  book  itself.  In  the  case  before  us,  aside  from 
the  formal  utterance  concerning  the  prophet's  inspiration  and  the 
name  of  his  father,  the  questions  of  special  interest  are  :  (i)  Why 
should  Jeroboam  alone  be  mentioned  of  the  Northern  kings,  when, 
if  the  other  part  of  the  date  is  correct,  the  prophet  must  have 
worked  also  during  the  reigns  of  several  of  the  Israelitish  kings, 
viz.  Zechariah,  Shallum,  Menahem,  Pekahiah,  Pekah,  Hoshea? 
(2)  If  Hosea  was  a  Northern  prophet,  why  is  the  work  dated  by 
Southern  kings?  (3)  Did  Hosea  really  prophesy  during  the  period 
designated?  (4)  Consideration  must  also  be  given  to  the  question 
of  his  home  and  nationality.  These  points,  already  referred  to  in 
the  Introduction,  will  be  taken  up  in  the  order  suggested  by  the 
text. 

1. 1.  The  word  of  YahweJi\  While  "  law  "  or  "  instruction  "  (mm 
=  decision  by  oracle)  was  the  technical  word  for  the  divine  com 
munication  through  the  priest,  and  "  counsel  "  (n5B7  =  "  the  faculty 
of  self-determination  or  devising  of  measures"  f),  cf.  Je.  i818,  for 

*  Cf.   Che.   9-15  ;    Sayce,   JQR.   I.  162-172  ;    Kirk.  Proph.   107-110  ;    Riehm, 
Einl.  II.  46-50;    Now.  2-6;  GAS.  I.  211-226;  WRS.  Proph.  144 ff. ;  Marti,  13  f. 
f  Cf.  Siegfried  in  art.  "  Wisdom,"  DB. 

201 


2O2  HOSEA 

that  of  the  sage,  "  word  "  ("fil)  is  the  term  employed  in  connec 
tion  with  the  work  of  the  prophet  (cf.  Am.  i1  Is.  21  Je.  i2  21  4  y1 
Ez.  61  y1  I21  I31  Jo.  i1  Jon.  i1  Mi.  iJZp.  i1  Hg.  i1  Zc.  i1  Mai.  i1).— 
To  Hosea,  the  son  of  Beeri~\  The  word  Hosea  (EtPin)  means  de 
liverance  (cf.  p.  205) ;  with  it  may  be  compared  the  form  Joshua 
(tfltfirr).  The  same  name  was  borne  by  the  last  of  the  Israelitish 
kings  (733-722  B.C.),  but  the  effort  to  identify  this  king  with  the 
prophet  is  without  success.  The  name  Beeri  occurs  only  here ; 
cf.,  however,  Beerah,  i  Ch.  56.  Among  various  traditions  con 
cerning  Hosea  may  be  mentioned  (i)  that  which  locates  his  birth 
and  death  in  Belemoth  *  or  Belamon  f  or  Bethshemesh  J  of  the 
tribe  of  Issachar ;  (2)  that  which  represents  his  death  as  having 
taken  place  in  Babylon  and  his  burial  in  Tsepath  in  upper  Galilee;  § 
(3)  that  which  makes  his  burial  place  in  Almenia,  in  Northern 
Africa.  Leaving  these  stories,  we  turn  to  the  book  which  bears 
his  name  for  the  information  not  elsewhere  given.  He  was  of 
Northern  Israel ;  this  appears  from  (i)  the  language  of  the  book, 
which  contains  Aramaisms ;  ||  (2)  the  phrases^  "our  king,"  f, 
uin  the  house  of  Israel  I  saw  a  horrible  thing,"  610;  "the  land" 
applied  to  Northern  Israel,  i2 ;  (3)  the  special  interest  shown  in 
Israel ;  *"  (4)  the  peculiar  information  displayed  in  reference  to 
their  religious  ft  and  political  conditions,  their  past  history,  JJ  and 
the  topography  of  the  country  ;§§  (5)  his  familiarity  with  the 
Northern  love-poem,  Song  of  Songs,  \\  \\  but  this  point  can  scarcely 
be  substantiated ;  (6)  "  the  tone  of  Hosea's  religion,  which  is,  on 
the  whole,  both  warmer  and  more  joyous  (cf.  chaps.  2  and  14)  than 
that  which  prevails  in  the  great  Judahite  prophets."  f^[  It  has 
been  suggested  that  Hosea,  like  Amos,  went  up  from  Judah  to 
Israel;***  because  (i)  frequent  references  are  made  to  Judah 
(i7-11  415  55  1(M4  64'11  814  ii12  1 2"),  but  these  passages  are  doubtful, 

*  See  Wii.  pp.  iii,  iv;    Now.  Hosea,  p.  ix;    Kno.  Propk.  II.  154;    Pseudepipha- 
nius,  de  vitis  prophet,  chap.  n.  f  Pseudodorotheus,  de  prophetis,  chap.  I. 

I  Jer.  on  i1.  $  n^opn  rVii'V^,  fol.  19. 

||  Sim.  38;  Ke.,  Giesebrecht,  ZA  W.  I.  258;  Che.,  K6.  Einl.  311  f.;  Now. 

II  Cf.  Hi.  and  Ew. ;  v.,  however,  Che.  p.  10. 

**Wii.  p.  v.  ft  Dr.  ZO 7:304.  H  Now.,  Hosea,  pp.  viii  f. 

§$  Ew.  I.  210 f.;  Wii.  p.  vii.;  Now.  3.  ||||  Hi.  5;  Che.  34. 

H1I  Che.  p.  10 ;  cf.  Wii.  p.  viii. 

***  Jahn,  Einl.  II.  i.  §  94;  Mau.  Obscrvat.  in  Hoseam,  cited  by  Ros. 


1. 1  203 

and  in  any  case  do  not  involve  such  an  implication  ;  (2)  the  super 
scription  dates  the  life  of  the  prophet  principally  according  to 
the  kings  of  the  Southern  Kingdom,  the  name  of  Jeroboam  being 
given  to  indicate  the  period  of  his  prophetic  activity  in  Israel; 
but,  as  will  be  shown,  the  superscription  is  from  a  late  hand,  and 
consequently  cannot  be  trusted  for  evidence  of  a  character  so 
subtle ;  (3)  the  prophet's  attitude  toward  the  people  of  Judah  as 
compared  with  that  manifested  toward  Israel ;  but  under  Uzziah, 
the  people  of  Judah  were  comparatively  upright,  while  idolatry 
with  all  its  evils,  and  oppression  with  all  its  accompaniments,  were 
rampant  in  Israel.*  Nor  does  the  use  of  the  names  of  kings  of 
both  kingdoms  indicate  birth  in  one  and  work  in  another.!  More 
over,  the  failure  to  give  the  birthplace  of  a  prophet  does  not  in 
dicate  that  he  was  a  native  of  Jerusalem.]:  —  /;/  the  days  of  Uzziah, 
Jotham,  Ahaz,  Hezekiah,  kings  of  Judah,  and  in  the  days  of 
Jeroboam,  son  of  Joash,  king  of  Jsrael~\  This  translated  into 
dates  reads  :  Between  ca.  785  and  ca.  7/5,  reckoned  by  Southern 
kings ;  between  ca.  780  and  ca.  745,  reckoned  by  Northern  kings. 
If  genuine,  this  would  mean  that  Hosea's  work  began,  at  least 
before  7^5  B.C.,  and  continued  probably  through  722  B.C. 

As  favoring  this,  and  in  explanation  of  the  difficulties  which  have  arisen, 
it  has  been  suggested  :  (i)  That  the  names  of  the  Southern  kings  are  inserted 
(a)  because  the  line  held  a  more  permanent  and  dignified  position,  and  its 
chronology  was  more  trustworthy  (Ma.  4);  (£)  because,  as  the  prophet 
knew,  they  were  the  true  kings  (Hav.  Einl.  II.  ii.  278;  Ke.  I.  n  f.;  Hng.  I. 
i66f.;  Pu.);  (<:)  because  they  were  the  righteous  kings,  Jeroboam's  name 
being  added  for  the  reason  that  he  too  was  righteous  in  not  heeding  the 
calumny  against  Amos  (710);  or  (</)  because  it  was  customary  to  date  one's 
prophecies  by  the  kings  of  one's  native  land  (Hosea  being  from  Judah) 
(Mau.).  (2)  That  the  name  of  Jeroboam  is  added  (a)  in  order  that  the 
prophet  may  give  evidence  of  his  knowledge  to  foretell  future  events,  since 
he  first  threatens  the  evil  in  the  prosperous  time  of  Jeroboam  (Cal.  38  f.; 
Os.  509;  Hng.  167;  Ke.  I.  12  f.);  or  (£)  because  the  prophet's  work 
was  done  in  Israel  (so  most  comm.) ;  but  the  fanciful  character  of  such 
suggestions  is  obvious.  (3)  That  the  names  of  the  remaining  kings  of 
Israel  are  omitted  because  they  were  not  regarded  as  real  kings  (Cocceius 
in  Marck,  6;  Hng.  168).  In  favor  of  the  genuineness  of  the  super- 

*  Kit.  Hist.  II.  310  f.;  Kno.  Proph.  II.  155,  Anm.  5;  Wu.  p.  vi. ;  H.  P.  Smith. 
O.  T.  Hist.  221  ff.  t  Ros.  p.  5.  IWii.  p.  vii.  Cf.  Ew.  I.  210-214. 


2O4  HOSEA 

scription  it  has  been  urged  (i)  that  "Shalman"  (io14)  refers  to  Shal- 
maneser  (Hng.  I.  1695.;  Pu.);  (2)  that  Jareb  (513  io6)  is  the  natal  name 
of  Sargon  (Sayce,  HCM.  417);  (3)  that  the  predictions  of  Assyrian  invasion 
in  IO5-6  I316  seem  to  refer  to  the  immediate  future  (Huxtable);  (4)  that  the 
allusions  to  the  Egyptian  relations  (711  n11)  are  satisfied  by  the  events  of 
Hoshea's  reign  (Ma.  341;  Ke.  I.  15  f.;  Hng.  I.  170  f.);  (5)  that  8l°  refers  to 
tribute  paid  by  Menahem  to  Tiglathpileser  (Schm.  p.  73)  ;  (6)  that  the 
whole  description  is  one  that  accords  literally  with  the  period  of  the  last  days 
of  Israel  (Hng.  I.  171  f.;  Ke.  I.  16).  Against  the  genuineness  of  the  super 
scription  may  be  urged  (Ew.,  Sim.,  Wii.;  WRS.  Proph.  406 f.;  Che.;  Dr. 
LOT.  301  f. ;  We.,  Or.,  Bach.,  Val.,  Now.;  Da.  DB.  II.  420;  Marti,  EB.  II. 
2121,  et  aL\  Oct.)  :  (i)  the  inconsistency  of  placing  the  later  date  (Uzziah, 
etc.),  ca.  f8o  to  7/5,  before  the  earlier  (Jeroboam)  ca.  780  to  ca.  745,  when 
chaps.  1-3  seem  to  belong  to  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  (cf.  the  description  of 
prosperity  in  chap.  2,  which  is  applicable  only  to  Jeroboam's  time;  and  the 
announcement  of  a  yet  future  destruction  awaiting  the  dynasty  of  Jehu,  i4), 
and  chaps.  4-14,  to  the  times  which  immediately  followed;  (2)  the  improba 
bility  that  a  Northern  prophet  would  use  for  his  dates  the  reigns  of  Southern 
kings;  (3)  the  fact  that  in  the  prophet's  time  Gilead  was  still  Israelitish, 
68  I211;  cf.  51;  although  in  734  B.C.  its  inhabitants  were  carried  away  by 
Tiglathpileser;  (4)  the  absence  of  any  reference  to  the  attack  of  Pekah 
upon  Judah  in  735  B.C.  (cf.  Is.  7) ;  (5)  the  probability  that  Hezekiah  did 
not  come  to  the  throne  until  after  the  fall  of  Samaria,  to  which  event  Hosea 
looks  forward  (I316  14!)  (We.  Jahrbb.  /  deutsche  Theol.  XX.  630;  Wkl. 
Untersuch.  77  ff.;  McCurdy,  HPM.  II.  250;  Marti,  EB.  796;  Che.  EB. 
2058;  Gu.  Gesch.  200;  et  at.} 

The  evidence  points  to  the  conclusion  suggested  above,  that  at 
least  a  portion  of  the  superscription  comes  from  the  hand  of  a 
post-exilic  scribe,  who  thus  inexactly  represents  Hosea  as  a  con 
temporary  of  Isaiah  (cf.  Is.  i1)  and  of  Mica'h  (cf.  i1),  the  name 
of  Uzziah  being  omitted  from  the  date  of  the  latter  to  show  that 
he  was  younger.* 

*  Various  opinions  regarding  the  origin  of  the  superscription  are  :  Hi.  reads  as 
original,  "In  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  son  of  Joash,  king  of  Israel;  then  spake 
Yahweh  to  Hosea,"  thus  including  a  part  of  v.2.  Sim.  and  Wii.  treat  the  whole 
as  late.  Ew.  takes  the  specification  of  the  kings  of  Judah  as  a  later  addition  from 
the  hand  to  which  we  owe  Is.  I7,  and  considers  the  rest  of  the  heading  as  original 
but  belonging  only  to  chaps,  i  and  2.  Che.  says,  "  The  first  part,  '  the  word,'  etc., 
may  have  been  originally  prefixed  to  a  roll  containing  chaps.  1-3 ;  the  latter  part 
was  intended  for  the  complete  book ;  both  parts  were  joined  thoughtlessly  at  a 
late  date."  Sayce  declares  the  title  to  be  older  than  the  age  of  ffi,  and  to  be  the 
work  of  a  native  of  Judah.  It  is  inexact  and  imperfect  and  comes  from  a  later 


I.  2-III.  5  205 

1.  jr"in]  From  yw  —  to  be  wide  ;  this  earlier  form  was  changed  to  yww 
(Nu.  138  16  321--28).  O  Y2<r?7e;  U  Osee ;  Jerome  (on  I1)  notes  the  writing 

Atfo-Tj,  Ause;  Rom.  g25  'ftcnjs;  $$  '\^ocij  Arabic  L3\*^.  On  the  original 
pronunciation  of  J?BM.I,  cf.  Haupt.  ZA.  II.  261,  Anm.  2;  Jager,  j5//S.  I.  468. 
The  form  is  not  (i)  an  imv.  (Hiph.)  =  Save  thou  (Ma.  2;  Ros.  10.),  for  this 
would  require  jririn;  nor  (2)  pf.  3  m.  sg.,  which  would  require  jr^n ;  nor 
(3)  a  compound  of  m  =  irv,  a  form  of  nin>  and  yv  =  yv,  (Jer.;  cf.  Sim.  7,  and 
Wii.  pp.  If.),  for  this  is  the  explanation  of  jyanm;  but  (4)  an  inf.  abs.,  (Sim.  6; 
Wii.  p.  I;  Or.  4  ;  BDB.);  cf.  Je.  II12  I  S.  2S26-33. 

§§  2-5.  Hosea's  call  to  the  prophetic  work,  in  connection 
with  the  unfaithfulness  of  his  wife,  a  picture  of  Israel's  rela 
tionship  to  God.  i2~35.  A  family  experience  leads  Hosea  to  un 
derstand  in  some  measure  the  love  of  Yahweh  for  Israel.  This 
experience  was,  in  a  word,  the  adultery  of  his  own  wife,  and  the 
birth  of  children  in  this  adultery.  Some  time  after  the  events 
themselves  have  occurred,  he  tells  the  story,  mingling  with  its 
details  the  new  and  precious  truth  which  he  has  gained  from  the 
experience  concerning  Yahweh  and  Yahweh's  bride,  the  nation 
Israel.  His  narrative,  like  that  of  Isaiah's  vision  (Is.  6)  and 
Jeremiah's  later  feeling  in  reference  to  the  message  concerning 
the  purchase  of  the  field  (Je.  328),  reads  into  the  events  the 
significance  which  the  later  history  suggests.  The  present  text 
as  rearranged  includes  :  §  2.  The  harlotry  of  Corner,  the  prophet's 
wife,  i2"9  (v.7,  a  later  addition).  §  3.  The  purchase  of  Gomer  as 
a  slave  and  her  retention  "  many  days,"  31"5  (v.5,  a  later  addition). 
§4.  The  harlotry  of  Israel  and  her  punishment  therefor,  2*~7- 10~14- 19 
(vs.46  6  12  being  glosses  or  later  additions).  §  5.  Later  voices 


hand.  Dr.  supposes  the  original  title  to  have  had  simply,  "  In  the  days  of 
Jeroboam,"  and  to  have  referred  only  to  chaps.  1-3  ;  and  the  names  of  the  Judean 
kings,  contemporaneous  with  and  subsequent  to  Jeroboam,  to  have  been  added  in 
order  to  indicate  that  the  book  as  a  whole  referred  to  a  later  period.  We.  and  Now.2 
say  that  only  the  beginning  of  the  superscription,  "  The  word  of  Yahweh  which  came 
to  Hosea,  son  of  Beeri,"  is  old.  Now.  thinks  that  if  any  part  of  the  superscription 
is  genuine,  it  must  be  "  The  word  of  Yahweh  which  came  to  Hosea,  son  of  Beeri, 
in  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  king  of  Israel."  This  belongs  only  to  chaps.  1-3.  Marti 
(EB.  II.  2121),  suggests  "  words  of  Hosea,  the  son  of  Beeri"  as  the  original  form. 
Da.  (DB.  II.  420)  grants  the  possibility  of  an  early  date  for  "  the  words  of  Yahweh 
which  came  to  Hosea,  the  son  of  Beeri."  Oct.  rejects  the  entire  chronological  state 
ment  as  coming  from  a  later  hand. 


206  HOSEA 

describing  Israel's  return  to  Yahweh  and  his  acceptance  of  her, 
2s-9.  IB-IS.  20-25.  i-s*     ^y^  slight  exceptions  the  material  is  poetical.f 

§  2.  The  harlotry  of  Hosea's  wife.  i2"9.  A  man  of  sensitive 
temperament  marries  a  young  woman  who  later  proves  unfaithful 
to  her  marriage  vows.  The  children  born  in  infidelity  are  named 
Jezreel,  Un-loved,  "No  kin  of  mine"  (lit.  not-  my  -people)  .  These 
names,  like  those  of  Isaiah's  children,  were  significant.  The 
woman,  after  some  years,  goes  from  bad  to  worse.  The  prophet 
(i)  is  led  to  see  in  this  a  parallel  with  Israel's  treatment  of 
Yahweh;  and  (2)  through  this  domestic  affliction  is  called  to 
preach  to  his  sinful  countrymen. 


2.  12-1]  (SFStE  read  as  a  substantive  ("I3T)  or  inf.  cst.  ("m);  but  'A. 
"  AdXijo-e.  —  yiBnna]  &  =  "in-Sp.  fEl&  places  pisqa  after  this,  thus 
indicating  it  as  an  independent  sentence;  so  (§,  but  JSU  connect  with  what 
follows.  Hi.  regards  the  clause  'ina  .  .  .  nSnn  as  a  gloss  (so  Bach.,  Now.  (?)). 
Oct.  om.  >'tt'in  SN  mm.  —  D'OUT  nSi]  TS  (Cod.  Amiat.}  inserts  fac  before  these 
words.  Bach.  (Pr.*)  om.  as  a  gloss  on  a^jur  n^N.  —  njr]  (j|  tKiropvctovaa 
—  nj>  ;  so  U.  —  3.  i1?]  Omitted  in  some  Mss.  of  Heb.  and  <&,  and  in  Arabic, 
but  present  in  Ethiopic  Franckfurter  Bibel-Cod.  (Bach.  Pr.}.  —  4.  Nim] 
©  'lotida;  S.,  6.  'Ivov.  —  ni^SD?:]  Oct.  and  Now.2  sugg.  that  this  is  a  con 
fusion  of  muSa  and  n^rpn,  and  would  read  roSpc.  —  6.  iS  "IDNM]  <&  inserts 
mm  as  subj.  and  reads  >S  for  iS;  so  also  in  v.9.  —  n^ni  N1?]  ©  ou/c  r}\ey[j.{vr); 
15  absque  misericordia,  both  pointing  toward  a  ptcp.  as  orig.  form;  but 
£>  has  finite  vb.  Loft.  sugg.  morn  «S.  —  am?  N-^N  N^J  T]  5  treats  S  as  sign 
of  ace.,  and  renders  Ntrj,  carry  away  ;  U  j^  oblivione  obliviscar  eorum 
(reading  nrj)  ;  (g  ciXX*  ^  avTiTatrvb/jievos  &vriTd^o/j.ai  avrois;  1&  takes  N^'j 
as  =  forgive.  Gr.  would  place  this  clause  in  v.7  after  amx.  Bach,  would 
insert  SK  (=  not  that  I  should  forgive)  before  -o,  its  loss  being  occasioned  by 
preceding  SN-\£>\  Hal.  inserts  N*?  =  I  will  not  pardon.  —  7.  Omit  as  a  Juda- 
istic  insertion  (v.i.}.  Oct.  would  transpose  to  chap.  14.  —  9.  DD1?  mnN  N1?] 
Read  OD^SN  xS  (cf.  225  Zc.  88)  (so  (S  codd.  42,  44;  Orig.  IV.  618;  We.,Gr., 
Loft.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Hal.,  Marti). 

2  a.   /«  the  beginning  when  Yahweh  spoke~\  is  the  proper  ren 
dering  of  fHC,  and  is  favored  by  (@&F  ;   v.s.     It  refers  to  the 

*  Cf.  Halevy's  arrangement,  viz.:  (i)  the  period  of  prostitution,  i2-9;  (2)  the 
period  of  expiation,  31-4;  (3)  the  period  of  reconciliation,  35  21-3;  (4)  interpretation 
of  the  foregoing  history,  (a)  the  prostitution,  24~7-  1°;  (b)  the  expiation, 
ft)  the  reconciliation,  218-25.  f  Cf.  AJSL.  Vol.  XVII.  1-15. 


I.  2  207 

beginning  of  the  prophet's  work,  which  is,  therefore,  made  syn 
chronous  with  his  marriage.  It  is  unquestionably  awkward,  and 
many  suggestiors  have  been  made  to  relieve  this  difficulty ;  v.i. 
—  With  IJosea~\  Yahweh  is  here  represented  as  speaking  with  the 
prophet,  i.e.  as  entering  into  communication  with  him,  the  person 
who  speaks  being  a  superior  being*  (Nu.  i22-6Zc.  i9ff-)  ;  rather 
than  through  or  by  (i  K.  22®).  —  Yahweh  said  unto  Hosea~\  The 
marriage  which  is  commanded  is  a  means  of  educating  the  prophet 
to  an  understanding  of  Yahweh's  will.  That  Yahweh  was  actually 
speaking  to  him  when  his  heart  was  led  to  take  the  step,  later 
events  testify.  —  Take  to  thee\  Used  by  zeugma  with  a  double 
object,  viz.  Gomer  and  the  children,  and  denoting  here,  as  else 
where,  marriage  (cf.  Gn.  419  62  i9u  i  S.  2^  Ex.  2i10  3416),  and  not 
concubinage.t  — A  wife  of  whoredoms'}  Not  (i)  one  who  was  un 
chaste,  i.e.  a  harlot,  at  the  time  of  marriage,  j  because  (a}  Hosea 
would  scarcely  have  attributed  such  a  command  to  Yahweh ; 
(^)  this  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  symbolical  representation 
which  makes  Israel  (and,  therefore,  the  woman)  at  first  faithful 
(Je.  22)  ;  (V)  the  ordinary  word  H3i  would  better  have  been  used. 
Nor  (2)  one  who,  like  all  Israelites  of  the  day,  was  spiritually 
unclean,  i.e.  addicted  to  idolatry.  §  But  (3)  one  who,  although 
chaste  at  the  time  of  marriage,  had  in  her  a  tendency  to  impurity 
which  later  manifested  itself.  ||  For  a  fuller  summary  of  the  dif 
ferent  interpretations  v.i.  —  And  children  of  whoredoms^  Not 
(i)  children  already  born  in  adultery  to  the  mother  before 
marriage  with  the  prophet ;  ^[  because  (a)  as  Gomer  is  the  wife 
of  whoredoms,  the  children  to  be  named  (vs.4-6-9)  must  be  the 
children  of  whoredoms ;  (b)  the  symbolical  interpretation  points 
to  children  born  in  sin  after  the  marriage  ;  **  nor  (2)  children 
who,  like  all  Israelites,  were  guilty  of  idolatry  ;  ft  nor  (z)  children, 
born  to  the  prophet  by  his  wife,  who  inherited  from  the  mother 
this  tendency  toward  lewdness  ;  j  \  but  (4)  children  born  to  her 
after  marriage  and  begotten  by  another  than  the  prophet.** 

*  Ew.  t  Thomas  Aquinas,  Schmidt. 

J  So  most  older  commentaries,  and  recently,  Volz,  "  Die  Ehegeschichte  Hosea's," 
ZwTk.  XLI.  321-335.  §  New.,  Preiswerk,  Sharpe,  Riedel. 

||  So  Geb.,  Mau.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Che.,  We.,  WRS.,  Kue.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Da.,  Marti,  et  al. 
U  So  Abarb.,  Grotius,  Kurtz,  Ke.         **  So  most  recent  comm.         ft  Hal. 
+J  Sanctius,  Or. 


208  HOSEA 

A  summary  of  the  more  important  interpretations  of  the  marriage  of 
Hosea  is  here  given. 

I.  A  vision,  a  transaction  in  a  dream  or  trance,  and  never  carried  out  in 
real  life  (so  Maimonides,  AE.,  Ki.,  Hng.,  Ke.,  \Vii.,T6tt.,  et  a/.).  II.  Closely 
allied  to  I.,  and,  like  it,  based  upon  objection  to  a  literal  interpretation,  is  the 
view  which  makes  it  a  parable,  or  allegory,  or  figurative  mode  of  speech  (so 
Rashi,  Cal.,  Pareus,  Crocius,  De  Wette,  Schro.,  Hes.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Bleek,  Schm., 
Reuss,  K6.,  et  «/.).  In  defence  of  both  the  above  as  against  a  literal  interpre 
tation  it  is  urged  (#)  that  to  take  it  literally  is  a  reflection  upon  the  holiness 
of  God,  and  imputes  to  Hosea  conduct  out  of  harmony  with  the  character 
of  a  prophet ;  (U}  that  the  woman  in  31  is  not  the  same  as  the  wife  in 
chap.  I,  and  that  Hosea  should  have  made  two  such  marriages  is  improbable  ; 
(<:)  that  too  much  time  was  consumed  by  these  events  for  Hosea  ever  to 
have  used  them  as  the  basis  of  a  striking  appeal  to  the  nation ;  (</)  that 
prophets  often  represent  themselves  as  being  under  command  to  do  things 
which  could  not  have  been  done  (e.g.  Ez.  42ff);  (/)  that  the  chief  emphasis 
in  the  whole  narrative  is  on  the  symbolical  names;  (/)  that  the  interpretation 
of  the  act  is  attached  immediately  to  the  command  to  perform  the  act,  alto 
gether  after  the  fashion  of  vision  and  symbol  rather  than  as  in  actual  life; 
(£•)  that  it  would  have  been  psychologically  impossible  for  a  man  of  Hosea's 
character  to  have  received  such  a  command  from  Yahweh. 

Against  the  preceding  views,  and  in  favor  of  a  literal  understanding  of  the 
narrative,  it  is  urged  (cz)  that  what  is  morally  and  religiously  objectionable 
in  actual  practice  becomes  no  more  defensible  by  being  presented  as  vision  or 
parable;  (b}  that  no  indication  is  given  by  the  prophet  that  this  is  vision  or 
parable  and  not  fact  (but  cf.  Je.  2515ff-  Zc.  n);  (<:)  that  the  name  Corner 
bath  Diblaim  yields  no  symbolical  significance;  (</)  that  no  symbolical 
meaning  can  be  attached  to  the  fact  that  the  second  child  (v.6)  is  a  girl 
rather  than  a  boy;  (<?)  that  the  literal  view  suits  the  realism  of  early  proph 
ecy  better  than  the  supposition  that  it  is  a  product  of  literary  imagination; 
(/)  that  prophets  were  accustomed  to  give  symbolical  names  to  real  children 
(cf.  Is.  y3  83) ;  and  (g)  that  a  real  experience  such  as  this  furnishes  the  best 
explanation  of  Hosea's  message,  —  it  was  the  outcome  of  the  sufferings  of  his 
own  heart. 

III.  Those  who  have  maintained  that  a  real  marriage  took  place  have 
differed  widely  among  themselves.  It  has  been  held:  (i)  That  Corner  was 
an  acknowledged  harlot  (a)  who  had  already  borne  children  (so  Abarb., 
Grotius,  Kurtz) ;  or  (<£)  who  bore  children  to  Hosea  in  lawful  wedlock  (so 
Bockel  and  Mau.,  interpreting  tS  as  showing  that  the  children  were  Hosea's 
own);  or  (r)  who  bore,  after  her  marriage,  children  whose  parentage  was 
uncertain  (so  Jer.,  Theodoret,  Merc.,  Sanctius,  Burkius,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ew., 
Hofmann  (  Weissagung  u.  Erfullung,  205  ff.),  Pu.,  Val.,  et  «/.).  The  chief 
arguments  in  support  of  this  view  are  (a)  that  the  marriage  thereby  becomes 
a  direct,  obvious  sermon  against  Israel;  (b~}  the  extraordinary  character  of 
the  act  was  for  the  express  purpose  of  attracting  attention  (cf.  Ez.  I29ff-) 


I.  2  209 

and  leading  the  people  to  question  the  prophet,  and  thus  furnish  him  an 
opportunity  to  teach  the  lesson  he  desired;  (^)  if  the  act  of  31  was  a  public 
one,  as  is  generally  maintained,  why  not  also  that  of  I2,  since  the  form  of  the 
divine  command  is  practically  the  same?  (d~)  the  divine  purpose  of  the 
marriage  becomes  clear  —  viz.  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  its  sins 
against  Yahweh.  The  interpretation  of  Umbreit  is  worthy  of  mention  in 
this  connection,  viz.  that  Hosea,  thinking  of  Yahweh  as  the  husband  of 
Israel,  and  of  himself  as  Yahweh's  representative  to  Israel,  feels  that  he 
himself  has  contracted  marriage  with  a  harlot,  since  he  by  virtue  of  his 
prophetic  calling  sustains  the  same  relation  to  Israel  as  Yahweh  does. 
Against  the  view  that  Corner  was  a  public  harlot  are  urged  two  objections 
which  seem  decisive  :  (a)  that  if  this  had  been  intended  nor  would  have 
been  used  instead  of  D^IJT  rc*N;  (<5)  that  it  is  contrary  to  the  regular  custom 
of  Hosea  and  the  prophets  in  general,  who  always  represented  Israel  as  pure 
at  the  time  of  her  union  with  Yahweh. 

(2)  Another  phase  of  this  view  is  that  spiritual  fornication  is  meant  here, 
Gomer  being  a  worshipper  of  idols,  like  all  the  Israelites  of  Hosea's  time  (so 
New.,  Prciswcrk,  Sharpe,  Riedel,  Hal.).     But  if  such  were  the  case,  Hosea's 
preaching  and  his  use  of  his  wife  for  illustrative  purposes  would  have  had 
little  force  with  people  who  were  all  sinners  like  his  wife  and  saw  no  evil 
in  their  conduct. 

(3)  Some  have  held  that  Hosea  took  Gomer,  the  harlot,  not  as  a  full  wife, 
but  only  as  a  concubine  (so  Thomas  Aquinas,  Schmidt).     But  this  is  even 
less  acceptable  than  (i). 

(4)  Another  attempt  to  escape  difficulty  is  the  view  that  makes  the  wife  and 
children  virtuous  and  honorable,  but  says  that  Hosea  called  them  adulterous 
for  parabolic  purposes  (so  Luther,  Os.).     However,  this  is  out  of  keeping 
with  his  character,  and  might  have  brought  upon  him  open  ridicule  abroad 
and  misunderstanding  at  home. 

(5)  Finally,  it  is  held  that  the  disposition  toward  adultery  in  Gomer  did 
not  manifest  itself  until  after  her  marriage  (so  Geb.,  Ma.,  Ros.,  Eich.,  Stuck, 
Theiner,  Hd.,  Schegg,  Schlier,  Che.,  We.,  WRS.,  Kue.,  GAS.,  Da.,  Marti,  et  at.}. 
The  advantages  of  this  view  are    (<?)  that  it  accepts  the  narrative  as  being 
the  simple  recital  of  historical  facts  which  it  apparently  is,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  does  away  with  the  moral  difficulties  involved  in  other  views  that  do 
the  same;    (£)   that  it  furnishes  a  reasonable  basis  for  Hosea's  evident  love 
for  his  wife;    (<r)  that  it  most  easily  explains  the  processes  through  which 
Hosea  came  to  a  realization  of  the  mutual  relationship  of  Yahweh  and  Israel; 
(d)  that  it  is  strongly  supported  by  chap.  3,  which  describes  Hosea  as  taking 
back  his  wife  who  had  been  dismissed  on  account  of  her  adultery,  which 
dismissal  would  not  have  been  justifiable  if  Hosea  had  married  her  with  full 
knowledge   of  her   having   been    previously  immoral.      The  objections  that 
have  been  made  to  it  (cf.  Volz,  ZwT/i.  XLI.  321-35;    Da.  DB.  II.  422) 
are    (#)   the   fact   that   it   necessitates  the  supposition  that  Hosea,  after  an 
experience   running  through   many  years,  looked   back  upon  it  all,  and  in- 

P 


210  HOSEA 

terpreted  as  a  direct  call  of  Yahweh  what  was  in  a  large  measure  due 
to  his  own  natural  impulses;  (£)  the  fact  that  to  take  out  of  Hosea's 
life  the  number  of  years  necessary  for  the  occurrence  of  the  events  nar 
rated  here  leaves  comparatively  little  of  his  life  to  be  spent  in  prophetic 
activity;  (c)  if  we  accept  the  view  of  We.  (so  WRS.,  Kue.,  GAS.,  Now.) 
that  Hosea  did  not  discover  his  wife's  infidelity  until  after  the  birth  of  their 
first-born,  it  follows  that  his  domestic  experience  had  little  to  do  with  his 
conception  of  his  mission,  for  he  foretells  the  doom  of  Israel  in  the  name 
of  his  first  child,  Jezreel  ;  (V)  however,  whether  he  learned  of  his  wife's 
faithlessness  before  the  birth  of  Jezreel  (so  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  p.  112),  or 
after  that  event,  and  before  the  birth  of  the  other  two,  it  is  scarcely  probable 
that  he  would  have  kept  Gomer  in  his  house  and  permitted  her  to  go  on  in 
adultery;  (i)  the  fact  that  the  wife's  infidelity  did  not  develop  until  after  the 
marriage  would  have  been  too  important  an  item  to  have  been  completely 
ignored  in  the  text  (cf.  Marti's  view  that  Comer's  infidelity  was  not  discovered 
till  after  the  birth  of  all  three  children) ;  (/)  it  is  no  easier  to  think  of 
Yahweh  as  commanding  Hosea  to  marry  a  woman  whom  Yahweh  knows 
to  be  about  to  break  her  marriage  vows  than  it  is  to  think  of  him  as 
commanding  Hosea  to  marry  a  recognized  harlot;  {g)  the  purpose  of  the 
marriage  does  not  appear  on  this  supposition ;  it  was  not  necessary  to  teach 
Hosea  the  idea  of  Yahweh  as  Israel's  husband,  for  this  was  a  common 
Semitic  conception;  nor  could  he  have  passed  immediately  from  the  thought 
of  his  own  love  for  his  wicked  wife  to  that  of  Yahweh's  love  for  Israel, — 
he  must  have  had  a  special  revelation  of  this  thought,  —  hence  the  marriage 
was  unnecessary;  nor  was  it  necessary  in  order  to  arouse  the  prophetic  spirit 
in  Hosea,  for  he  could  not  have  seen  in  his  own  experience  an  analogy  to 
Yahweh's  experience  with  Israel  had  he  not  previously  had  a  prophet's 
realization  of  Israel's  wickedness ;  nor  is  it  sufficient  to  say  that  the  mar 
riage  was  to  teach  Hosea  how  deep  was  Yahweh's  love  and  anguish  and 
how  base  was  Israel's  ingratitude,  —  such  sympathy  could  come  only  through 
clear  insight  into  Israel's  complete  revolt  from  Yahweh  in  cultus  and  life; 
(ft)  while  it  is  per  se  possible  that  the  revelation  contained  in  the  marriage 
was  limited  to  Hosea  himself,  the  brevity  of  the  representation  and  its  close 
intermingling  with  the  remaining  utterances  speak  against  it,  as  well  as  the 
fact  that  in  such  cases  the  mediating  position  of  the  prophet  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel  always  appears. 

2  b.  For  the  land  goes  a-whoring  from  after  Yahweh~\  The 
land  represents  the  individual  inhabitants  and  is  used  in  the 
narrower  sense  of  Israel,  excluding  Judah.*  The  sense  of 
the  symbol  is  plain  :  (i)  the  prophet  represents  Yahweh  ; 
(2)  Gomer  who  is  married  to  the  prophet,  is  Israel  who  is 

*  Wii.,  Che.,  Now.,  et  al. 


I.  2-4  211 

married  to  Yahweh ;  (3)  as  Corner  after  marriage  goes  astray, 
so  Israel,  after  a  period,  goes  a- whoring  after  other  gods.  —  3.  And 
took  Gomer,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim\  Much  fruitless  effort  has 
been  spent  in  seeking  a  symbolical  meaning  for  Gomer.  This 
has  been  due  to  the  fact  that  the  prophet  so  interprets  the 
names  of  the  children,  and  because  "  Gomer  "  is  not  an  ordinary 
name ;  e.g.  (a}  "  consumption,"  and  this  with  Diblaim  =  "  cor 
rupt  mass  of  figs  "  ;  *  (^)  "  completeness  "  (cf.  Jer.  TcrcXco-- 
/neVr;),  with  Diblaim  =  "  cakes  of  figs,  sensual  pleasure  ";f 
(V)  destruction,  ruin,  j  referring  to  the  punishment  coming ; 
(d)  coals  ;§  (e)  marriageable  maiden,  daughter  of  wantonness.  || 
Besides  the  interpretations  of  Bath  Diblaim  given  above  may  be 
mentioned  doppelgattige^  (&  which  reads  :  "  Go  prophesy  against 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  idolatry,  etc.,"  and  "  Gomer,  daugh 
ter  of  raisin-cakes,"  i.e.  ardent  worshipper  of  Baal.**  Kimchi 
suggests  that  Gomer  was  a  well-known  harlot  of  the  prophet's 
time.  But  no  symbolical  meaning  attaches  to  the  word,  since 
the  prophet  gives  none,  although  to  the  others  he  gives  it,  and 
since  the  emphasis  rests  upon  the  children  rather  than  upon  the 
mother.  In  this  case  Gomer  is  a  historical  person,tf  and  Diblaim 
may  refer  to  her  father,  or  to  her  home,  bath  having  both  usages ; 
cf.  Diblathaim,  a  city  of  Moab,  Nu.  3346  Je.  48^.  —  And  bore  him 
a  son\  Some  Mss.  (v.s.)  omit  "  him  "  ;  in  any  case,  the  context 
demands  that  the  son  be  one  born  in  sin,  though  recognized  for 
the  mother's  sake.  Any  son  born  while  Gomer  is  recognized  as 
his  wife  will  be  his  son.  —  4.  Call  his  name  Jezreel~\  Four  points 
may  be  noted:  (i)  The  name  is  symbolical  and  refers  to  the 
great  battle-ground  (cf.  Ju.  413ff-  6s8  ff-  7lff-  i  S.  29lff-)  on  which 
Jehu  had  massacred  the  family  of  Ahab  (2  K.  9,  10).  In  giving 
this  name  to  the  bastard  son,  he  plainly  characterizes  Jehu's  act  as 
wicked  and  ruinous.  This  opinion,  differing  from  that  of  2  K.  iol30, 
represents  the  opinion  of  Hosea  and  the  moral  reformers  of  his 
time,  a  century  after  the  event.  A  century  had  given  the  prophets 
a  better  point  of  view.  The  cult  of  Jehu  and  his  descendants  was 
not  one  which  the  prophet  of  the  period  could  endorse.  (2)  Per- 

*  Cal.  §  Ges.,  Mau.  **  Riedel. 

f  Crocius.  ||  Hi.  ft  Geb.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  et  al. 

1  CC.  Mjirck.  Schlier.        H  Meier,  cited  by  Sim. 


212  HOSEA 

haps,  as  Nowack  suggests,  the  prophet  had  before  him  Elijah's 
prediction  of  the  downfall  of  Ahab's  home  on  account  of  Naboth's 
blood  (i  K.  2i20ff-).  (3)  The  prophet  does  not  yet  know,  if  we 
may  judge  from  the  name  of  the  son  as  compared  with  the  name 
of  the  daughter  (v.6),  that  his  wife  is  faithless  to  him.*  (4)  From 
the  words  that  follow :  /  will  avenge  the  blood  of  Jezreel  upon 
the  house  of  Jehu,  and  will  cause  the  kingdom  of  Israel  to  cease~\ 
it  appears  that  Hosea  expected  the  end  of  Jehu's  dynasty  and  the 
end  of  the  kingdom  to  come  at  the  same  time.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
about  twenty-one  years  (743-722  B.C.)  passed  before  the  kingdom 
ceased  to  exist,  and  during  this  period  six  kings  sat  upon  the 
throne.  This  is  all  the  more  interesting  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
prophet  himself  lived  for  some  time  after  the  death  of  Zechariah, 
and  might  easily  have  changed  this  definite  expression  which 
was  not  fulfilled  to  one  more  nearly  in  accord  with  the  facts; 
which  goes  to  show  that  neither  the  prophet  nor  his  contem 
poraries  were  accustomed  to  place  emphasis  upon  the  letter 
of  prophetic  speech.  While,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  clear  from 
history  that  with  the  fall  of  Jehu's  dynasty  the  end  in  the 
larger  sense  had  begun  to  show  itself.  —  5.  The  bow  of  Israel^ 
i.e.  power  (cf.  Gn.  4924  Je.  49^  Jb.  2920). — In  the  valley  of  Jezreel^ 
Jezreel  was  the  scene  of  the  slaughter  of  Ahab's  family  by  Jehu ; 
hence  the  valley  of  Jezreel  is  selected  as  the  most  fitting  place 
for  the  infliction  of  vengeance  for  this  deed.|  —  6.  And  she 
bare  a  daughter'}  Now  the  prophet  has  discovered  the  unfaith 
fulness  of  his  wife,  for  he  is  instructed  :  Call  her  name  No-pity\ 
Literally,  She  is  not  pitied  or  loved,  an  independent  sentence 
used  as  a  proper  name ;  the  explanation  follows :  /  will  no 
longer  have  pity  (or  love)  for  the  house  of  Israel,  that  I  should 
at  all  forgive  them']  Other  renderings  of  the  last  clause  are  : 
(i)  but  will  utterly  take  them  away;J  (2)  but  I  will  take  away 
from  them  (everything) ;  §  (3)  but  I  will  completely  forget  them  ;  || 
(4)  but  I  will  lift  up  my  hand  (in  solemn  oath)  against  them.^f 
Marti  omits  this  clause.  —  7.  But  I  will  have  pity  upon  the  house 


*  So  We.,  WRS.,  Kue.,  Now. ;  but  cf.  Che.  (z/.j.). 

t  Meinhold,  p.  64,  treats  v.5  as  a  later  addition. 

J  Hd.,  AV.,  et  al.        §  Hng.,  Pu.,  et  al.        \\  V,  Scholz,  et  al.        H  Abarb. 


I.  4-8  213 

of  Judah"]  This  verse  is  from  a  later  hand*  because  (i)  it  occa 
sions  an  interruption  in  the  description  of  the  prophet's  domestic 
history,  and  its  connection  with  Yahweh  and  Israel;  (2)  the 
phrase  "Yahweh  their  God  "  does  not  occur  in  pre-Deuteronomic 
literature;  (3)  other  verses  relating  to  Judah  are  suspicious; 
(4)  it  reflects  the  deliverance  of  Judah  in  Sennacherib's  time 
(701  B.C.).  —  And  will  deliver  them  by  Yahweh  their  God~\  The 
interpolator  apparently  forgets  that  he  is  representing  Yahweh 
himself  as  speaking,  and  thus  drops  into  the  use  of  the  third 
person.  —  And  not  .  .  .  by  bow,  nor  by  sword,  nor  by  equipment, 
nor  by  horses,  nor  by  horsemen]  This  repudiation  of  all  human 
help  and  this  absolute  confidence  in  Yahweh's  ability  and  willing 
ness  to  deliver  his  people  in  miraculous  ways  represent  a  charac 
teristically  late  conception  (cf.  Ez.  391'10  Jo.  232  314'17  Zc.  14* ff-).- 
8.  And  she  weaned  .  .  .  and  bare  a  son]  The  period  of  time 
between  the  birth  of  the  first  child  and  that  of  the  third  would 
cover  from  six  to  eight  years,  since  children  were  not  weaned 
until  they  were  two  or  three  years  old.|  —  Call  his  name  Not- 
my -people,  for  ye  are  not  my  people  and  I  am  not  your  God~] 
This  expresses  the  complete  estrangement  existing  between  Israel 
and  Yahweh,  and  Yahweh's  purpose  to  leave  Israel  to  its  fate. 
This  translation  involves  a  slight  change  of  text  (v.s.)  which  seems 
to  be  demanded  by  the  context.  jffl.31  "  I  will  not  be  to  you  " 
furnishes  essentially  the  same  thought. 

2.  nan  nSnr]  Cstr.  foil,  by  relative  clause  with  relative  omitted;  two  pos 
sible  constructions:  (i)  the  beginning  of  that  which  Yahweh  spoke,  cf.  Ps. 
8i6  Jb.  i821  (Ma.,  Mau.,  Sharpe)  ;  or  (2)  in  the  beginning  when  Yahweh 
spoke,  cf.  Gn.  i1  =  In  the  beginning  when  God  created,  etc.,  Ps.  48  go15; 
GK.  130^;  H.  8,  2  e  ;  K6.  385^  (Ew.,  Ke.,  Now.).  Other  constructions 
have  been  suggested:  (i)  to  regard  "\  'n  as  in  apposition  with  IDO  (v.1) 
=  "In  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  etc.,  in  the  beginning  when  Yahweh  spoke, 
etc.";  but  in  this  case  we  should  expect  a  repetition  of  the  prep.  0  with  'n 
and  the  omission  of  i  before  ''D'Q;  (2)  to  take  the  phrase  as  the  subject  of 
the  preceding  verse,  "  In  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  etc.  (was)  the  beginning  of 

*So  We.;  Sta.  Gesch.  I.  577;  Co.  ZAW.  VII.  285;  Kue.  Einl.;  Gieseb. 
Beitrage,  213;  Schwally,  7.AW.  X.  227;  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  p.  xx. ;  Oort, 
ThT.  XXIV.  345  f.;  Now.,  GAS.,  Gu.,  Seesemann,  Meinhold,  Marti;  but  cf.  Ko. 
Einl.  309  ;  Bohmer,  ZwTh.  XLV.  5. 

f  Cf.  ZDPV.  IV.  65  ;  Now.  Arch.  I.  171. 


214  HOSEA 

that,  etc." ;  (3)  to  make  rhnn  the  subj.  of  what  follows,  "  the  beginning 
which  Yahweh  spoke  with  Hosea  was  that  Yahweh  said  to  Hosea";  (4)  to 
treat  the  clause  'ina  .  .  .  nSnn  as  a  gloss,  and,  connecting  vs.1  a'-d  2,  to  read 
(omitting  i),  "In  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  etc.,  Yahweh  said  to  Hosea"  (Hi.). 
Other  readings  have  been  suggested  for  nan,  viz.  nsn  (U),  inf.  const.;  nan 
(©<&&) ;  and  also  i:n  as  a  noun,  cf.  D^tr  and  Je.  513  (Merc.,  Hd.).  —  ytPina] 
On  the  following  pisqa,  or  space,  cf.  Baer's  note,  p.  59;  GK.  iy<?;  and  Weir, 
Hebr.  Text,  94.  This  is  one  of  the  twenty-eight  verses  in  which  pisqa  is 
inserted  immediately  after  athnah.  —  ~\h  np]  For  other  cases  of  zeugma  see 
2206  Gn.  i11  i  S.  i216  Je.  I91  Ez.  69  (cf.  K6.  Stil.  122  f.).  — D\JUT  ne>N]  On 
pi.  in  abstr.  to  express  intensity,  GK.  124 f.;  H.  3,  zb;  Ko.  261  d\  Ew.8  179; 
on  the  use  of  annexion  to  express  characteristic  qualities,  GK.  128/5  Ko. 335  a. 
—  rum  ru;]  Intens.  inf.  abs. ;  the  impf.  (a  fut.  in  (Si  and  5J)  is  a  freq.  of  the 
pres.;  H.  21,  2;  GK.  107^-.  This  word  njr  as  distinguished  from  f|Nj  means 
to  commit  fornication,  and  is  used  almost  wholly  of  the  woman,  either  married 
or  unmarried  (used  of  man  only  in  Nu.  251,  with  Dyn  as  subj.);  while  f|Nj  means 
to  commit  adultery,  and  is  used  usually  of  the  man,  always  with  another  man's 
wife  ;  sometimes  of  the  woman  (Lv.  2O10  Ho.  413f-,  etc.).  —  nrwo]  Lit.  from 
after,  cf.  Dt.  74  2  S.  78  2O2  Is.  5913;  frequent  constr.  for  from  going  after, 
used  of  those  who  abandon  a  person  or  party  whom  they  have  before  fol 
lowed  ;  K6.  21 3  d. — 3.  n^an  na]  On  cstr.  cf.  K6.  30601. — 4.  *?Njnn]  God 
soivs ;  cf.  similar  formations  in  S&OB",  Vxo-p,  SxyDty;  Lag.  BN.  131.  — Tnpoi] 
i  marks  apod,  after  prec.  protasis,  ttj?n  iiy  (cf.  ^maan,  v.5);  GK.  112  oo 
and  143  d;  Ko.  367^. — ^cn]  On  force  of  pi.,  K6.  259 c.  —  5.  rum]  The 
familiar  formula,  GK.  112 y;  Dr.  §  121,  Obs.  i  ;  H.  25,  4.  —  VxjnP  pop]  The 
prop,  name  is  used  in  this  paragraph  of  the  city,  the  plain,  and  the  son  of 
Hosea;  for  other  examples  of  the  plain,  Jos.  I716  Ju.  633;  cf.  also  Ho.  22-24.  — 
6.  10x11]  Either  impers.  or  with  the  subj.  (Yahweh)  to  be  supplied.  —  nnm  xV] 
This  has  been  taken  as  a  Pu.  ptcp.  with  D  dropped,  but  the  regular  negative 
with  the  ptcp.  is  px;  it  is  probably  a  pausal  form  of  the  pf.  3  sg.  f.  (cf.  Is.  5411 
Pr.  2813).  On  this  use  of  the  neg.  in  proper  names,  GK.  152,  note  i; 
K6.  352/. —  -np  xS]  =  Lat.  non  jam.  —  omx  rpDix]  Verbal  appos.;  H.  36, 
2;  GK.  I2O£;  On  the  transl.  pity  or  love,  the  Grk.  transl.  (z\j.)  vary,  ©  using 
for  oms,  Ae^trai  ;  Complut.  dyaTryaai  (cf.  Paul,  in  Rom.  925).  The  word  is 
used  of  the  love  of  a  father  for  his  son  (Ps.  ic>313),  and  of  God  for  man 
(Is.  3018).  —  "ui  xtrj  13]  -o  indicates  result  (Mau.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Che., 
Now.,  GAS.;  K6.,  395  b},  and  is  not  adversative  (©fOJ,  New.,  Hd.),  while  NC>J 
here  =  py  x^j  =  take  away  guilt  =  forgive  (Ko.  209  V).  Cf.  this  usage  with 
ace.  in  Ex.  3232  Ho.  I43  Mi.  718,  etc.;  but  also  as  here  with  py  omitted  and 
S  of  person,  Gn.  iS26  Nu.  I419  Is.  29  Ps.  998. — 7.  '^  no"nxi]  Emph.  being 
suggested  in  contrast  with  'E»  no  (v.6).  It  is  easy  to  see  the  origin  of  this 
gloss.  —  SDTiVN  mno]  Cf.  i27  Zc.  io12  Is.  2613  4517  Ps.  i830  446.—  'ui  nvpa] 
Note  the  arrangement  of  the  five  nouns:  (i)  by  boTu  and  by  sword,  (2)  and 
by  battle,  (3)  by  horse  and  by  horsemen ;  war  includes  all  the  others  and 
is  altogether  superfluous  in  the  list,  especially  in  the  middle  of  it.  Now. 


III.  1-5  215 

and  Marti  om.  it ;  Che.  translates  "  equipment  of  war."  Perhaps  the  thought 
is  to  be  divided  thus:  "and  I  will  not  deliver  them  by  bow  nor  by  sword; 
nor  in  battle  by  horse  nor  by  horsemen."  In  any  case  the  rhythm  demands 
that  DDnScai  go  with  the  two  following  instead  of,  as  according  to  the 
accents,  with  the  two  preceding  nouns. 

§  3.  The  purchase  of  Gomer  as  a  slave,  and  her  retention 
"many  days."  31"5.  The  prophet  was  compelled  by  his  love  for 
Gomer,  faithless  as  she  was,  to  purchase  her,  out  of  the  depths  of 
infamy  into  which  she  had  fallen,  at  the  price  of  a  slave.  He  does 
not,  however,  at  once  reestablish  the  old  relationship ;  she  is  to 
be  disciplined,  to  lead  a  life  shut  off  from  men,  even  from  her 
husband.  This  period  of  seclusion  will  last  "  many  days."  The 
prophet  is  led  to  see  in  this  also  (i)  a  parallel  of  Yahweh's 
treatment  of  Israel ;  and  (2)  this  together  with  the  first  act  of  the 
domestic  tragedy  constitutes  his  call  to  preach,  and  furnishes  him 
the  fundamental  factor  in  his  preaching. 

The  literary  form  of  this  section  is  distinctly  poetic.  In  no  portion  of  the 
book  is  the  parallelism  more  marked,  or  more  perfect.  The  first  person  is 
employed  instead  of  the  third,  as  in  chap.  I.  There  are  three  strophes  of  6, 
6,  and  5  lines,  in  which  the  trimeter  movement  prevails.  The  first  (v.1) 
describes  the  faithlessness  of  both  Gomer  and  Israel;  the  second  (vs.2-3)  is 
devoted  to  Gomer,  picturing  her  degradation  and  seclusion;  the  third  (v.4) 
is  devoted  to  Israel,  picturing  her  degradation  and  seclusion.  V.5  is  a 
later  addition  (z/.z.)  In  this  piece,  which  stands  closely  related  with  the 
contents  of  chap.  I,  both  in  form  and  thought,  the  artistic  element  is 
seen  in  (i)  the  distribution  of  the  contents  into  the  three  strophes  (z'.-r.); 
(2)  the  regularity  of  the  rhythm  (falling  to  a  dimeter  only  once,  in  iCNl 
n*S{<);  (3)  tne  parallelism;  (4)  the  use  of  poetical  phrases  like  jn  nan» 
PDNjr;  (5)  the  use  of  rare  and  poetical  words,  like  •>tt"tt'N  (v.1)  and  in1? 
(v.2)  ;  (6)  the  use  of  the  first  person  throughout;  (7)  the  assonance  prevail 
ing  in  the  closing  lines  of  each  strophe,  viz.  the  recurrence  of  D11-  in  lines 
5  and  6  of  strophe  i;  of  •>_  in  lines  4-6  of  strophe  2;  and  of  px  in  lines  3-5 
of  strophe  3. 

1.  >n  ronx]  (J|  aya.iru<rav  irovrjpd  (=  jn  nans);  so  &  (so  also  Hermann, 
SK.  1879,  p.  515;  the  reading  Pans  is  adopted  by  Mich.,  Oort;  Patter 
son,  Hebr.  VII.  194;  Gu.;  Volz,  ZwTk.  XLI.  331;  Oct.,  Marti);  but  'A. 
ii^air^^v^v  T$  ir\rj(riov,  2.  v(f>  trtpov  (=  rnns).  Gr.  njn.  Hal.  D>jn  nans. 
Bach.  (foil.  Benary)  points  P:nx  =  with  the  love  of  a  friend,  and  om.  PDNJDI 
as  a  gloss  on  -UTP,  suggesting  that  the  whole  expression  is  a  later  correction 
made  to  offset  the  narrative  of  the  prophet's  relation  to  Gomer  in  chap.  i. 


2l6  HOSEA 


—  '£>•>  ij3]  Bab.  Cod.  'W>  mj.  —  2.  moNi]  0  KCU  {fjuffdu<rd/j.ir}v  (= 
so  &  (so  also  Hal.).  —  onjw  in1?]  @  f^eX  otVov  (=  -oc>  ^j);  so  Syr.-Hex. 
<S  om.  the  first  onpB>.  Gr.,  foil.  (5,  f"  Saj  (so  We.  (?),  Oort,  £w.).  —  W>VH 
DOJ>']  Gr.  o^JDm  an&>N(?).  —  3.  t1?  oa»n]  U  expectabis  me;  so  S.  wpoado- 
/cijcreis  fj.e.  —  t£>iNs]  <Q^,  dvdpl  er^y.  —  -pSs  >JN~OJI]  IB  sed  et  ego  expectabo 
te;  <§J5  om.  aj.  We.  inserts  N13N  N1?  before  "pSx  (so  Gr.,  Now.,  Oort,  Em.\ 
cf.  AE.  and  Ki.,  who  supplied  it  in  thought).  Linder  (SIC.  1860,  pp.  739  f.; 
cf.  Riedel,  "i^x  NS)  substitutes  r^Sx  for  "p^N.  St.  adds  ^rx  after  >JN.  Bach. 
inserts  sx  with  some  such  voluntative  as  ns-ax  implied.  Oct.  "-^  ->JN  DJI,  or 
^Ss  •'jx  DJi,  taking  IJN  as  imv.  of  njx,  /^?  sigh.  Read  "j^N  -»^>x  DJi  (cf.  Marti); 
for  the  idiom  S«  ^N,  cf.  Gn.  3i5.  —  4.  T#  TNI  I^D  PN]  Co.  and  Now.  om. 
as  gloss.  —  rni'2]  ©  6v<na<7Tr)piov  (=  n^T^);  so  «SU.  Other  Greek  versions, 
O-TTJXTJS.  —  BiDini  IIDN  psi]  @  oi)5^  lepar/as  ou5^  STyXwf,  which  latter  word 
represents  o>sn  elsewhere,  e.g.  Dt.  338  I  S.  I441  (Gr.;  cf.  Che.  Crit.  Bib.\ 

*'•  P^yT»pi7y 

'A.  KO.I  aKouovros  5c    tvdtifjuiTos   /cat   5ia   /io/o0w,tidrwv  ;    5  I'O^j     ^  AnS     P?o 

/TS  p 

>c|^co;  F  2.,  6.  simply  transliterate  the  Hebr.  —  5.  line]  ©  <?/orr^- 
S.  ^Trcui'&rcoa-t  ;  S»  ^^r^0-  —  3<l'3''ri  rmnx^]  "$  in  novissimo  dierum. 
V.5  as  a  whole  comes  from  a  later  period  (so  Stark,  ZAIV.  XI.  249;  Co. 
ZAIV.VII.  285,  and  £/«/.  172;  Oort,  Volz,  Now.;  Marti,  EB.  2122;  but 
cf.  Seesemann,  42  and  Now.2)  ;  this  appears  from  (i)  the  lack  of  anything 
in  the  narrative  of  Hosea  and  his  wife  to  which  the  statement  here  might 
correspond.  Hosea,  clearly,  did  not  take  back  his  wife;  he  went  only  so  far 
as  to  place  her  in  seclusion.  Not  a  word  in  the  narrative  points  to  her  re 
instatement  in  the  family.  (2)  The  tone  and  contents  of  this  verse  accord 
completely  with  those  of  21'3-  9-  16  f-,  which  for  many  reasons  must  be  treated 
as  of  later  origin  (zu.).  (3)  The  language  of  the  verse  points  to  a  later 
time:  («)  nns  occurs  only  in  Dt.,  Je.,  Ps.,  Pr.,  Jb.,  late  parts  of  Is.,  and 
Mi.  717  (a  late  passage),  where  the  usage  here  is  exactly  paralleled; 
(b~)  c^n  nnnN  occurs  besides  in  Dt.,  Je.,  Ez.,  Dn.,  Is.  22  (Mi.  41)  Gn.  491 
Nu.  2414  —  the  last  two  passages  having  been  edited  late  (cf.  Stark,  ZAW. 
XI.  247  ff.);  (c)  'so  -m-i,  —  the  expectation  of  a  Messianic  king  is  of  later 
origin,  having  its  beginning  with  Isaiah;  and  the  name  David  is  not  applied 
to  him  until  the  days  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.  Moreover,  the  full  writing 
•vn  is  late  (this  phrase  is  taken  as  an  interpolation  by  We.,  Sta.  GVI.  1-577; 
Gu.,  Val.,  Seesemann,  Now.2,  Meinhold)  ;  (</)  3V£,  as  applied  to  Yahweh,  is 
found  only  in  later  writings,  e.g.  Je.,  Ne.,  Ps.,  Is.  40-66. 

III.  1.  Once  more  go,  love  (this)  woman~\  The  ill?  is  thus  to  be 
taken  with  *]^,*  and  not  with  ifcin  in  contrast  with  "  in  the  begin 
ning  "  (i2).|  The  "woman"  is  unquestionably  the  same  woman, 

*  So  the  accents,  (ESTT,  Cal.,  Merc.,  Ma.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Che.,  Bach.,  Gu., 
We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Marti. 

t  Ew.(?)  Umb.  ;  Oort,  ThT.  XXIV.  355  (who  shows  that  in  the  majority  of  cases 
•ny  follows  its  verb)  ;  Gr. 


III.  I  217 

Gomer,  described  in  chap,  i,*  because  (i)  she  is  later  defined 
as  an  adulteress ;  (2)  she  plays  the  part,  in  parallelism  with 
Israel,  represented  by  Gomer  ;  (3)  her,  of  and  I  bought  her  (v.2), 
refers  to  a  particular  woman,  viz.  the  one  described  in  v.1 ;  (4)  if 
this  is  another  woman,  why  is  not  some  reference  made  to  the 
fact?  (5)  the  introduction  of  two  women  would  entirely  spoil  the 
essential  thought.  The  only  considerations  for  supposing  this  a 
different  woman  f  are  (i)  the  lack  of  an  article  with  ntt'K ;  but 
v.i. ;  (2)  the  lack  of  historical  data  concerning  the  treatment  of 
the  first  wife,  but,  on  any  hypothesis,  the  account  must  be  reck 
oned  meagre  and  defective;  (3)  the  money  of  v.2  is  the  dowry, 
but  this  is,  in  itself,  a  wrong  assumption  ;  v.i.  In  order  to  avoid 
the  force  of  the  evidence  which  chap.  3  furnishes  for  the  prevailing 
interpretation,  it  has  been  argued  that  the  chapter  is  from  a  later 
date,  |  because  (i)  in  i2  and  in  chap.  2  the  marriage  relation  is 
between  Yahweh  and  the  land,  but  in  3l  between  Yahweh  and  the 
sons  of  Israel ;  Hosea  might  have  learned  to  substitute  Israel  for 
land,  but  not  sons  of  Israel ;  the  latter  involves  such  a  weakening 
of  the  figure  as  is  scarcely  possible  in  the  imagination  of  one  man  ; 

(2)  in  31  the  Israelites  are  said  to  have  turned  to  "other  gods," 
while  elsewhere  Hosea  speaks  only  of  images  of  Yahweh  set  up  at 
local  shrines  which  he  never  accredits  with  real  existence  as  gods ; 

(3)  chap.  3  represents  Hosea  as  arriving  at  the  thought  of  Yah- 
weh's  love  for  wicked  Israel ;  if  he  had  done  so,  this  thought  must 
have  ruled  his  later  utterances ;    but,  on  the  contrary,  no  such 
thought  appears  ;  the  opposite  feeling  is  rather  dominant  (cf.  915- 17 
i314) ;    (4)   chap.  3  is  in  reality  an  allegorical  narrative  which  was 
added  to  the  literal  account  of  facts  in  chap,  i  at  a  later  date. 
It  is   evident   that,  either  intentionally  or  otherwise,   something 
has  been  omitted,  viz.  how  Gomer  came   into   the   situation  in 
which  chap.  3  finds  her.     Did  she  abandon  her  husband  ?  or,  did 

*  Geb.,  Burkius,  Stuck,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Kurtz,  Pu.,  Che.,  Paton  (JBL.  XV.  15), 
We.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Hal. 

f  Schmidt,  Bauer,  Ma.,  Eich.,  New.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Seesemann,  Marti. 

|  So  Volz,  ZwTh.  XLI.  321-5;  cf.  also  Marti,  EB.  2123,  note  2,  and  in  his 
Dodekapropheton,  who  makes  it  a  later  addition  intended  as  an  allegory  concerning 
Israel,  chap,  i  having  been  taken  as  relating  to  Judah  ;  in  which  case  Hosea  had 
two  wives,  one  literal,  viz.  Gomer  (=  Judah),  one  allegorical  (chap.  3)=  Israel; 
cf.  Ez.  23. 


2l8  HOSEA 

he  drive  her  from  his  house?  —  Beloved  of  a  paramour  and  an 
adulteress}  The  first  words  are  read  loving  evil  (v.s.),  a  general 
term  followed  by  one  more  specific  (but  see  Nowack)  ;  loving  a 
lover,  i.e.  one  not  her  husband  (v.s.)f  (cf.  the  use  of  "QnK  in  this 
verse)  ;  loved  by  her  husband*  thus  making  her  sin  all  the  greater 
(cf.  in  Ct.  516,  and  the  parallelism  in  the  next  member  in  which 
Yahweh's  love  for  Israel  is  indicated)  ;  with  the  love  of  a  friend, 
like,  etc.  (v.s.).  The  |H(£  is,  however,  to  be  preferred,!  and,  if 
adopted,  greatly  intensifies  the  degradation  into  which  the  woman 
had  fallen.  The  thought  is,  go  love  this  woman,  disgraced  and 
fallen  as  she  is.  in  means  paramour  also  in  Je.  31  La.  i2.  J  — 
As  Yahweh  loves  the  sons  of  Israel^  This  modifies  the  principal 
verb  of  the  command  :  Love  her,  and  in  so  doing  you  will  only  be 
doing  what  Yahweh  does  for  Israel  under  similar  circumstances. 
—  Although  they  turn  to  other  go  ds~\  Cf.  27-12f-16f-;  these  gods 
were  the  Canaanitish  Baalim  who  were  looked  upon  as  the  givers 
of  the  products  of  the  soil.  —  And  are  lovers  of  cakes  of  grapes} 
A  clause  parallel  with  the  preceding,  and  describing,  not  the  gods  § 
(who  were  foreign  and  lovers  of,  etc.),  but  the  Israelites,  \\  who,  in 
becoming  lovers  of  raisin-cakes,  are  adopting  the  customs  of  the 
Canaanitish  cult  in  their  worship  of  Yahweh.  While  elsewhere 
(i  S.  2518  2  S.  619)  this  phrase  refers  to  an  ordinary  article  of  food, 
although  in  the  latter  case,  doubtless,  associated  with  a  sacrificial 
feast,  it  is  here  used  with  some  sarcasm,  as  one  of  "  the  Dionysiac 
features  "  of  the  worship  of  the  gods  f  who  were  supposed  to  be  the 
givers  of  the  grapes.  For  the  rendering  flagons  of  wine,  and 
the  interpretation  of  it  as  a  reference  to  ordinary  debauchery,** 
there  is  no  support.  —  2.  And  so  I  bought  her  to  me]  This  is  the 
inexplicable  point  in  the  entire  transaction.  We  may  only  guess 
why  the  purchase  was  necessary.  There  are  three  possibilities  : 
(i)  she  had  been  divorced,  and  was  now  the  wife  of  another; 
but  if  this  were  the  case,  according  to  Je.  3lff-  she  could  not  have 
returned  to  her  former  husband  even  if  the  second  had  died  (cf. 


*  Rashi,  Cal.,  Schmidt,  Bauer,  Ma.,  Stuck,  Ros.,  Ke. 

t  AE.,  Os.,  Merc.,  Geb.,  Eich.,  Man.,  Ew.(  Hd.,  Sim.,  St.,  We.,  Now. 

t  Che.  $  Hi. 

||  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Schm.,  St.,  Or.,  Val.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Marti. 

H  WRS.  OTJCl  434.  **  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal. 


III.  2-3  219 

Dt.  241"4)  ;  perhaps,  however,  this  law  was  not  yet  in  existence 
in  Hosea's  times ;  *  or  (2)  she  had  actually  become  the  slave- 
concubine  of  some  one,  and  the  price  paid  is  the  price  of  a  slave  ; 
or  (3)  the  whole  proceeding  is  exceptional,  and  a  price  is  paid 
merely  to  prevent  altercation  with  the  man  with  whom  she  has 
been  living. f  In  any  case,  to  regard  the  money  as  the  price 
paid  for  a  slave  J  is  easier  than  to  understand  that  the  prophet 
here  describes  :  (i)  the  provision  which  he  makes  for  a  decent 
support  until  she  shall  be  fully  reinstated,  §  or  (2)  the  dowry 
which  always  goes  with  a  marriage.  ||  —  For  fifteen  pieces  of  silver, 
and  a  homer  of  barley,  and  a  lethek  of  barley]  Five  difficulties 
present  themselves  here  :  (i)  the  unknown  word  "lethek"  (v.i.)  ; 
(2)  the  absence  of  the  preposition  S(=  price)  from  the  words 
"  homer  "  and  "  lethek  "  ;  (3)  the  apparent  uselessness  of  the  repeti 
tion  of  the  word  "  barley  "  ;  (4)  the  lack  of  any  explanation  for  the 
payment  of  this  price  partly  in  money  and  partly  in  grain  ;  (5)  the 
uncertainty  as  to  the  value  of  barley.  The  text  is  clearly  suspi 
cious.  The  piece  of  silver  is,  as  usual,  the  shekel  (=75  cents  (?)). 
A  homer  =  10  ephahs  (cf.  Ez.  45")  =  30  seahs  =  8  bushels.  A 
seah  of  barley,  according  to  2  K.  y18,  was  worth  one-half  a  shekel ; 
but  this  was  at  the  close  of  a  siege.  The  "  lethek  "  (v.t.)  by  tradi 
tion  =  one-half  of  a  homer.  Accepting  this  traditional  valuation 
of  the  "  lethek,"  and  rating  the  seah  at  one-third  of  a  shekel,  the 
price  of  the  grain  would  be  a  second  15  shekels.  The  value 
of  a  slave  (Ex.  2I32)  is  30  shekels,  the  sum  here  named.  There  is 
no  good  basis  for  @'s  bottle  of  wine  (v.s.).^  —  3.  Many  days  shalt 
thou  sit  still  for  me]  Sitting  still  is  intended  to  be  the  opposite  kind 
of  life  to  that  which  she  has  been  pursuing  (cf.  Is.  3o7  Je.  814).  The 
designation  is  emphatic,  but  indefinite.  The  purpose  of  this  quiet 
and  secluded  life  is  a  moral  discipline,  which  in  the  end  will  pre 
pare  her  "for  me"  i.e.  to  resume  her  former  position  as  wife.  The 

*  Now.  f  Che.  t  Hes.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Or.,  We. 

$  Os.,  Geb.,  Po.,  Pu.,  Hux.,  Patterson  (Hebr.Vll.  220)  ;  cf.  Cal.,  who  makes  the 
money  a  purchase  price,  and  the  grain  provision  for  the  wife. 

||  Ma.  (the  woman  being  another  than  Gomer),  Ros.,  Stuck,  Theiner,  Mau. 

U  As  a  curiosity  of  interpretation  may  be  cited  the  view  of  AE.  that  the  15  pieces 
of  silver  =  the  15  kings,  beginning  with  Rehoboam,  and  counting  the  sons  of  Josiah 
as  one,  the  ncn  and  ~\r\^  being  the  chief  priests  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  who  were 
in  Jerusalem. 


220  HOSEA 

prophet  adds  three  specifications  to  this  general  statement,  which 
throw  light  upon  this  purpose  :  thou  shalt  not  play  the  harlot ;  thou 
shalt  not  have  a  husband ;  nor  will  1  be  to  thee\  This  is  climactic. 
The  first  specification  goes  without  saying  ;  but  two  others  follow  : 
she  may  not  have  another  husband,  a  thing  in  itself  entirely 
proper ;  and,  stronger  yet,  her  own  husband  will  grant  her  no 
intercourse,  she  is  restrained  "from  even  the  legitimate  gratifi 
cation  of  her  natural  instincts  "  (Cheyne)  ;  she  must  give  up  her 
licentious  life ;  the  proper  conjugal  life  is  denied  her  "  many 
days."  Literally,  thou  shalt  not  be  to  a  man  (cf.  Ru.  i12  Lv.  2212 
Nu.  3o7  Dt.  242,  etc.),  an  ordinary  expression  for  marriage.  The 
third  clause  reads  literally  according  to  the  present  text,  and 
also  I  unto  you;  according  to  the  text  as  amended,  nor  will  I 
be  unto  thee  (i.e.  as  a  husband).  This  has  been  treated  in  many 
ways  (v.s.)  :  (i)  "And  also  I  shall  be  so  unto  you,"  i.e.  he, 
the  prophet,  will  have  no  connection  with  any  other  woman ;  * 
(2)  "And  yet  I  am  kind  unto  thee";t  (3)  "And  also  I,  even 
I,  shall  not  be  unto  you"  (v.s.),  but  the  repetition  of  the  pro 
noun  is  not  probable  ;  (4)  "  And  also  I  will  go  away  from  thee  " 
(v.s.)  ;  (5)  "And  also  I  ...  not  unto  thee"  (inserting  h$,  v.s.) ; 
(6)  "And  also  I  will  be  against  you";|  (7)  "And  also  I  will 
not  be  unto  thee,"  the  force  of  vb  being  carried  over  from  preced 
ing  clause  ;  §  (8)  "  And  also  I  will  not  come  in  unto  you  "  (v.s.). 
—  4.  For  it  is  many  days  that  the  sons  of  Israel  shall  sit  still~\ 
In  other  words,  like  Gomer,  —  like  Israel;  i.e.  Israel  shall  be 
put  in  seclusion,  retention,  until  she  shall  have  acquired  a  new 
spirit.  As  in  the  preceding  case  the  time  is  indefinite ;  the 
discipline  consists  in  certain  deprivations ;  and  as  before,  these 
deprivations  are  distinctly  designated  in  climactic  order :  — 
(i)  Without  king  and  without  prince^  The  king  and  prince 
represent  the  rulers  of  the  state  (cf.  Ex.  3™  2  S.  19"  i  K.  81  2O7 
Je.  2617,  also  Ho.  f  810  i310,  where  king  and  prince  occur  to 
gether).  If  they  are  here  viewed  as  "  lovers  "  with  whom  Israel 
has  been  faithlessly  dallying,  the  demands  of  the  context  will 
be  satisfied ;  ||  and  Hosea  seems  to  regard  them  in  i4  as  guilty 
of  injury  to  Israel.  Others  think  this  is  too  forced  and  prefer 


*  Che.,  GAS.          f  Ew.          %  Wti.          $  Mau.,  Reuss.          ||  We.,  Che, 


III.  3-4  221 

to  regard  the  words  as  a  gloss  (v.s.).  (2)  Without  sacrifice  and 
without  pillar}  For  sacrifice  (§<8U  read  "altar."  The  conse 
crated  pillar  *  was  a  stone  erected  as  an  abode  or  sanctuary  for 
the  Deity  at  any  place  where  Deity  had  clearly  manifested  its 
presence  and  power.  There  were  '  pillars '  at  Shechem  (Jos.  2426), 
Bethel  (Gn.  2818ff-),  Gilead  (Gn.  3i45ff'),  Gilgal  (Jos.  45),  Mizpah 
(i  S.  y12),  Gibeon  (2  S.  2o8),  En-rogel  (i  K.  i9).  They  were  a 
common  feature  of  Canaanitish,  Phoenician,  and  Arabic  worship, 
and  in  early  times  were  in  good  repute  among  the  Hebrews, 
being  a  regular  accompaniment  of  every  sanctuary ;  but  the  later 
legislation  prohibited  them  as  idolatrous  (Dt.  i23  i622  Ex.  2324 
3413).  A  part  of  Jehu's  work  as  the  champion  of  Yahweh  was  the 
destruction  of  the  "pillars"  of  Baal  (2  K.  io26'-).  Two  of  these 
sacred  stones  were  discovered  in  1900  by  Professor  George  L. 
Robinson  near  the  road  up  to  the  high  place  at  Petra.|  "  Sacri 
fice  "  and  "  pillar "  make  a  pair  representing  worship,  or  the 
work  of  the  priest.  (3)  Without  ephod  and  teraphim\  These 
represented  means  of  discovery  of  the  divine  will  and  were  used 
in  worship.  The  ephod  j  was  an  image  of  the  deity.  This 
appears  most  plainly  (i)  from  the  account  of  the  making  of  an 
ephod  by  Gideon  (Ju.  8-6f-),  for  which  1700  shekels  of  gold  were 
used,  which  was  '  set  up '  (-¥?!_)  in  Ophra  and  became  an  object 
of  worship  :  (2)  from  the  statement  that  the  sword  of  Goliath 
was  hung  behind  the  ephod  at  Nob  (i  S.  2i9),  showing  that  the 
ephod  stood  out  from  the  wall  and  was  not  a  garment  hung  on  the 
wall ;  (3)  from  its  connection  with  teraphim  and  with  graven  and 
molten  images  (Ju.  ly1'5  i814 •17-18-20).§  The  ephod  was  probably 

*  Whitehcuse  in  Dff.,  art.  "  Pillar"  ;  We.  Reste  arab.  Heidenthums*,  101,  171 ; 
Now.  Arch.  I.  91,  192,  261  f. ;  II.  15,  i8f.;  Benz.  Arch.  (Index);  WRS.  Sent. 
203  ff.,  457;  G.  F.  Moore,  art.  "  Massebah,"  EB.  III.;  Dozy,  Die  Israeliten  zu 
Mekka;  Kue.  Rel.  of  hr.  I.  390-5;  Von  Gall,  Altisraelitische  Kultstatten  ;  Evans, 
Mycenaean  Tree  and  Pillar  Cult. 

f  See  B  W.  XVII.  6-16  ;  S.  I.  Curtiss,  PEFQSt.  1900,  pp.  350-5. 

J  Sellin,  Beitrage,  II.  115  ff.;  Baudissin,  Gesch.  des  alttest.  Priestertums,  205  ff.; 
Dr.  DB.  art.  "Ephod";  Now.  Arch.  II.  21  f.,  92 f.,  n8ff.;  Sm.  Rel.  (Index); 
Lotz,  PRE*  V.  402-6;  Benz.  Arch.  (Index)  ;  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  466,  471 ;  We.  Pro.  130; 
Foote,  Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Circulars,  XIX.  No.  145,  p.  40;  G.  F.  Moore,  Judges, 
232,  380 ff.,  and  art.  "  Ephod,"  EB.  II.;  K6.  Hauptprobleme,  59-63;  Lag.  Mit.  IV. 
17;  Marti,  Rel.  29,  101 ;  Reuss,  Gesch.  d.  heilig.  Schrift.  \\  102,  139. 

§  The  phrase  "  to  carry  an  ephod  before  me  "  in  i  S.  228  seems  opposed  to  the 


222  HOSE  A 

an  image  of  wood  or  stone,  covered  with  gold  or  other  precious 
metal,  —  hence  its  name  "riSK  (cf.  rriBK,  Is.  3o22)  ;  cf.  the  use  of 
the  same  word  for  the  garment,  or  covering,  of  the  priest  (Ex.  25* 
i  S.  218).  On  the  basis  of  this  connection  with  the  priestly  ephod 
and  of  its  relation  to  the  sacred  lot  (i  S.  239ff-  3O7ff)  it  is  argued 
with  much  force  that  the  primitive  ephod  was  not  an  image,  but  a 
loin-cloth,  or  apron,  containing  pockets  from  which  the  lot  was 
drawn.*  The  sanctuaries  at  Dan  (Ju.  17  and  18)  and  at  Nob 
(i  S.  2 19  236)  are  mentioned  as  having  ephods.  The  teraphim 
were  penates,  images  of  ancestors!  (cf.  i  S.  iQ13-16  Gn.  3i19<34f-). 
That  they  had  human  form  appears  plainly  from  the  story  of 
Michal's  ruse  in  substituting  the  teraphim  for  David  her  hus 
band.  This,  added  to  the  fact  that  they  were  consulted  for 
oracles  (Ez.  2i21  Zc.  io2),  are  mentioned  alongside  of  nOKn 
and  D'Wn  (2  K.  2324),  and  were  common  to  both  Aramaeans 
and  Hebrews  (Gn.  3i19'34f),  makes  it  probable  that  they  were 
relics  of  ancestor  worship.  J  If  Schwally's  proposal  to  connect 
the  word  with  B'Kfii  ( =  shades)  be  accepted,  no  doubt  remains 
as  to  their  original  significance.  They  came  to  have  a  place 
at  the  sanctuaries  along  with  the  ephod.  Are  these  things  re 
garded  as  ungodly  and  unauthorized ;  has  the  use  of  them  been 
idolatry,  parallel  with  Comer's  adultery;  and  are  these  the 
occasion  of  the  captivity  which  is  now  predicted?  Or,  as  mar 
riage  and  conjugal  intercourse  (something  under  ordinary  circum 
stances  proper  enough)  were  denied  to  Gomer  for  a  certain 
period  as  a  punishment  for  her  sins,  are  these  something  which 
under  ordinary  circumstances  are  proper  enough,  but  which  in 
this  case  are  taken  away  from  Israel  in  order  to  punish  her? 
Or  does  the  prophet's  thought  include  both  Yahweh-worship 
and  idol -worship  ?  That  is  :  in  the  same  manner  as  Hosea's 
wife  is  to  be  restrained  from  all  intercourse,  both  lawful  and 
unlawful,  so  Israel  is  to  be  cut  off  from  all  worship,  both  true 


idea  of  the  ephod  as  an  image  of  God ;  but  the  word  ^oS  does  not  appear  in 
<EB  and  £. 

*  So  T.  C.  Foote,  "  The  Ephod,"  JBL.  XXI.  1-47. 

t  Benz.  Arch.  257,  382;  Now.  Arch.  I.  260;  II.  23;  Sm.  ReL  (Index)  ;  Reuss, 
Gesch.  u.  s.w.  §  139. 

J  So  Sta,  GVI.  I.  467;  Schwally,  Lebcn  nach  dem  Tode,  35  ff.;  Che. 


III.  4-5  223 

and  false.*  Much  turns  on  the  answer  given  to  these  questions. 
If  the  first  is  true,  Hosea,  looking  at  the  case  from  the  point  of 
view  of  Judah,  regards  the  Northern  kings  as  usurpers,  and  the 
sacrifice  and  pillars  as  alien  to  the  orthodox  cult  and  as 
the  source  of  Israel's  difficulties.!  If  the  second  is  true,  he 
regards  these  things  as  legitimate  and  natural ;  he  enters  no 
protest  against  them,  just  as  he  enters  no  protest  against  mar 
riage  ;  but  for  this  very  reason,  the  deprivation  is  all  the  more 
severe,  since  it  is  to  be  a  deprivation  of  what  was  legitimate 
and  not  of  what  was  illegitimate.  J  In  this  case,  as  Weilhausen 
says,  "  It  is  not  without  a  touch  of  scorn  that  Hosea  here  with 
an  air  of  innocence  enumerates  macgeba,  ephod,  and  teraphim 
as  something  which  will  be  sorrowfully  dispensed  with  in  exile." 
—  5.  Afterward  the  sons  of  Israel  shall  return  and  seek  (or,  again 
seek)  Yahweh,  their  God.~\  V.5  is  an  addition  (v.s.,  p.  216),  and 
must  be  so  interpreted  ;  cf.  29- 17.  A  reader,  living  at  a  time  when 
the  period  of  seclusion  is  concluded,  and  realizing  that  Israel's 
return  was  the  next  step  in  the  manifestation  of  the  divine  grace, 
adds  the  thought  which  makes  more  complete  the  wonderful  state 
ment  in  vs.1"4.  It  is  a  picture  of  the  very  "last  times." — And 
David  their  king~\  This,  interpreted  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  Judaistic  period,  is  not  (i)  merely  a  king  of  the  Davidic 
dynasty,  i.e.  the  dynasty  itself  (cf.  Am.  911)  ;  §  but  (2)  the  Mes 
sianic  king,  ||  the  second  David,  an  idea  which  had  its  roots  in 
Isaiah's  time,  and  thenceforward  developed  (cf.  Ez.  3423  3724f- 
458'9  Je-  3°9)'  —  And  thgy  shall  tremble  before  Yahweh  and  his 
goodness~\  The  punishment  inflicted  will  have  been  so  terrible 
that  ever  afterward,  Yahweh  will  be  approached  with  awe  and 

*  So  Stuck,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  St.,  et  al.  Cf.  W.  R.  W.  Gardner 
(AJSL.  XVIII.  178),  who  takes  the  three  double  expressions  as  a  series  of  con 
trasts,  viz.  the  king,  God's  representative;  the  prince,  Baal's  representative;  sacri 
fice,  God's  offering ;  pillars,  signs  of  Baal-worship ;  ephod,  means  by  which  God 
revealed  himself;  teraphim,  means  by  which  Baalim  were  consulted.  In  short  the 
people  were  to  be  without  God  and  his  worship,  but  also  without  Baal  and  his 
worship.  But  the  use  of  the  ephod  was  as  truly  an  act  of  superstition  as  was  that 
of  the  teraphim. 

t  So  Ros.,  Reuss,  Or.,  Sharpe,  Now.  J  So  We.,  Che. 

§  Ma.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Sim.;  Duhm,  Theol.  63;  Che.;  Di.  AUtest.  Theol.  165; 
WRS.  art.  "  Hosea,"  in  Encyc.  Brit. ;  Or.,  Wii. 

||  SF,  AE.,  Os.,  Geb.,  Lu.,  Stuck,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Marti. 


224  HOSE  A 

trembling  (cf.  Ps.  up161)  ;  and  not  only  Yahweh,  but  his  goodness 
(2V£) ,  i.e.  his  blessing.  —  In  the  end  of  the  days\  Here,  as  in 
Is.  22  (Mi.  41)  Dt.  430,  and  perhaps  Je.  2^,  characteristic  of  a 
post-exilic  interpolation.*  This  great  time,  perhaps  first  sug 
gested  in  Ezekiel's  day,  becomes  in  later  prophetic  thought  the 
date  when  all  that  is  wrong  will  be  set  right. 

1.  -n;1]  Cf.  "j1?  np  11;',  Zc.  n15;  for  other  cases  of  -nj?  prec.  a  finite  vb.,  cf. 
Ps.  845  Jb.  2420  EC.  31J  I29  Je.  29  (Oort,  ThT.  XXIV.  355).  Cf.  GK.  142^-.— 
nrx]  The  article  is  lacking  ace.  to  a  usage  common  in  Arabic  of  which  several 
cases  are  found  in  Hebr.,  called  '  indeterminateness  for  the  sake  of  ampli 
fication';  here  expressed  by  siich  a  woman;  cf.  TO,  Is,  282;  vij?  Am.  614; 
GK.  125  c;  Reckendorf,  Die  syntaktischen  Verhaltnisse  des  Arabischen,  163  f.; 
but  cf.  Ko.  293  d. — >n  n^ns]  For  construction,  cf.  Ko.  336  o.  —  ">  nanto 
•>j3~nx]  Inf.  fern,  with  ">  for  subj.  and  IJSTN  obj.,  GK.  115  f.;  H.  29,  2c;  Ko. 
229  c  and  232  #.  Earth  {NB.  I.  174  ff.),  followed  by  BDB.,  retains  pointing 
of  fH&j  and  regards  it  as  a  ptcp.  act.,  citing  several  similar  cases  in  Hebrew. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  renderings  ordinarily  adopted  for  nans  do  not 
harmonize  in  paral.  with  this  phrase;  but  cf.  Bach.'s  reading  above. —  D\jfl  cni] 
Circ.  clause  =  while  they  are,  etc.,  or  although  they  are  ;  GK.  141  e;  Dr.  §  160; 
H.  45,  i  b;  Ko.  362  /;  on  is  also  subj.  of  ons.  —  onnx  DTI^N]  Cf.  Ex.  2O8 
2313  Dt.  57  614  Jos.  2315  242  Ju.  212  I  S.  88  Je.  i16  2  Ch.  yW.  —  HB»PN]  The  root  is 

^cf 
B»E»N,  to  found  (cf.  /^w-yw!  and  Assyr.  ashdshu,  with  same  force).    Thus  it  seems 

to  mean  "cakes  of  pressed  grapes."  Here  only  is  oojy  expressed;  and  here  it 
is  evidently  an  offering  to  the  gods  (cf.  Je.  y18).  In  2  S.  619  (—  I  Ch.  i68)  it  is 
spoken  of  as  an  article  of  food;  so  also  in  Ct.  25  where  it  seems  to  be  regarded 
as  stimulating  nourishment  (cf.  BDB.,  BSZ.;  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  XV.  719,  cited 
by  Eenz.ArcA.  92;  Now.  Arch.  I.  237;  WRS.  OTJC.  Lect.  XI.  note  7;  Che.; 
Riedel,  pp.  15  f.).  This  meaning  is  questionable  in  Is.  1 6",  where  Thes.  takes  it 
as  =  foundations  (so  j$,  Ki.,  Jarchi;  but  cf.  De.  on  Is.  16"  and  Riedel,  p.  15). 
Cf.  Che.  CB.  ao-w  -\r\v?_.  —  2.  rnrw]  Cf.  ©  (v.J.)j  ^  from  n"13  dag.  forte 
dirimens,  GK.  20 h;  Ew.8  28  b.  —  nos]  For  use  of  sg.,  cf.  H.  15,  3,  rm.  (d}.  For 
omission  of  Spp,  cf.  Ko.  314^,  and  v.  Ex.  2i32  Nu.  713  Lv.  2ff-.  —  -]rh']  a.\. 
The  Mishnah  tradition  that  this  measure  =  £  ~\b  =  %  nnn  is  the  only  source  of 
information  concerning  it  (cf.  Levy,  NHWB.  II.  531).  The  corresponding 
Syriac  root  seems  to  have  no  connection  with  this  word  (cf.  Lag.  Or.  II.  32  f.; 
Benz.  Arch.  183;  Now.  Arch.  I.  203).  —  ySx]  Cf.  Ko.  319  r  and  352  u  for 
explanation  of  construction  here  on  the  basis  of  JH3T.  —  4.  ftf]  Circ.  cl.,  cf. 
(5,  gen.  abs.  in  this  case;  the  repetition  is  intended  to  emphasize  the  monoto 
nous  emptiness  which  the  sound  of  pN  itself  represents.  —  D'inn]  On  signifi 
cance  of  pi.  form,  cf.  Ko.  2630.  —  5.  "PITTIN]  The  full  writing  is  found  regu- 


*  So  Stark,  ZA  W.  XI.  252 ;  Seesemann,  42 ;  Now.2 ;  cf.  Meinhold. 


III.  5  225 

larly  in  Zc.,  Ch.,  Ezr.,  Ne.;  also  in  Am.  65  911  (both  late  passages),  Ez.  3428 
Ct.  44  i  K.  314  1 14-  3*  (these  three  verses  are  from  Rd) ;  cf.  GK.  2,  z/.  note 
2,  where  the  full  writing  in  the  Minor  Prophets  is  called  a  caprice  of  the 
Massoretes.  —  ^N  nna]  Cf.  Ko.  213  a. 

§  4.  Israel's  harlotry  and  her  punishment  therefor.     2^7- 

10-14. 15  (18).  19  [English     22~6'  ^^  13  (16))  17~! . 

Let  Israel  put  away  her  harlotry,  lest  I  destroy  her ;  for  she  has 
sinned  shamefully  in  entering  into  union  with  those  whom  she 
supposed  to  be  the  authors  of  her  prosperity ;  and  she  has  for 
gotten  that  it  was  I  who  gave  her  all  these  things.  But  I  will  take 
away  my  corn  and  wine  and  wool  and  flax ;  I  will  destroy  her 
vines  and  fruit  trees  ;  yea,  I  will  cause  all  her  gladness  to  cease  ; 
I  will  punish  her  for  her  indulgence  in  unholy  things.  I  will  even 
cause  these  things  to  be  forgotten. 

This  is  (i)  independent  of  chaps,  i  and  3,  which  go  to 
gether  ;  and  (2)  independent  of  the  insertions  from  later  times 
in  vs.8- 9- 16- 17-  20~22-  **-**• 1"3.  There  is  no  very  close  connection  between 
this  and  chaps,  i  and  3. 

This  piece  may  be  treated  as  a  literary  unit  (vs.46-6-12  being  regarded  as 
glosses;  z'.z.).  Its  thought  is  the  simplest  possible:  Israel  has  played  the 
harlot ;  she  shall  be  ptmished.  For  the  passages  which  have  been  inserted  by 
later  writers  (four  such  insertions  may  be  distinguished),  v.i.  It  is  made  up 
of  four  strophes,  8,  9,  8,  9;  and  its  movement  is  trimeter.  This  is  almost 
perfect  throughout.  Strophe  i  (vs.4- 5)  :  Plead  with  your  mother  to  put  away 
her  sin,  lest  I  destroy  her.  Strophe  2  (vs.7- 10)  :  She  has  sinned  in  seeking 
the  Baalim  from  whom  she  imagined  she  received  benefit,  not  knowing  that 
it  was  I  who  bestowed  upon  her  all  her  comforts.  Strophe  3  (vs.11- 14)  : 
Therefore  I  will  take  back  these  things  which  I  have  given  her,  the  evidences 
of  her  prosperity,  her  corn  and  wine,  her  vines  and  fig  trees.  Strophe  4 
(vs.13- 18- 19)  :  I  will  cause  all  joy  to  cease  and  will  punish  her  for  these 
indulgences,  and  their  very  names  shall  be  expunged  and  forgotten.  In  this 
treatment  the  following  modifications  of  the  present  text  have  been  made: 
(r)  28.  9.  16. 17,  20-22,  23-25,  i-3  are  taken  as  four  distinct  and  independent  utter 
ances  and  treated  separately  (see  pp.  236-248);  (2)  246  (ntpiN  .  .  .  ^), 
v.6,  v.10  (S;'aS  wj?),  v.12,  v.14  (onND  ^  uru  IPN)  are  glosses;  (3)  v.18  is  treated 
as  a  gloss;  (4)  v.14  is  placed  after  v.11,  leaving  v.13  and  Vs.15and19  in  close 
connection.  These  passages  will  be  considered  in  their  proper  places. 

4.    inn  ]   (5  Kpie-rjre',   'A.,  S.,  5iKc£(ra<r0e;   F  judicate ;  in  all,  judge,  rather 
than  plead;    cf.  £.  —  iDm]    @  icai    QapS) ;    so    Ethiopic ;    'A. 
Q 


226  HOSEA 

rvjDD]  &  f/c  irpoffdnrov  fjiov;  so  Ethiopia;  =:  visa  (so  also  Vol.  and  Loft.j 
regarding  £H2Ts  change  to  3  p.  as  made  on  theological  grounds).  —  5.  jc] 
©  STTWS  &»>,  the  opposite  of  fH3T;  but  'A.,  S.,  0.  ^irore.  —  p-\JO . 
Gr.  and  Hal.  3  for  3.  —  .-WBM]  5)  om.  —  n>x]  H  inviam.  —  7.  «iptp]  (& 
&r  a  /«><.  Kad-fiKfL  ;  similarly  j$;  2C  "'Dine  *?DI. — 10.  'ui  ^Dai]  @  And  silver 
I  have  multiplied  for  her.  This  one,  however,  made  {things}  of  silver  and 
gold  for  the  Baal ;  .  J5  and  silver  and  gold  I  multiplied  to  her,  and  from  it  they 
made  Baal ;  similarly  {£.  Bach,  -nuty  for  ivy.  Oct.,  on  basis  of  @  and  Syr.- 
Hex.,  nnfc'£. — 11.  nDi']  (g  ra  i/xdrid  pov.  —  niDoV]  @  TOU  w  KaXtirreiv ; 
cf.  Sievers,  Now.2;  U  ^/^^^  operiebant ;  &  JJOJSZ?  2LOai^j  ;  Gr.  n'^D3C. — 

12.  -I-PD]  'A.  ^/c  xetpos  aur^s.  — 14.   nnjNn]  ©  0-u/cas.  —  njnx]  We.  IJPN  (so 
Bach.,   Now.,    Oct.,    Marti).  —  ty]     (5    fj.aprijpi.ov  =  nyS    (Vol.,   Treitel).— 

13.  ^njB'ni]  @  dTroo-Tptyu  (=  inb^n).     ©   pluralizes  all  nouns  of  this  verse 
and   inserts   /cat    between    each   pair   except   the    first.  — 15.    onS  .  .  .  ntPN] 
(&  ev  ah  .  .  .  auro?s;    3J  quibus ;  &  refers  an1?  to   >g\— inopn]    Now.  and 
Marti,  -»Bi2n.  —  nmSn  .  .  .  new]  @  pi  — 18.   >Nnpn]    ©  adds  >S  after  the  first 
vb.  and  renders  both  verbs   /caX^ret ;    so  3J,  vocabit.     Oort  (£m.},  snpn. — 
t|1?^^]   ©  /SaaAetV/,  ;   U  Baali,  both  treating  it  as  a  proper  name;   'A.  exw?  ytte. 
Marti,   foil.   <S   and   Duhm,   D^Si'n^  nip   N^pn   sSi  nu'<|NS  x-\pn.  — 19.    TOP] 
Gr.  -n^p  (so  Loft.).  —  rocs']  ^  sg.  —  DD^^]  S  has  sg.  suff.     Hal.  om.  this 
phrase.  —  H^CD]  Gr.  on>fla. 

II.  4.  Strive  with  your  mother,  strive~\  Yahweh  is  represented 
as  addressing  the  individual  Israelites  *  (this  is  better  than 
to  understand  merely  the  faithful  Israelites!).  The  mother 
with  whom  they  are  to  strive  is  the  nation  Israel  as  a  whole. 
The  repetition  of  the  imperative  gives  intensity ;  cf.  1&H3  Ifcn3, 
Is.  4O1.  It  is  with  the  mother,  viz.  Israel  herself,  that  complaint 
must  be  made,  not  with  Yahweh.  —  For  she  is  not  my  wife,  and 
I  am  not  her  husband.~\  This  is  not  (i)  the  word  of  judgment 
pronounced,  *3  being  =  on ;}  nor  (2)  is  it  merely  a  paren 
thetical  phrase  inserted  by  the  original  writer  by  way  of  ex 
planation  ;  §  but  rather  (3)  a  gloss ;  ||  because  it  interrupts  the 
connection  between  in1")  and  "nom,  and  because,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  Hosea  does  not  dissolve  all  relation  to  his  wife  nor  repre 
sent  Yahweh  as  wholly  abandoning  Israel.  —  That  she  put  away 
her  whoredoms  from  her  face~\  A  clause  depending  closely  upon 

*  So  Cal.,  Grotius,  Schmidt,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Bockel,  Mau.,  Hes.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Sin 
Ke.,  We.  f  Hux.,  Sharpe.  +  Geb.,  Ma.,  Ros. 

§  Bauer,  Bockel,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Wii.,  Che. 
||  Volz,  Now.;   Marti  om.  only  the  latter  half  ;  Now.2  retains  both  clauses. 


II.  4-5  227 

;  this  is  the  message  which  the  children  are  asked  to  convey 
to  the  mother,  because  it  is  the  mother's  "  whoredoms "  that 
have  brought  shame  and  disgrace  upon  the  children.  Note 
worthy  is  (§  and  I  will  take  away  her,  etc.,  i.e.  by  carrying  her 
into  captivity.*  From  her  face,-\  rather  than  from  before  her,  \ 
the  former  contrasting  better  with  breasts  of  the  following  clause 
(cf.  Hor.  Odes,  I.  19,  Is.  7,  8).  —  And  her  adulteries  from  between 
her  breasts~\  A  strong  parallel  for  the  preceding,  breasts  here 
standing  for  shamelessness,  while  face  there  indicated  obstinacy.  § 
Cf.  also  Kimchi,  who  makes  the  breasts  =  the  law,  written  and 
oral ;  Crocius,  who  makes  face  and  breasts  mean  open  and 
secret  sins,  i.e.  the  life  and  the  heart;  Hitzig,  who,  following 
Kimchi  and  Abarbanel,  understands  whoredoms  as  the  paint  upon 
the  face,  and  adulteries  as  the  ornaments  which  hung  down  upon 
the  breasts  (cf.  v.15).  — 5.  Lest  I  strip  her  naked'}  Cf.  Ez.  i639. 
In  five  successive  and  climactic  phrases  there  is  pictured  the 
punishment  which  awaits  the  adulteress,  Israel.  It  is  still  Yahweh 
who  speaks.  The  representation  is  at  first  true  to  the  figure,  and 
speaks  of  Israel  as  a  woman ;  but  almost  imperceptibly  it  passes 
over  in  the  latter  part  to  the  thought  of  the  land.  Stripping 
naked  the  adulteress  was  the  custom  of  other  nations  (e.g.  among 
the  Germans  || ).  According  to  Lv.  2O10  and  Dt.  2222  as  interpreted 
by  the  Talmud,  she  was  to  die  by  strangling;  but  Ez.  I639  40  (cf. 
John  8'5)  refers  to  death  by  stoning.  —  And  set  her  as  in  the 
day  of  her  birtJi}  When  Israel's  history  as  a  nation  began, 
whether  we  date  it  from  the  time  of  the  Egyptian  bondage,!  or 
from  the  time  of  her  becoming  independent  (cf.  Ex.  ^18-24))** 
or  from  the  time  of  the  exodus,  f|  she  was  a  nomadic  people 
without  house,  or  possession  of  any  kind.  This  former  low  and 
hard  condition  will  be  hers  again.  —  And  make  her  as  the  wilder 
ness'}  But  now  the  writer  identifies  the  nation  and  the  land. 
Israel,  i.e.  her  land,  is  to  become  a  wilderness.  \\  This  is  better 


*  Theophylactus  ;  see  Wahrendorf,  In  Theophylacti  dvexfioTov?,  etc.,  super  initium 
cap.  II.  Hoseae,  etc.  (1702),  p.  u. 

t  Schmidt,  Bockel,  Ros.,  Theiner,  Mau.,  Hng.,  Hes.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Che.,  Now. 
J  Dathe,  New.  $  Che.  ||  Tac.  Germ.  §§  18,  19. 

H  Ki.,  Ke.,  Wu.  **  Sim.,  Now.  ft  Cal.,  Hi. 

JJ  So  Eich,,  Theiner,  Hes.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Che.,  We.,  Now. ;  Seesemann,  p.  37. 


228  HOSEA 

than  to  read  it  as  in  the  wilderness*  or  to  interpret  the  suffix 
directly  of  the  nation,  thus  made  desolate.f —  And  set  her  as 
dry  land']  A  poetic  parallel  of  the  former  clause,  but  stronger, 
since  the  wilderness  was  not  always  a  desert.  —  And  slay  her 
with  thirst~}  He  still  speaks  of  the  land  (cf.  Ez.  19"  Koran 
30:18).  One  finds  important  material  for  consideration  in 
this  verse  with  its  splendid  climactic  arrangement,  with  its 
beautiful  and  natural  blending  of  two  ideas,  land  and  people, 
which  were  really  one,  with  its  representation  of  Israel's  future, 
so  distinctly  different  from  that  of  v.16  in  this  same  chapter. — 
6.  And  upon  her  children  I  will  have  no  mercy  y  because  they  are 
the  children  of  whoredom]  This  (i)  is  merely  a  repetition  of 
i6  and  i2;  (2)  interrupts  the  very  close  connection  between 
vs.5ana7  (v.i.) ;  (3)  may  not  itself  be  treated  as  preceding  v.7 ; 
(4)  is  inconsistent  with  the  strophic  structure.  It  is  a  gloss.  \ 
A  reader,  seeing  (v.5)  that  the  land  had  been  laid  waste,  added, 
for  the  sake  of  completeness  and  in  language  already  at  hand, 
a  statement  concerning  the  people  of  the  land,  the  Israelites. 
—  7  For  their  mother  has  become  a  harlot~]  The  change  of 
person  from  D3J3K3  (v.4)  is  not  unusual.  This  is  the  reason  for 
the  dire  punishment  threatened  in  v.5.  Of  what  now  has  Israel 
really  been  guilty  ?  Not  of  worshipping  the  Baalim  as  gods 
who  existed  in  opposition  to,  or  alongside  of,  Yahweh,  as  the 
givers  of  the  blessings  of  field  and  flock ;  §  but  rather  of  having 
put  Yahweh  in  the  place  of  the  Baalim  and  having  retained  as 
an  essential  element  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  the  rites  formerly 
carried  on  as  a  part  of  the  cultus  of  the  Baalim.  They  do  wor 
ship  Yahweh  as  the  source  of  these  material  blessings,  but  they 
have  corrupted  his  worship  with  so  much  that  pertains  in  reality 
to  the  cultus  of  the  Baalim,  that  they  might  as  well  be  worshipping 
the  latter.  ||  —  She  that  conceived  them  has  behaved  shamefully] 
For  this  idea  of  acting  shamefully,  cf.  Pr.  1 24  i  f.  —  For  she  said, 


*  So  Jarchi,  Bockel,  Stuck. 

fSo  e.g.  Cal.,  Os.,  Merc.,  Schmidt,  Geb.,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ma.,  Ros.,  Schro., 
New.,  Hng.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii. 

\  So  Volz,  Now. ;  but  cf.  Marti,  who  om.  only  66,  and  Now.2,  where  the  entire 
verse  is  retained. 

\  Bockel,  Or.,  Che.,  Val.,  Gu.,  Seesemann.  ||  We.,  Now. 


II.  6-7,  io  229 

I  will  go  after  my  lovers}  Israel's  paramours  were  not  the  peoples 
round  about,*  nor  the  gods  of  these  people  ;f  but  the  Baalim  \ 
whose  cult  had  completely  corrupted  the  more  pure  Sinai-cult 
which  had  been  Israel's  in  the  early  days.  —  Who  give  me  my 
bread  and  my  water,  my  wool  and  my  flax,  my  oil  and  my  drink\ 
Three  couplets,  of  which  the  first,  bread  and  water,  describes  nour 
ishment;  the  second,  wool  and  flax,  clothing;  the  third,  oil  and 
drink,  satisfaction  and  happiness.  It  is  the  gods  of  the  land  that 
give  these,  hence  they  must  be  followed  after.  The  word  for  my 
drink  does  not  mean  "  strong  drinks,"  §  or  artificial  drinks  in  gen 
eral  ;  ||  but,  although  rare,  has  the  meaning  of  drink  in  genera],  as 
in  Ps.  io29;  cf.  its  figurative  meaning  in  Pr.  38,  the  only  other 
occurrence  of  the  word.  In  view  of  the  reference  to  water  in  con 
nection  with  bread,  and  the  frequent  use  elsewhere  of  the  phrase 
oil  and  wine,  drink  may  be  taken  here  as  =  wine.  — 10.  For  she 
has  not  understood  that  it  was  I  who  gave  her  the  corn,  etc^\  This 
verse  fits  so  closely  to  v.7  that  one  can  scarcely  see  how  a  separation 
ever  arose.  It  is  not  to  be  taken  as  an  interrogative  sentence,^" 
but  as  a  declarative  sentence,  continuing  the  thought  of  v.7.** 
Corn,  wine,  and  oil  represented  the  wealth  of  Palestine  (Dt.  713 
ii14,  etc.).  —  And  multiplied  her  silver  and  gold~\  Did  Israel's 
silver  and  gold  form  part  of  the  country's  mineral  resources  ? 
Or  did  they  come  from  the  sale  of  the  country's  products,  such 
as  those  just  mentioned?  The  knowledge  we  have  of  ancient 
mining  points  to  the  latter,  since  in  Syria  proper  there  were  no 
mines  for  gold.  The  gold  came  from  Spain,  India,  Arabia,  and 
perhaps  South  Africa.  Silver  was  mined  in  Spain  and  in  Upper 
Egypt.  The  single  passage  in  the  O.  T.  which  refers  to  mining 
of  any  kind  (Jb.  28)  must  have  been  written  by  one  who  had 
seen  mines  operated  in  other  lands.ft  However,  gold  and  silver 
were  used  as  media  of  trade  in  Palestine  in  the  earliest  times,  as 
appears  from  references  to  them  in  the  Tel-el- Amarna  letters;  JJ 


*  8T,  Jer.,  Rashi,  Ki.,  Ma.,  Grotius,  Ros.  t  Bauer. 

J  Bockel,  We.,  Che.,  Or.,  Val.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Marti. 

$  Ki.,  Schmidt,  Ros.,  Stuck,  New.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che.,  et  al.  \\  Mau.,  Hi.,  Hd. 

H  Ew.,  We.  **  Volz,  Now.,  Marti. 

ft  See  Hull,  "  Mines,  Mining,"  in  DB.  ;  cf.  art.  "  Mines,"  EB.  III. 

tt  Letter  191,  1.  io;  192,  Reverse,  1.  7;  239,  i.  50 f . ;  265, 1.  12;  280,  1.  8. 


230  HOSEA 

and  it  was  probably  in  exchange  for  the  products  of  the  land 
that  gold  and  siver  came  to  Palestine  in  Hosea's  time.  That 
there  was  much  gold  in  Palestine  is  seen  from  the  Black  Obelisk 
of  Shalmaneser,  "  The  tribute  of  Jehu,  son  of  Omri,  silver,  gold, 
basins  of  gold,  bowls  of  gold,  cups  of  gold,  buckets  of  gold,  lead, 
etc."  Sennacherib  also  (Taylor  Cylinder,  col.  III.  34  ff.)  says 
of  Hezekiah,  "Along  with  thirteen  talents  of  gold  and  eight 
hundred  talents  of  silver  I  made  him  bring  after  me  precious 
stones,  etc." — Which  they  have  used  for  the  Baal~]  This  has 
been  taken  to  mean  the  overlaying  of  images  with  silver  and 
gold  (cf.  Is.  3O22)  ;*  (2)  the  golden  calves  established  by  Jero 
boam  I.,  the  clause  in  this  case  limiting  only  the  preceding  word 
"gold";f  (3)  molten  images  of  the  calf,  found  in  the  various 
high  places ;  (4)  gold  offered  to  Baal.  \  But  in  any  case  these 
words  are  a  gloss  as  is  shown  by  their  loose  connection  (cf.  the 
absence  of  the  relative  pronoun)  ;  by  the  use  of  the  article  with 
the  singular  of  bvz  •  by  the  3d  plural  of  the  verb  instead  of 
the  3d  feminine  singular  as  in  the  preceding  clause ;  and  by 
their  departure  from  the  thought  of  the  context  which  is  con 
cerned  with  Yahweh's  actions  rather  than  with  those  of  Israel.  § 
-11.  Therefore  I  will  take  back  again]  Cf.  Gn.  2618  2  K.  2i3 
241  Je.  i84,  in  which  as  here  sip  denotes  ||  "not  merely  the 
repetition  of  the  same  action,  but  also  repeated  occupation  with 
the  same  object,  though  along  a  different  line."  —  My  corn  in 
its  time,  and  my  wine  in  its  scason~\  The  harvest  season  was 
not  uniform  throughout  Palestine  on  account  of  the  varying 
climatic  conditions  of  the  land  ;  but  in  general  it  began  with 
the  barley- harvest  (28.  21°)  early  in  April,  and  lasted  about 
seven  weeks  (Dt.  i69).  The  beginning  was  marked  by  the 
Feast  of  Massoth  and  the  close  by  the  Feast  of  Ingathering. 
The  gathering  of  grapes  for  eating  began  as  early  as  June  in 
some  regions,  but  the  vintage  proper  began  in  September  and 
continued  on  into  October.  The  vintage  festival  was  the  Feast 
of  Booths.^[  —  And  I  will  rescue  my  wool  and  my  flax]  These 

*  Hd.  f  Hi.,  Or.,  Che.  %  New.,  Hng. 

$  So  We.,  Now.;  Marti  om.  also  and  gold;  but,  per  contra  v,  GAS.         ||  Sim. 
U  Now.   Arch.   I.  231,  236;    Benz.   Arch.   209,   212;    Paterson,  DB.   I.  49 f.; 
Hogg,  EB.  I.  76. 


II.  io-i2,  14,  13  231 

gifts  had  hitherto  been  put  to  wrong  uses  and  ascribed  to  wrong 
sources.  By  withdrawing  them  Yahweh  would  not  only  chastise 
Israel,  but  also  teach  her  to  recognize  him  as  the  bestower  of 
these  blessings.  —  Given  to  cover  her  nakedness}  Cf.  Ez.  1 68.  — 
12.  And  now  I  will  uncover  her  shame}  i.e.,  and  consequently, 
cf.  57  io3  Am.  67 ;  but  this  is  only  another  form  of  expressing  the 
thought  of  v.116,  and  interrupts  seriously  the  consecution  of  vs.115 
and13.  The  entire  verse  is  to  be  taken  as  a  gloss.  —  In  the  presence 
of  her  lovers~\  These  must  be  the  Baalim,  whose  actual  existence 
seems  to  be  taken  for  granted  by  the  interpolator;  cf.  Ps,  96*.* 

—  And  none  shall  deliver  her  out  of  my  hand}  Israel's  lovers,  the 
false  gods,  must  stand  by  and  look  upon  her  reproach  without 
being  able  to  render  help  of  any  kind.  —  14.  And  I  will  lay  waste 
her  vines  and  her  fig  trees'}  Cf.  Jo.  i7.    Here,  as  frequently,  the  vine 
and  fig  tree  stand  for  the  greatest  blessings  of  God  (Jo.  222  i  K.  4™ 
Zc.  310) .    Wool,  flax,  vine,  and  fig  tree  are  representative  of  all  the 
products  of  the  earth  and  their  removal  signifies  general  destitution. 

—  Of  which  she  has  said,  these  are  my  rewards,  which  my  lovers 
have  given  me~\   i.e.  the  hire  of  the  prostitute  (cf.  9*  Gn.  3817). — 
And  I  will  make  them  a  thicket']  Another  representation  of  desola 
tion  (cf.  Is.  56  723  3213  Mi.  312),  lir  being  here,  however,  not  the  dig 
nified  and  stately  forest  (as  in  Is.  f  io18  Dt.  19*  Je.  46^  Ps.  9612), 
but  the  inaccessible   brushwood   (so  also   in  i   S.  I425-26  Is.  2i13 
Je.   2618).  —  And  the  beasts  of  the  field  shall  eat  them}  i.e.  the 
wild  beasts  of  the  open  country.  — 13.   And  I  will  also  cause  to 
cease  all  her  mirth,  her  feasts}    This  verse   should   follow  f  v.14 
instead  of  preceding   it,  as    in   fH3T.      The  cessation  of  mirth 
and   feasting  is  the   climax,  and   not  only  logically  but  chrono 
logically   follows    the    desolation   of  the  vine    and    the    fig  tree. 
Lit.  make  to  rest;  used  in  Ps.  46**  of  war,  Pr.  i818  of  strife,  Is.  i610 
of  shouting.     In  the  earlier  times  joy  and  mirth  were  the  most 
marked  characteristics  of  sacrifice  and  feasts  (Ex.  32"' f>  Ju.  2i19ff> 
i   S.   i3-7-13ff-). — Her   mirth,  her  feasts}    i.e.   the   mirth    of  her 
feasts.     The  feasts  were  either  the  three  annual  feasts  mentioned 
in   Ex.  2314"17   (cf.  Is.  9*  29*),  J  or  the  great   harvest  festival  of 


*  Cf.  Marti,  who  retains  the  verse  as  a  whole,  but  treats  this  clause  as  an  inter 
polation,  f  So  Volz,  Now.,  Hal.  +  Wii.,  Che.,  et  al. 


232  HOSEA 

which  mirth  was  so  conspicuous  a  feature  (cf.  Ju.  2i19  i  K.  82 
i232).*  This  is  the  only  one  of  the  three  great  feasts  which 
is  named  in  the  historical  books.  For  a  similar  threat  see 
Am.  810.  —  Her  new  moon,  and  her  sabbaths  and  her  festal  as 
semblies']  The  festival  in  connection  with  the  first  appearance 
of  the  new  moon  probably  dates  back  to  a  very  early  period 
in  Israel's  history,!  as  appears  from  the  fact  that  it  and  the 
passover  are  the  only  feasts  having  no  connection  in  origin  and 
significance  with  agriculture,  and  that  it  seems  to  have  been  an 
occasion  for  clan  reunions  and  sacrifices  (i  S.  2o4ff-).  It  was 
also  regarded  as  a  fitting  occasion  for  visiting  the  prophets 
(2  K.  423).  The  ordinary  occupations  of  life  were  suspended 
on  this  day  as  also  on  the  Sabbaths  (Am.  85).  There  seems 
to  have  been  connected  with  its  celebration  a  large  amount 
of  superstition  and  corruption  which  was  objectionable  to  the 
prophets,  for  Isaiah  also  threatens  Israel  with  its  removal  (213f-), 
while  JE  and  Deuteronomy  completely  ignore  it.  However, 
later  legislation  incorporated  it  in  the  regular  sacrificial  system 
(Ez.  461'7  Nu.  28llff-  296  i  Ch.  2331  2  Ch.  24,  etc.).}  The  Sab 
bath  §  is  often  mentioned  alongside  of  the  new  moon  (Am.  85 
Is.  i13  2  K.  4®  Ez.  463),  and  seems  to  have  been  closely  con 
nected  with  it  originally,  the  new  moon  being  observed  on  the 
first  day  of  the  month,  and  the  Sabbath  probably  on  every 
seventh  day  after.  In  course  of  time,  however,  the  Sabbath 
came  to  have  more  importance  than  the  new  moon,  and  its 
recurrence  on  every  seventh  day  became  independent  of  any 
relation  to  the  new  moon.  The  Sabbath  was  originally  a  day 
of  sacrifice  and  of  propitiation  of  the  deity,  as  appears  from 

*  Now.;  cf.  We.  Prol.  94  f.;   Now.  Arch.  II.  150 f.;  Benz.  Arch.  468. 

t  This  early  origin  is  made  certain  if  D^SlSn  (Ju.  927)  be  derived  from  SVn,  to 
shine,  and  thus  connected  with  the  Arabic  hil&l  =  new  moon.  Thus  the  general 
word  for  feast  would  originally  have  been  used  only  of  the  new  moon  feast.  So 
Sprenger,  Leben  u.  Lehre  d.  Mohammads,  III.  527;  Lag.  Orientalia,  II.  19 f.; 
Now.ArcA.  II.  138 f. 

J  Now.  Arch.  II.  138 ff.;  Benz.  Arch.  464 f.;  and  art.  "New  Moon,"  EB.  III.; 
Abrahams,  "  New  Moon,"  DB.  III. 

§  See  especially  Jastrow,  "  The  Original  Character  of  the  Hebrew  Sabbath," 
AJT.  II.  312-352;  cf.  also  We.  Prol.  112-116  ;  Now.  Arch.  II.  140-144  ;  Benz. 
Arch.  202,  465  f.;  Harding,  DB.  I.  859;  and  other  literature  cited  in  my  Const 
Studies  in  the  Priestly  Element  in  the  O.  T.  (1902),  114  ff. 


n.  13,  15  233 

the  regulations  controlling  corresponding  days  in  Babylonia,  and 
from  O.  T.  references  to  it  in  earlier  days  as  a  day  of  religious 
observances  (i  K.  4^  Is.  i13  Ez.  46lff>),  a  day  when  trade  ceased 
(Am.  85),  and  when  the  manna  was  withheld  (Ex.  I625),  and  the 
day  upon  which  the  showbread  was  renewed  (i  Ch.  932).  The 
rest  from  ordinary  labors  which  was  a  consequence  of  this  effort 
to  propitiate  deity  came  to  be  in  later  days  the  most  conspicu 
ous  feature  of  Sabbath  observance.  Two  traditions  exist  in  the 
O.  T.  concerning  the  origin  of  the  day :  Ex.  2011  traces  it  back 
to  God's  resting  after  his  creative  work  (cf.  Gn.  22),  while  Dt.  515 
makes  it  a  memorial  of  the  Exodus.  Festal  assemblies*  is  a 
term  used  to  designate  a  sacred  season  or  feast ;  literally  it  is 
an  appointed  time  or  place.  It  is  a  broader  term  than  an,  which 
is  properly  applied  only  to  feasts  involving  pilgrimages.  It  is 
thus  used  of  the  Sabbath  (Lv.  232f-),  the  Passover  (Lv.  23* f-), 
the  New  Moon  (Ps.  IO419),  the  Year  of  Release  (Dt.  3i10),  the 
Day  of  Atonement  (Lv.  23^),  the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread 
(Lv.  236),  and  the  Feast  of  Booths  (Dt.  3i10  Ho.  i29).  In  Gn.  i14 
this  word  is  used  probably  of  the  sacred  seasons  as  determined 
by  the  moon's  changes,  rather  than  of  the  seasons  of  the  year. 
In  Ho.  95  it  is  used  in  a  general  sense  in  parallelism  with  feast  of 
Yahweh.  Thus  in  the  terms  "feasts,"  "new  moons,"  "Sabbaths," 
and  "  festal  assemblies,"  the  prophet  has  included  every  variety  ol 
sacred  feasts ;  they  are  all  to  be  brought  to  an  end.  — 15.  And  1 
will  visit  upon  her  the  days  of  the  Baalinf]  i.e.  I  will  punish  her 
on  account  of  the  days,  etc.  The  days  of  the  Baalim  is  an 
expression  referring  especially  to  the  festivals  just  enumerated 
and  in  general  to  the  whole  period  during  which  corrupt  Yahweh- 
worship  had  prevailed,  since  the  festivals  and  even  the  entire 
cultus,  though  nominally  carried  on  in  honor  of  Yahweh,  were 
in  reality,  from  the  prophet's  point  of  view,  corrupt  rites  and 
sensual  orgies  devoted  to  the  Baalim. f  —  In  which  she  made 
offering  to  them]  For  this  interpretation  of  Tt2p  v.i.  (p.  235). 
—  And  decked  herself  with  her  earrings  and  her  jewels']  It  was 
a  common  Semitic  custom  to  don  special  attire  for  all  festive 

*  See  EB.  I.  346  ;  BOB.  417  ;  We.  on  Ho.  iai°;  Now.  Arch.  II.  155.    Marti 
om.  this  word  as  a  gloss. 
f  Cf.  We.,  Che.,  Marti, 


234  HOSEA 

and  sacred  occasions.  The  clothes  worn  in  the  performance  of 
everyday  duties  must  be  either  laid  aside  or  thoroughly  washed, 
lest  they  should  defile  the  sanctuary;  while  clothes  made  holy 
by  contact  with  holy  things  could  not  be  worn  afterwards  in 
ordinary  life,  unless  they  were  previously  washed,  since  they  would 
render  holy,  i.e.  taboo,  everything  touched  by  them.  Jewels,  too, 
seem  to  have  been  a  usual  feature  of  the  sacred  dress ;  the 
Syriac  word  for  "  earring "  means  "  the  holy  thing,"  and  the 
word  for  "  pearls "  in  the  dialect  of  South  Arabia  seems  to 
denote  the  same  idea.  Moreover,  jewels  were  common  as  amu 
lets.* —  And  went  after  her  lovers,  and  forgot  me~\  The  nature 
of  their  Yahweh-worship  was  such  as  to  give  them  an  entirely 
false  idea  of  the  character  of  Yahweh ;  under  his  name  they 
were  virtually  doing  homage  to  the  Baalim.  — 18.  And  it  shall  be 
at  that  day}  A  very  common  form  for  introducing  a  gloss.  The 
reasons  for  regarding  this  as  a  gloss  f  to  v.19  are  (i)  the  use  of 
the  terms  Is  hi  and  Baali,  (2)  the  fact  that  it  is  in  part  a 
repetition  of  the  thought  of  v.19,  (3)  its  metre  differs  from  that 
of  both  preceding  and  following  context,  (4)  it  is  superfluous 
in  the  strophic  structure.  —  Thou  shalt  call  me  Ishi~\  i.e.  my 
husband  ;  this  implies  Israel's  return  to  a  proper  understanding 
of  her  relation  to  Yahweh  and  of  the  kind  of  service  acceptable 
to  him,  —  a  thought  which  lies  beyond  Hosea's  outlook  for  his 
people.  It  gives  the  positive  aspect  of  Israel's  future  conduct, 
which  is  represented  only  negatively  in  the  next  clause  and  in 
v.19.  —  And  shalt  call  me  no  more  Baali~\  i.e.  my  Baal ;  Hosea 
regularly  uses  the  plural  form  Baalim  when  speaking  of  Canaan- 
itish  elements  in  the  Yahweh-worship ;  the  singular  occurs  only 
here  and  in  the  gloss  to  v.10.  The  two  words  Is  hi  and  Baali 
express  practically  the  same  idea,  but  the  use  of  the  latter  is 
condemned  on  account  of  its  connection  with  the  Baalim.  — • 
19.  And  I  will  remove  the  names  of  the  Baalim  from  her 
mouth~\  Cf.  Zc.  i32.  This  verse  connects  closely  with  v.15. 
Whereas  in  the  past  Israel  has  devoted  herself  assiduously  to 
the  cultus  of  the  Baalim,  thus  neglecting  the  proper  worship 
of  Yahweh,  in  the  coming  days  Yahweh  will  utterly  destroy  all 

*  WRS.  Sent.  452  f. ;  Now.  f  So  We.,  Volz,  Now. 


II.  15,  iS-19  235 

trace  and  memory  of  Baal  worship.  —  And  they  shad  no  more 
be  mentioned  by  their  names\  Their  names  even  shall  be  for 
gotten. 

4.  lan  .  . .  ian]  For  other  cases  of  epizeuxis,  v.  Is.  2i9  263  4O1  Je.  419;  cf. 
Ko.  Stil.  155  f.  3  an  occurs  in  Gn.  31^  Ju.  632;  VN  an  in  Ju.  2i22  Jb.  3313, 
etc.;  more  common  are  oy  an  (Gn.  26- >  Jb.  93)  and  ns  an  (Ju.  81  Je.  29). 
—  N4?]  Instead  of  px  in  a  noun  clause  with  pronominal  subject;  cf.  GK. 
152^/5  Ko.  352  m.  —  nom]  Impf.  with  i  of  purpose.  —  .TOUT]  Now.'s  ren 
dering  "  nose-ring  "  is  without  philological  or  exegetical  support,  as  is  also  his 
transl.  of  ITDIDNJ]  by  "  necklace."  These  renderings  imply  an  evil  significance 
for  nose-rings  and  necklaces,  such  as  does  not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  them. 
D'Diasj  is  a  syn.  of  D'-DNJ  (Je.  I3'27  Ez.  2343).  For  force  of  the  pi.,  cf.  Ko. 
261  d,f.  —  5.  ja]  Controlling  five  verbs.  —  njo^flN]  On  form  v.  GK.  58?.— 
eva]  On  the  force  of  a  v.  GK.  u8«;  Ko.  319  d.  —  pNa]  Without  article; 
cf.  Ko.  299 /.  —  nv-iDni]  On  form  v.  GK.  J2w. —  6.  Dmx]  Seghol  in  pause, 
a  Massoretic  peculiarity;  cf.  qn-v,  Dt.  32";  cf.  GK.  52??.  —  D\JUT  >:a]  On 
use  of  p  v.  BUB.,  s.v.  (8);  GK.  128 s.  —  7.  ni^an]  A  pres.  pf.,  GK.  106^; 
on  formation  from  tt>a>  rather  than  e>ia  v.  GK.  78^;  BDB.  p.  102. — 10.  ton 
vox  .  .  .]  Strong  contrast. —  ami  .  .  .  ^Dai]  Without  article,  though  preceding 
nouns  have  it.  —  SyaSvir;']  Rel.  clause  with  rel.  particle  omitted.  On  force  of 
S  cf.  84  Is.  4417.  Hosea  uses  pi.  any  a  except  here  and  in  I31.  — 11.  aitrs 
\inpSi]  Cf.  GK.  I2O<?;  Ko.  369.7,  r.  —  niD^S]  A  purpose  clause  depending 
upon  the  preceding  nouns;  cf.  Gn.  2423  Mi.  51;  Ko.  385  c.  — 12.  nnSaj]  d.X., 
meaning  shameless-ness,  lewdness ;  stronger  than  the  more  common  nSa% 
disgraceful  folly.  —  "O^]  A  less  frequent  idiom  than  ^>>a. — 13.  run]  This 
and  foil,  nouns  are  all  collective  singulars.  —  nnatt']  On  dag.  f.  in  n  cf. 
Assyr.  Sabattu ;  v.  Earth,  NJ3.  §  15;  Ko.  II.  i.  pp.  180  f.  — 14.  onSaN]  On 
form  cf.  GK.  59^.  — 15.  nnyan]  On  signif.  of  pi.,  cf.  Ko.  264/  Special 
names  of  Baalim  are:  nna  Spa  (Ju.  833  9*),  a-iaj 'a  (2  K.  I2f-  6-  16),  -pys  'a 
(Nu.  253-5),  na  'a  (Jos.  n17  iV  i35),  rsnri  -a  (Ju.  33"  i  Ch.  5*3),  ^nn  'a  (Ct.  s'11), 
fiflx  'a  (Ex.  142-  9  Nu.  337),  nisn  'a  (2  S.  I323),  fu'D  -a  (Nu.  3238 1  Ch.  58  Ez.  25°), 
o>xns  -a  (2  S.  52)  i  Ch.  I411),  nc!Se?  'a  (2  K.  44-),  inn  -a  (Ju.  2o33);  cf. 
-\sa  nSj?3  (Jos.  I98).  —  T'lOpn]  Impf.  denoting  customary  action,  -op,  in  pre- 
exilic  literature,  is  used  of  the  offering  up  of  sacrifices  in  general;  not  until 
the  times  of  Jeremiah  and  later  is  it  applied  to  offerings  of  incense;  these 
latter  were  probably  among  the  foreign  customs  brought  in  by  Manasseh 
(cf.  Sta.  ZAW.VI.  298  f.;  Moore,  art.  "Incense,"  EB.\  Now.  Arch.;  Benz. 
Arch.;  BSZ.,  s.v^}.  The  vb.  is  used  chiefly  in  Pi.  and  Iliph.  and  means  "to 
cause  smoke,  or  odor,  to  ascend  ";  cf.  Assyr.  kutru  —  smoke.  Now.'s  change 
to  the  Pi'el  form  is  unnecessary,  since  the  Hiph.  occurs  in  preexilic  passages, 
e.g.  I  S.  216  I  K.  9'25  2  K.  i615.  —  -tyn]  Impf.  cons.  foil,  an  impf.  of  past 
time;  but  cf.  Ko.  366^.' —  nmSn]  d.X.  from  nsn,  to  adorn;  ^n  (Pr.  2512  Ct.  y'2) 
means  a  necklace,  and  this  fem.  form  coupled  with  DTJ  probably  denotes  some 


236  HOSEA 

specific  neck  or  breast  ornament,  rather  than  jewellery  in  general.  —  MIN] 
Emph.,  and  in  chiastic  order  with  noriNC.  — 18.  "h  ^N">pn]  h  top  is  the 
regular  idiom  for  naming;  cf.  Gn.  I5.  — 19.  '2  v«p]  For  a  similar  use  of 
3  "or,  implying  "longing  after,"  cf.  Je.  316. 

§  5.    Later  voices    describing   Israel's   return  to  Yahweh. 

28.9    2lfi.  17     220-2>    223-25    ^        [English,    2G  7   214"  15   21*"20   221'23    I10-21.] 

^4.  Israel,  compelled  to  separate  herself  from  her  lovers,  returns 
to  Yahweh;  28-9.  Israel  finds  herself  cut  off  from  her  lovers  by 
impassable  barriers ;  she  searches  for  them,  but  they  have  disap 
peared,  together  with  the  prosperity  which  she  had  associated 
with  them ;  she  returns  therefore  to  her  former  husband. 

This  is  a  single  strophe  of  six  tetrameters,  or  two  strophes,  each  of  three 
tetrameters.  The  measure  is  rough  and  irregular.  These  verses  do  not  come 
from  Hosea  himself  (so  Now.,  Volz  ;  Oort,  TAT.  XXIV.,  345  ff.,  regards 
vs.8"10  as  misplaced,  and  inserts  them  between  215  and  216;  Marti  om.  only  96) 
because:  (i)  they  break  the  otherwise  close  connection  between  vsJandl°; 
(2)  they  do  not  harmonize  with  33,  since  here  a  voluntary  return  of  the 
woman  is  described  while  there  she  is  held  in  forcible  restraint;  (3)  they 
are  rendered  superfluous  by  33;  (4)  they  prematurely  introduce  the  element 
of  chastisement  which  comes  in  naturally  in  v.11  ;  (5)  the  rhythm  and 
strophic  structure  differ  from  those  fount1  in  the  context. 

8.  -p-n]  Read  ns-yi  with  <5  (so  Oort,  Th  T.  and  Em.\  Gr.,  We.,  Loft.Gu., 
GAS.,  Oct.,  Marti,  et  al.  ;  Bach.,  Alttest.  Untersuch.  I.  1 1,  reads  mrm;  so  also 
Now.;  this  is  favored  by  <S&,  Syr.-Hex.,  and  the  following  rprnaTij). — 
\i-njn]  d  piD3Ni  =  TOW  (Seb.).  —  rn?j  PN]  This  pointing  is  supported 
by  0.,  Cod.  Babyl.,  and  Complut.  (so  Baer,  Ginsburg,  Loft.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Marti, 
et  al.}.  (f§  rds  65oi>s;  ©AQ  add  avTrjs;  hence  Oort,  m:m.  £T  earn  maceria ; 
hence  Gr.  n-na  nrs. —  an^DS]  (5  tv  ffKbXo^us. —  9.  NXDn]  @<S  and  Syr.- 
Hex.  =  :NXCH  (so  also  Oct.,  Marti). 

8.  Therefore^  The  later  writer  builds  this  insertion  upon  the 
thought  of  v.r :  Because  now  Israel  has  expected  her  food  and 
clothing  from  her  lovers,  therefore,  —  Behold,  I  am  going  to  hedge 
up  her  way  with  thorns~\  As  if  Israel  were  a  traveller  and,  as 
such,  finds  in  the  course  of  her  journey  a  thorn-hedge  directly  in 
front  of  her,  which  proves  to  be  impassable ;  cf.  Jb.  323.  "  It  is 
very  common  in  the  East  to  put  thorns  and  the  branches  of  thorn 
trees  along  the  sides  of  fields  by  which  sheep  are  driven  to  pas- 


II.  8-9  237 

ture,  so  that  they  may  not  wander  in."  *  —  And  build  her  a  wall 
that  she  may  not  find  her  paths~\  If  the  path  comes  suddenly  up 
to  a  wall,  and  she  cannot  proceed  further,  it  is  evident  that  the 
path  beyond  the  wall  cannot  be  found.  This  wall,  as  well  as  the 
thorn-hedge,  represents  circumstances  and  events  which  render 
continued  action  of  any  kind  impracticable,  "  some  dark  calamity 
utterly  paralyzing  the  vital  powers."!  —  9.  And  she  will  pursue 
her  lovers  and  not  overtake  them']  i.e.  the  blessings  upon  which 
she  confidently  counted  as  coming  from  the  Baalim  will  fail  her, 
and  as  a  consequence  she  will  no  longer  feel  their  "  mystic  pres 
ence."  neni  is  intensive,  and  represents  the  pursuit  as  earnest 
and  eager.  —  ...  Seek  and  not  find  them~\  For  a  similar  use  of 
tfpS,  cf.  56  2  Ch.  ii16.  —  Let  me  go  and  return  unto  my  former 
husband^  This  implies  a  feeling  that  in  an  earlier  period  there 
was  something,  at  all  events,  different.  This  earlier  religion  stood 
out  distinctly  in  contrast  with  the  later  religion  which  now  included 
contaminating  elements  from  the  Canaanitish  cults.  It  was  this 
primitive,  severe,  and  unimaginative  religion  which  Elijah  repre 
sented,  and  which  was  still  observed  by  such  as  Jonadab  the 
Rechabite  (Je.  355"10)  and  his  comrades.  — For  it  was  better  with 
me  then  than  now~\  An  expression  of  opinion  on  the  part  of  one 
who  has  seen  in  Israel's  later  history  the  facts  which  seem  to  him 
to  prove  this  statement.  It  was  not  an  idea  that  could  have  been 
clearly  comprehended  in  Hosea's  times.  The  reference  is  to 
Israel's  earliest  times,  before  she  had  become  tangled  up  with 
Canaanitish  civilization.  J  This  is  no  genuine  repentance  (cf.  61"3), 
but  only  a  desire  for  change,  because  change  is  expected  to  bring 
relief  (cf.  Je.  4417). 

8.  ijjn]  njn  presents  a  new  thought  and  with  pron.  suf.  and  a  ptcp.  ex 
presses  the  immediate  future  (K6.  237  £•;  GK.  n6/);  the  pron.  with  the 
ptcp.  —  an  object  clause;  Ko.  410^.  —  "]&"]  Only  here  and  I10;  allied  with 

6S.   ^ 

•pt>  from  which  ~]t't  thorn  ;  cf.  &X*Cu,  Assyr.  sikkatu;  also  "pD,  "jD:,  "|1D  (Fran- 
kel,  90;  Dl.  Pro/.  195  f.);  literally  to  twine,  here  the  twisting  of  thorns  into 
a  hedge.  —  on^D]  Cf.  Na.  I10  Is.  3413  EC.  y6;  and  with  meaning  of  hooks, 
Am.  42. —  rrnj  trmj]  Her  wall,  i.e.  a  wall  (for,  i.e.}  against  her.  This  is  a 

*  W.  R.  W.  Gardner,  AJSL.  XVIII.  177.  f  Che.  in  loc. 

1  Cf.  Now.  Arch.  I.  104,  223;   II.  2. 


238  HOSEA 

late  word  (Am.  911  also  being  an  interpol.);  cf.  use  of  TO  with  mx  (Jb.  I98), 
TH  (La.  3°).  The  suggestion  of  Gardner  {AJSL.  XVIII.  177)  to  retain  JH2E, 
translating  "  and  build  a  sheepfold  "  (cf.  Nu.  3216  3436),  is  not  in  harmony 
with  the  context  which  describes  methods  of  discipline  rather  than  means 
of  protection.  Note  the  cogn.  ace.  (again  in  Ez.  2230)  and  the  chiastic 
arrangement  of  the  last  two  clauses  of  v.8. — On  rnTJ  v.  Baer,  p.  60. — 
9.  naiBW  njSx]  Cohortative  =  strong  resolution,  —  /  will  go  and  I  will  re 
turn,  i.e.  I  will  go  back  to;  or  better,  Let  me  go  back  to.  On  the  verbal 
appos.,  H.  36;  GK.  120  d. —  nnj?D  IN]  The  comp.  p  after  aio  foil,  by  adv.  of 
time  which  represents  a  temporal  clause,  so  that  the  prep,  becomes  in  reality 
a  conj.;  cf.  K6.  308  £. 

B.  Israel,  after  a  season  of  separation  from  her  lovers,  will  be 
restored  to  former  favor ;  216<  17.  Israel  is  kindly  and  gently 
separated  from  her  lovers,  and,  as  in  the  coming  out  of  Egypt,  is 
guided  to  the  wilderness  for  discipline  ;  after  this  her  possessions 
will  be  given  back  to  her,  and  she  will  again  be  strong  and  fresh 
as  in  the  days  of  her  youth. 

This,  like  the  former  addition,  consists  of  one  strophe  of  six  tetrameters. 
It  differs  from  28  9  (i)  in  the  different  usage  of  njn,  cf.  'oan  (28)  with  run 
VJJN  (216) ;  (2)  especially  in  the  entirely  different  point  of  view,  28-  9  repre 
senting  Israel  as  forced  away  from  her  lovers,  21G- 17  as  enticed  away;  28-9 
representing  the  discipline  as  coming  in  one  way,  2*6- 17  as  coming  in  another. 
This  piece  is  clearly  late  (so  Volz,  Now.,  Marti;  cf.  Now.'s  later  views,  (i)  in 
Die  Zukunftshoffnungen  Israels  in  der  Assyr.  Zeit  (1902),  p.  43,  that  these 
verses  belong  to  a  late  utterance  of  Hosea;  (2)  in  Now.2  (1903)  that  they 
are  not  from  Hosea,  and  in  any  case  belong  in  another  connection)  because 
of:  (i)  the  different  point  of  view  taken  from  that  in  vs.llff>;  there  the 
thought  is  that  of  punishment  pure  and  simple,  here  it  is  tender-hearted 
chastisement  with  a  view  to  repentance  and  reformation;  there  punishment 
only  is  in  mind,  here  promises  of  blessing  prevail;  (2)  the  different  repre 
sentation  here  from  that  in  v.5;  there  the  land  where  Israel  dwells  is  to 
become  a  barren  waste;  here  Israel  is  to  be  driven  from  its  land  into  the 
desert  by  Yahweh;  (3)  the  thought  of  Israel's  obedience  to  Yahweh  in  her 
youth  (v.17),  which  does  not  agree  with  the  representations  of  illf-  and  I24; 
(4)  the  order  of  thought  in  v.1",  which  is  characteristic  of  later  days;  Israel's 
return  to  Yahweh  is  here  represented  as  due  to  Yahweh's  generous  bestowal 
of  blessings  which  awaken  gratitude,  but  if  Hosea  ever  contemplated  a  return 
it  must  have  been  as  a  result  of  punitive  discipline  at  the  hands  of  Yahweh, 
blessings  coming  only  after  repentance;  (5)  late  expressions;  e.g.  "the  valley 
of  Achor  "  is  mentioned  in  Is.  6510;  the  figure  of  allurement  in  the  wilder 
ness  has  parallels  in  Ez.;  (6)  the  different  rhythm  and  strophic  structure 
from  those  employed  in  the  genuine  verses  of  the  context. 


II.  16-17  239 

16.  p1*]  Gr.  pN.  —  ninflc]  <§  TrXa^w  aurT/j/.  St.  n^no.  Buhl  (ZAW. 
\  179  ff.)  nnrioc.  —  -atcn]  ©  d>s  ep^ov.  Gr.  mainn.  — 17.  rvDia]  @  rd 
KT'/j/j-ara  aur^s;  5J  vinitores  ejus  (  —  •"^P'p) J  so  SC. —  nto  Dt^Dj  Oct.  and 
Marti,  PN  ^ODBM.  Hal.  rx  D'few. — mpn  nncS]  ©  5iai/ot£eu  c-tfi/ea-ij.  auTTjs 
=  nj.ian  nhcS(Oet.);  "¥>  ad  aperiendam  spem  ;  &  oi^saifl  \^*£t£&j9,  vocal 
izing  nns1?  (Seb.)  and  following  (5  in  the  rendering  of  rnpn.  —  nnj>']  (5  raTret- 
vwdrjaeTar,  so  &;  U  <raw<?/.  Buhl  and  Marti,  '"in1?;'. 

16.  Therefore^  Not  nevertheless,  nor  /;////  *  but  as  in  v.8  r<?«- 
sequently,  i.e.  because  she  has  gone  away  after  her  lovers,f  v.15 
being  thus  fitted  in  by  the  later  writer.  Cf.  Keil's  attempt  to  co 
ordinate  the  "therefore"  of  Vs.8-llaild16. — Behold  I  am  going  to 
allure  her~\  From  the  first  word,  there  is  seen  here  in  contrast 
with  28- 9,  as  also  with  211,  the  purpose  to  use  kind  words  and  gentle 
means  by  which  to  bring  back  erring  Israel.  She  will  be  allured 
or  wooed  back.  This  meaning  is  assured  by  the  parallel  furnished 
in  the  following  line,  speak  to  her  heart.  The  word  nnB  does  not 
necessarily  have  a  bad  meaning  (cf.  (§,  TrAavco).  Other  explana 
tions  suggested  are  (i)  I  will  loose  her  bonds  (Je.  4O4) ;  J  (2)  I 
will  put  it  into  her  head  to  return  while  she  is  yet  in  exile ;  § 
(3)  I  will  cause  her  to  err.  ||  —  And  bring  her  into  the  wilderness"} 
The  wilderness  recalls  the  events  which  followed  the  exodus  from 
Egypt.  It  has  been  taken  ( i )  as  a  place  of  hope  as  well  as  of 
affliction  ;  ^f  (2)  as  a  place  for  deliverance,  not  for  punishment.** 
It  means  the  captivity  which  included  the  idea  of  the  desert 
between  Palestine  and  Babylon,  and  also  the  idea  of  sojourn  in  a 
foreign  land,  for  this  was  in  itself  like  living  in  a  desert  (Is.  4i17)- 
Cf.  Wellhausen,  who  seems  to  favor  the  idea  suggested  in  25,  that 
the  writer  does  not  have  in  mind  a  wilderness,  but  the  waste  con 
dition  of  Palestine,  a  condition  which  will  be  changed.  —  And  I 
wi!l  speak  to  her  heart']  i.e.  speak  kindly  and  encouragingly  to  her. 
— 17.  And  I  will  give  to  her  from  there  her  vineyards]  This 
means  that  out  of  the  wilderness,  when  the  purposes  of  discipline 
sought  to  be  gained  thereby  have  been  secured,  the  vineyards 
which  have  been  taken  from  her  will  be  restored, tt  a  reference  to 
the  time  when  she  leaves  the  desert.  \\  With  the  present  text  the 

*  Dathe,  Ros.,  New.,  Hd.  X  So  Buhl  (v.s.).        II  Sim. 

t  Ew.,  Ke.,  Pu.,  Wii.,  Or.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.       §  Ki.          ||  St.  **  Ke. 

tt  Wii.,  Now,,  Che.,  et  al.  +%  Ma.,  Ke. 


240  HOSEA 

interpretations  (i)  And  there  I  will  give  to  her,  etc.,*  (2)  that  the 
words  are  spoken  ironically,  because  there  are  no  vineyards  in  a 
wilderness,!  (3)  and  I  will  make  thereof  her  vineyards  for  her,  J 
(4)  vinekeepers  (F),  are  impossible  ;  (5)  the  suggestion  §  that  "  I 
will  give  to  her "  =  the  fuller  expression  "  I  will  bring  to  her 
mind  "  has  no  parallel  in  usage ;  (6)  the  interpretation  ||  of  !T!3"O 
as  "  her  nourishment,"  on  the  basis  of  (§  and  the  Assyr.  kurmu, 
kurmatu  =  nourishment,  finds  no  support  in  Hebrew  usage.  — 
And  the  valley  of  Achor  for  a  door  of  hope]  In  contrast  with  the 
troubling  of  Israel  which  took  place  when  Israel  was  first  entering 
into  the  land  ;  Jos.  y25- x.  This  valley  is  situated  on  the  northern 
boundary  of  Judah  (Jos.  i57)  and  probably  ran  back  from  Jericho 
into  the  hills  of  Judah  (Jos.  724)-1F  It  is  praised  as  a  valley  of 
great  fertility  (Is.  65™) .  Its  use  here  like  that  of  wilderness  (v.16) 
is  large  and  free,  designating  by  this  historical  reminiscence  the 
second  entrance  of  Israel  into  her  own  land.  This  entrance  will 
be  one  through  a  door  of  hope,  a  promise  of  success.**  Some 
understand  that  the  valley  of  Achor  is  here  mentioned  because  of 
its  fertility  ;f  |  and  others  that  this  was  a  prediction  of  the  exact 
way  by  which  Israel  was  to  return.  There  is  no  need  for  the  emen 
dations  of  Oettli  and  Halevy  (v.s.),  though  they  furnish  a  smoother 
connection,  viz.  "And  I  will  make  the  valley  of  Achor,  etc."  — 
And  there  she  shall  respond  as  in  the  days  of  her  youtli\  Israel, 
once  more,  will  now  yield  herself  to  Yahweh's  will,  make  response 
to  his  advances,  conform  herself  to  his  wishes  ;  \\  cf.  219-22.  This 
is  better  than  (i)  she  will  sing,  §§  the  reference  being  to  antiphonal 
singing  like  that  of  Miriam  (Ex.  i56'21),  for  such  singing  here  and 
in  vs.21"23  would  be  out  of  place,  (2)  she  will  humble  herself,  ||  ||  or 
(3)  she  will  go  up  thither  fi^  which  certainly  goes  well  with  the  n_ 
of  not?,  but  is  not  consistent  with  the  identification  of  not?  with 
DIE72,  and  anticipates  the  Finibu  of  the  following  line.  —  And  as  in 
the  day  when  she  came  up  from  the  land  of  Egypt~\  The  memory 


*  We.  f  Hi.,  We.  %  Sim.  §  Bach.  ||  Hal. 

II  EB.  I.  36 ;  cf.  Conder,  "  Achor,"  in  DB.  **  So  most  comm. 

ft  Cal.,  Ma.,  et  al. 

+t  'A.,  O.,  3T,  Stuck,  Hes.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Che.,  We.,  GAS.,  Now, 

§$  U,  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Grot.,  Ros.,  Man.,  Umb.,  AV.,  Wii. 

l!]|  (E.  2.  H1I  Buhl  (v.s.). 


II.  17  241 

of  the  exodus  is  one  firmly  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  Hebrew 
nation;  cf.  i29-13  i34  Am.  210  31  97  Mi.  64  715  Je.  26  y22-25  n47 
i614  237,  etc. 

16.  rvnen]  On  the  form,  v.  GK.  93  ss.  nno  is  used  chiefly  of  persuasion  to 
evil,  eg.  Dt.  II16  Ex.  2215  Jb.  31°  Pr.  I10;  it  is  employed  to  express  Yahweh's 
influence  upon  prophets  in  Je.  2O7  Ez.  I49.  There  is  no  need  to  change  the 
text  with  St.  and  Buhl  (z/.j.) ;  iftfl&  is  supported  by  the  parallelism  of  the  last 
clause  of  the  verse.  —  nmDn]  Adv.  ace.  denoting  the  end  of  motion.  —  ra1?  hy~] 
The  regular  Hebr.  idiom  for  ckeeringly,  comfortingly  ;  cf.  Gn.  343  5O21  Ju.  I93 
2  S.  I98  Ru.  213  Is.  4O2.  —  17.  DtPD]  Though  literally  local,  i.e.  from  that  place, 
it  is  in  effect  temporal,  i.e.  when  she  has  reached  that  place  I  will  give,  etc. 
The  proposal  of  Oet.  and  Hal.  to  read  TiDtPi  or  D^NI  (v.s.}  relieves  the 
difficulty  of  this  phrase,  but  leaves  the  clause  preceding  too  indefinite,  and 
spoils  the  tetrameter  of  both  clauses.  —  "iwy]  i.e.  trouble;  for  an  early 
etymological  explanation  of  the  name,  v.  Jos.  724ff- —  riDi?]  The  long  form 
may  have  been  used  for  the  sake  of  euphony;  note  the  three  a-endings  of 
this  line.  The  force  of  the  word  is  purely  local.  —  IDO]  Lit.  according  to  that 
which  happened  in  the  days  of,  i.e.  as  in  the  days  of;  on  omission  of  2  after  r, 
v.  GK.  n8«;  BOB.  455.  —  nmpj]  Abstr.  pi.;  by  formations  of  this  kind  are 
regularly  denoted  stages  of  life,  e.g.  o>Jlpr,  old  age,  D^ina  maidenhood;  cf. 
Barth,  NB.  $$e. 

C.  Israel  rescued  from  all  harm,  and  remarried  to  Yahweh  ; 
220"22.  A  new  ordinance  is  established  that  beasts  and  men  shall 
do  Israel  no  harm  ;  and  again  shall  Israel  be  betrothed  to  Yahweh, 
this  time  in  loving  kindness,  mercy,  and  faithfulness ;  and  at  last 
Israel  shall  really  know  Yahweh. 

We  have  here  two  somewhat  ragged  pentameter  strophes  of  four  lines 
each.  This,  like  A  and  B,  is  independent  of  the  chapter  as  a  whole,  as  well 
as  of  the  other  divisions.  It  is  peculiar  in  :  (i)  its  rhythmic  structure,  (2)  its 
repetitiousness  and  prolixity,  (3)  its  point  of  view.  It  is  to  be  regarded  as 
distinct  from  the  chapter  as  a  whole  (so  Volz,  Now. ;  Marti,  EB.i  122)  because  : 
(i)  this  idyllic  picture  of  a  state  of  universal  peace  represents  later  ideals 
(cf.  Is.  46f-  6525);  (2)  the  thought  of  vs.21f-  has  no  parallel  in  the  story  of 
Hosea's  marriage,  which  is  the  basis  of  chaps.  1-3;  (3)  the  vocabulary  and 
phraseology  of  v.20  are  characteristic  of  a  later  age;  cf.  Gn.  92  Lv.  263ff- 
Ez.  3425ff-  Is.  ii6ff-  359  24  Zc.  910;  (4)  a  new  metre  and  strophic  structure 
appear.  Now.,  in  his  Zukunftshoffnungen  Israels  in  dcr  Assyr.  Zeit,  p.  43, 
withdraws  his  earlier  view  that  vs.20-2-5  are  from  another  hand,  and  suggests 
that  they  come  from  a -late  utterance  of  Hosea;  in  Now.2,  however,  the 
Hoseanic  authorship  of  v.20  is  once  more  abandoned. 
R 


242  HOSEA 

20.  niac'N]  &  S>aa>N ;  so  &,  both  =  mac's  (Seb.).  —  D^n:jD£>n]  <g  KO.TOL- 
KiG)  <re;  similarly  £.,  6.,  reading  o^na^n  (Oct.);  'A.  KOI/X,^O-W  O.VTOVS. — 
21.  -pncnx]  2.  \rj^ofj.al  <re;  &  fOJD"^!.  —  BfltPDai  fnxa]  A  gloss  (so  Now.), 
incongruous  in  view  of  context.  —  22.  '>~nx  ny-pi]  U  et  scies  quia  ego 
Dominus  ;  Babyl.  Cod.,  ">  \JN  "O,  now  corrected  to  agree  with  f$l2T.  Gr.  nyn. 
Marti,  njna-i. 

20.  And  I  will  make  for  them  a  covenant  with  the  beasts,  etc.~] 
The  pronoun  refers  to  Israel ;  and,  now,  between  Israel  and  the 
lower  world  of  animals  a  covenant  will  be  established,  the  essence 
of  which  will  be  peace  between  man  and  animals.  Just  such  a 
covenant  restraining  the  beasts  from  harming  Israelites,  Zc.  n10 
represents  Yahweh  as  breaking ;  cf.  also  Ez.  3425.  Such  a  cove 
nant  was  rather  an  "ordinance"  than  a  "treaty"  (Cheyne).  Is 
there  here  and  in  prophetic  references  to  close  relationship  of 
animals  and  men  (cf.  Nu.  2221'30  Is.  n^9  65^  Jb.  522f-  Gn.  3lff- 
Ez.  3425)  a  survival  of  the  totemistic  conception  involving  a  belief 
in  a  real  blood  connection  ?  *  —  And  the  bow  and  the  sword  and 
war  1  will  break  out  of  the  land~\  There  will  be  peace  likewise 
between  Israel  and  other  nations  (Ps.  469  y63  Je.  49^  Is.  Q4).  War 
(cf.  i7),  including  everything  that  relates  to  battle,  is  here  joined 
with  break  by  zeugma. f  This  late  expression  finds  analogies 
in  Is.  24  Mi.  44  Je.  236  3316.  —  And  I  will  make  them  lie  down 
in  safety. — 21.  Yea,  I  will  betroth  thee  to  me  forever]  Security  and 
confidence  are  the  great  ends  sought  in  the  administration  of  the 
affairs  of  a  nation.  To  lie  down  in  safety  (cf.  Jb.  n18  Is.  i430 
Lv.  266)  is  the  na'ive  and  childlike  designation  of  complete  assur 
ance.  But,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  thought  and  to  bring  it 
into  harmony  with  the  context,  the  writer  goes  back  to  the  figure 
of  betrothal  and  marriage,  a  relationship  which,  now,  shall  last 
throughout  all  time  (cf.  Je.  3i35~37  Is.  548"10).  —  In  kindness  and  in 
mercy]  The  preceding  words,  in  righteousness  and  in  judgment, 
are  to  be  omitted  as  a  gloss  (v.s.},  since  they  are  superfluous  by 
the  side  of  v.22 ;  are  inapplicable  in  the  strictest  sense  to  the 
figure  of  betrothal ;  present,  as  they  stand,  a  bizarre  arrangement 
of  thought ;  interfere  with  a  smooth  strophic  structure  ;  and  ex- 


*  Cf.  Gunkel's  defence  of  the  genuineness  of  this  verse  on  the  ground  of  the 
antiquity  of  this  conception,  Genesis,  p.  112.  t  Cf.  K6.  Stil.  122  f. 


II.    20-22  243 

press  the  thought  of  a  later  period.  For  the  manifestation  of 
kindness  and  mercy  on  the  part  of  God  to  Israel,  cf.  Is.  14*  3o18 
4910  548'10  Je.  3 120  Ez.  392'5.—  22.  /  will  betroth  thee  to  me  in 
faithfulness,  and  thou  shalt  know  Yahweh~\  The  thrice-repeated 
statement  of  betrothal  makes  it  both  emphatic  and  solemn.  Faith 
fulness  from  the  time  of  Isaiah  (cf.  Is.  n5)  had  been  one  of  the 
characteristics  of  Yahweh  most  frequently  dwelt  upon  in  his  rela 
tion  to  man.  Three  gifts  will  thus  be  brought  to  Israel  as  bridal 
gifts,  viz.  love,  mercy,  and  faithfulness,  and  as  a  result  Israel  will 
know  Yahweh  (cf.  41).  The  custom  originally  was  to  pay  the 
dowry  to  the  bride's  family  (cf.  Gn.  3412)  as  a  compensation  for 
the  loss  of  her  labor ;  later  this  dowry  came  to  be  regarded  as  the 
possession  of  the  wife  (cf.  Gn.  3i15)  which  provided  for  her  needs 
in  case  of  her  husband's  death,  or  her  divorce  without  due  cause.* 
The  fact  that  the  gifts  of  Yahweh  here  are  all  such  as  would  tend 
to  the  happiness  of  Israel  makes  it  evident  that  the  later  marriage 
custom  is  alluded  to.f  Everything  is  given  by  Yahweh,  and 
nothing  is  asked  of  Israel  in  return. 

20.  Tna]  The  ordinary  word  for  the  making  of  a  covenant;  the  original 
significance  of  the  expression  may  be  seen  from  Gn.  I510  Je.  3418.  Other 
phrases  used  of  making  a  cov.  are  nnaa  1x3,  Je.  3410;  ^  nna  "va^n,  Dn.  927; 
nx  nna  o^pn,  Ez.  i662;  nna  DIP,  2  S.  235.  The  breaking  of  a  cov.  is  expressed 
by  'a  iaj?,  Jos.  y15;  'ia  ncn,  Is.  245;  'a  hhn,  Mai.  210;  '2  DSD,  2  K.  i;15. — 
OJ?]  This  prep,  often  foil,  nna  ma,  but  h  is  more  frequent;  other  preps,  used 
are  ns  and  pa.  oy  is  used  with  the  first  two  nouns  here,  and  understood  with 
the  third.  —  ma>n  nn]  The  phrase  used  by  J  in  the  creation  account,  Gn.  219; 
cf.  P's  fiNn  DTI,  Gn.  I25.  —  21.  •pncnx]  With  the  change  of  figure  it  becomes 
necessary  to  change  from  the  3d  pi.  m.  pron.  of  v.20  to  the  2d  fern,  sg.;  abrupt 
changes  of  this  kind  are  not  infrequent,  e.g.  23- 18  46  Gn.  4925a-  26a  Dt.  3214d- 15i; 
cf.  K6.  Stil.  238  ff.  The  threefold  occurrence  of  the  vb.  not  only  adds  empha 
sis,  but  also  affords  opportunity  to  add  several  adverbial  modifiers  without 
cumbering  the  sentence;  cf.  K6.  Stil.  298.  —  pnxa]  The  prep,  with  this  and 
foil,  nouns  is  a  of  price,  which  usually  follows  tsnx  with  the  gift  of  the  bride. 

M 

The  original  force  of  a  ons  is  seen  in  Ar.  /py,  a  fi  ne,  price.  —  22.  HJIDN]  A 
common  formation  for  abst.  nouns;  cf.  rniaa,  might;  miap,  burial;  roi^D, 
rule  ;  nxioi,  healing;  Earth,  NB.  §  82*. 

*  Cf.  Paterson,  "  Marriage,"  DB. ;  Benz.,  "  Marriage,"  EB. ;  R.  F.  Harper,  Codt 
of  Hammurabi  (1904),  pp.,49,  57,  63  ff. 
f  So  Now. 


244  HOSEA 

D.  Yahweh  s  response  in  faithful  love  ;  223~25.  —  "Jezreel  (Is 
rael)  asks  the  plants  to  germinate ;  they  call  upon  the  earth  for 
its  juices ;  the  earth  beseeches  heaven  for  rain ;  heaven  suppli 
cates  for  the  divine  word  which  opens  its  stores,  and  Yahweh 
responds  in  faithful  love."  (Cheyne). 

This  addition  consists  of  three  strophes  of  trimeter  movement,  of  4,  3,  and 
4  lines.  Its  characteristics  as  a  piece  are  clear  and  beautiful  thought,  and 
perfect,  artistic  form,  the  metre  being  regular,  the  parallelism  progressive, 
and  the  strophic  structure  symmetrical;  cf.  in  the  last  line  of  each  strophe 
the  pronoun  followed  by  a  vb.  of  saying.  Both  thought  and  form  are  highly 
poetic.  It  is  from  later  times  than  those  of  Hosea  (so  Volz;  Marti  omits 
2156"25),  as  is  seen  from:  (i)  the  fact  that  it  contemplates  the  full  restoration 
of  Israel  to  Yahweh's  favor;  (2)  the  eschatological  phrase  Ninn  or 3  rrrp, 
which  belongs  to  later  times;  (3)  the  use  of  nj;%,  which  is  found  in  this  sense 
only  in  late  passages,  e.g.  I49  Ps.  656  EC.  io19;  (4)  the  materialistic  blessings 
spoken  of  here  which  are  not  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  teachings 
of  Amos  and  Hosea;  (5)  the  new  metre  and  strophic  structure;  (6)  the 
presupposition  of  the  exile  contained  in  v.25". 

23.  nj?N]  <g£,  and  Syr.-Hex.  om.  the  first  (so  also  Seb.,  Oort,  Marti).— 
25.  rrnjnr]  We.  wnjn?  (so  Bach.,  Now.,  Oct.),  the  suff.  referring  to  'jNjnp. 
—  nnN— 'Dj?]  <&  om.  HPN.  —  inSx]  @  wpios  6  6e6$  /J.QV  el  at,  adding  nnw  (so 
also  Hal.) ;  so  F,  Syr.-Hex. 

23.  /  will  respond  to  the  heavens~\  The  petition  from  Israel  for 
prosperity  comes  last  of  all  through  the  heavens  to  Yahweh,  who 
is  the  fountain  head  of  authority.  The  representation  is  not 
merely  poetical ;  for  it  was  the  popular  belief  that  rain  and  dew 
came  as  the  direct  gifts  of  Yahweh.  It  was  at  his  command  that 
the  clouds  were  opened  or  remained  closed ;  cf.  Am.  p13  Jo.  318 
Ez.  341*-28  471-8,  also  Dt.  2S23  Lv.  2619.  — 24.  And  they  shall  re 
spond  to  Jezreel~\  The  corn,  wine,  and  oil  will  respond  to  Israel, 
here  called  Jezreel  with  reference  to  the  meaning  of  the  word, 
God  sows  ;  cf.  the  use  made  of  it  in  v.26.  —  25.  And  I  will  sow 
her  unto  me  in  the  land~\  Cf.  Je.  3I27'28.  Jezreel  =  Israel  restored, 
is  to  be  sown  again  in  the  land,  this  time  unto,  i.e.  for,  Yahweh. 
All  Israel,  wherever  scattered,  will  return  to  the  land  of  their 
ancestors.  The  purpose  of  the  sowing  is,  of  course,  that  they  may 
bring  forth  fruit.  —  I  will  have  pity  upon  the  un-pitied  one~\  The 
name  of  i8  is  here  reversed.  —  And  to  not-my-people  I  will  sayt 


II.  23-25  245 

thou  art  my  people}  The  name  of  i9  is  likewise  reversed.  —  And 
they  will  say,  thou  art  my  God]  Israel's  confession;  cf.  Zc.  13° 
Rom.  g25  i  Pet.  210. 

23.  Ninn  OV3  mm]  For  the  use  of  this  phrase  in  other  late  passages,  cf. 
v.18  Jo.  418  Mi.  59  Zc.  I32.  Other  phrases  of  similar  import  are  :  mm  Ninn  DVJ 
(Zc.  I31);  D^xa  OID^  run  (Am.  913);  jonn  nys  .mm  (Am.  513) ;  p~nn«  mm 
(Jo.  31);  D^n  nnrwa  mm  (35  Mi.  41).  —  HJJJN]  Repeated  for  the  sake  of 
rhetorical  effect;  to  omit  it  once,  as  some  do,  spoils  the  rhythm  of  the  passage, 
and  robs  it  of  its  dignity  in  some  measure.  —  DT]  From  this  point  on  through 
v.24  the  clauses  are  all  circumstantial,  depending  upon  v.23a. 

E.  Israel's  vast  numbers,  united  as  one  family  under  Yahweh, 
and  victorious  against  all  enemies ;  21'3.  —  In  the  future  time, 
Israel's  numbers  will  be  beyond  calculation ;  instead  of  estrange 
ment  from  Yahweh,  her  people  will  be  recognized  as  the  sons  of 
the  living  God ;  and  instead  of  schism  between  north  and  south, 
there  will  be  united  action  resulting  in  victory  over  all  opposers. 

We  have  here  two  strophes  of  four  lines  each,  in  the  pentameter  movement 
Each  strophe  contains  an  important  idea,  and  both  together  form  a  splendid 
unity.  Strophe  i :  Israel's  numbers  will  be  great,  and  she  will  again  become 
Yahweh's  people.  Strophe  2 :  She  will  be  reunited,  and  thus  enabled  to  meet 
all  enemies.  This  piece  has  been  recognized  as  occupying  an  impossible  place, 
and  has  been  transferred  to  the  end  of  chap.  2  (so  Heilprin,  The  Historical 
Poetry  of  the  Ancient  Hebrews,  II.  125  f.;  St.,  Kue.  Einl.  II.  319;  Che.,  K6. 
Einl.;  Gu.,  GAS.,  Oct.).  The  grounds  urged  for  this  are  the  fact  that  it  avoids 
the  abrupt  transition  from  threat  to  promise  involved  in  passing  from  I9  to 
21;  the  better  connection  secured  in  placing  2l~3  after  the  promises  of  220-25; 
and  the  very  similar  arrangement  found  in  Rom.  g25*-  where  these  verses  are 
quoted.  But  it  is  superfluous  after  225,  being  little  more  than  a  repetition  of 
vs.23-'25;  it  uses  }nNn  (v.3)  in  an  altogether  different  sense  from  that  in  vs.20 
and 25.  ^;-Ns  js  gjven  a  different  interpretation  from  that  in  v.25;  and  it  forms 
a  very  poor  ending  for  chap.  2.  It  is  better  to  treat  it  as  an  entirely  later  piece 
(We.;  Sta.  GVL  1.577;  Co.  ZA  W.  VII.  285,  and  Einl.  172;  Giesebrecht,  Bei- 
tragezurJesaiakritik,2.\T)ft.\  Oort,  Th  T.  XXIV.  358  ff.;  Loft.;  Che.  inWRS. 
Proph.  p.  xviii;  Volz,  Now.;  Seesemann,  33;  Da.  DB.  II.  425;  Marti,  EB. 
2122;  Grimm,  Liturg.  Append.,  61  ff.) ;  because,  in  its  present  position,  it 
breaks  the  connection,  nor  can  it  be  satisfactorily  placed  elsewhere;  the  refer 
ence  to  Judah  is  suspicious,  the  rest  of  the  chapter  speaking  only  of  Israel;  it 
presupposes  the  exile  (v.2) ;  its  vision  of  Israel's  future  passes  beyond  Hosea's 
horizon;  the  tremendous  increase  of  Israel  is  a  later  eschatological  concep 
tion  (Gn.  2217  3212  Is.  4819) ;  and  it  differs  in  poetic  form  from  every  other 


246  HOSEA 

section  of  this  chapter.  Skipwith  (JQR.  VI.  (1893)  29$)  joins  21-  2  to  end  of 
chap.  3,  but  rules  out  35,  2l,  and  22,  with  the  exception  of  the  last  clause, 
'ui  *?nj  ^,  as  an  exilic  interpolation.  ©  and  J5  give  vs.1'2  to  chap.  I,  and  v.3 
to  chap.  2. 

1.  rvrn]  @  and  it  use  past  tense,  changing  to  fut.  in  the  second  rvm.  J5,  by 
mistake,  inserts  negative.  Gr.  suggests  the  insertion  here  of  Is.  22-4  (Mi.  41'3). 

—  Dip-3]  Transl.  literally  in  all  versions,  viz.  in  the  place  where  ;  &  introduces 
the  apodosis  with  there.  —  2.  trio]    (5  apx^v;    so  it.  —  ins]    Gr.  would  add 
here:   ^«y-\r  po;?a  crr^x  S?  na:n. —  3.  arnins  .  .  .  OS-TIN]   Read  both  nouns 
in  sg.  with  ©  and  IL  (so  We.,  Now.,  GK.  96,  Marti).     Get.  retains  pi.,  but 
vocalizes  the  second  noun,  D.3^rrtn«S.  —  "Ui  iSyi]    Bach,  reads  •iL|r,  and  would 
transfer  the  whole  clause  to  the  conclusion  of  i6. 

1.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass  that  the  number  of  the  children  of 
Israel  shall  be~\  It  is  of  Northern  Israel  that  he  speaks,*  for  in  v.2 
Judah  is  distinguished  ;  cf.  also  i6-7.  — As  the  sand  of  the  sea\  Cf. 
Gn.  i316  2217  3212  Jos.  ii4  Is.  io22.  Prosperity  always  includes 
numbers;  cf.  Mi.  212  Is.  4819.  —  Instead  of  its  being  said~\  Better  t 
than  in  the  place  where  it  was  said,  which  has  many  supporters.  J 

—  Ye  are  "  not  my  people  "]  The  name  designating  their  estrange 
ment  from  Yahweh  (i9)  will  no  longer  be  used.     In  its  place  will 
be  given  to  them  a  title  denoting  the  closest  fellowship  with  him, 
viz.  the  sons  of  the  living  God~\,   not  sons   of  idol-gods.     This 
phrase  (cf.  i  S.  I726  Dt.  5L'6)  includes  two  important  elements,  viz. 
(i)    sons  (cf.  Nu.  2 129  Mai.  211)  of  God,  in  accordance  with  the 
common  Semitic  conception  that  the  nation  is  the  offspring  of 
the  deity  ;§    (2)   the  expression  living  God,  i.e.  a  god  who  is  the 
fountain  or  source  of  life  (cf.  Ps.  422  842)  ;  here  used  for  the  first 
time  (except  perhaps  the  use  by  J  in  Jos.  3™)  ;  cf.  its  later  usage 
in  oaths,  Ju.  819  i  S.  I439-45,  placed  even  in  the  mouth  of  the  deity, 
Dt.  3240  Nu.  i421-28,  etc.;  v.  especially  Am.  814.     This  verse  is  not 
entirely  consistent  with  225,  v.s.  —  2.    And  the  children  of  Judah 
and  the  children  of  Israel  shall  be  gathered  together}  The  separa 
tion  of  north  and  south  at  the  death  of  Solomon,  although  brought 
about  by  prophetic  influence  (cf.  i  K.  ii29^  i222'24),  is  regarded  by 
Hosea  (33f  84  I310'11)  and  by  the  writer  of  this  passage  as  lacking 

*  Merc.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Che.,  Now.,  Marti,  et  al. ;  on  the  contr.,  Hi. 

f  Ki.,  Grot,  Hi.,  Ew.,  AV.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  Marti,  et  al. 

t  ©5U,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Umb.,  Ke.,  Wii.  §  See  WRS.  Sem.  40  ff. 


Ii.  1-3  247 

divine  approval.  This  schism,  therefore,  will  be  healed  (cf.  Is.  1 113 
Ez.  S722).  —  And  they  shall  appoint  for  themselves  one  head~\  This 
head  is  a  king,  probably  of  the  Davidic  family.  —  And  they  shall 
go  up  out  of  the  land~\  i.e.  the  land  of  exile  (cf.  Ezr.  21  7°  Ne. 
i 21),  the  whole  reference  being  to  the  time  and  circumstances  of 
the  scattering.*  Some  prefer  to  understand  go  up  of  marching 
to  battle  (cf.  Na.  22  Jo.  i6),  the  land  in  this  case  is  Palestine,  now 
too  small  for  the  inhabitants,  who  therefore  seek  to  enlarge  their 
territory  (Am.  912  Is.  n14  Mi.  212-13)-t  Besides,  it  is  urged,  the 
going  up  from  the  land  of  captivity  could  not  have  preceded  the 
appointment  of  a  common  king.  Still  others  \  understand  Egypt 
to  be  referred  to  (cf.  Ex.  i10)  and  used  symbolically  of  all  captivity. 
Notice  also  may  be  taken  of  the  translation,  they  shall  grow  up 
from  the  ground,  i.e.  like  grain  after  it  is  sowed.  §  —  For  great 
shall  be  the  day  of Jezreel"\  Does  this  mean  the  day  of  scattering,  || 
referring  to  the  dispersion?  Or  does  it  mean  the  day  of  sowing?*^ 
Clearly  the  latter,  for  the  name  Jezreel  has  been  given  a  new 
meaning.  In  the  former  case,  great  means  terrible  ;  in  the  latter, 
glorious.  By  this  name  the  writer  evidently  described  the  day  of 
Yahvveh,  the  time  when  punishment  was  to  be  meted  out  to  Israel's 
foes  and  blessings  showered  upon  Israel  herself.  —  3.  Say  ye  to 
your  brother,  "  my  people"  and  to  your  sister,  "  compassionated^ 
This  is  only  a  repetition  of  225.  The  words  have  been  taken  as 
addressed  (i)  to  the  people  of  Judah  bidding  them  greet  the  re 
turning  Israelites  and  welcome  them  back  to  the  land ;  **  (2)  to 
the  disciples  of  the  prophet  bidding  them  announce  to  the  whole 
nation  the  news  of  its  restoration  to  Yahweh's  favor ;  ft  (3)  to  the 
members  of  the  united  kingdom  bidding  them  greet  each  other  as 
Yahweh's  people  \\%  (4)  to  those  who  had  been  allowed  to  remain 
in  the  land,  bidding  them  welcome  the  returning  exiles  ;§§  and 
(5)  as  a  fragment  of  some  lost  statement.  ||  || 

1.  i}^]  Potential  impf.  denoting  possibility;  H.  22,  2a;  cf.  Je.  3i37  332'2,  the 
only  other  occurrences  of  the  Niph.  used  of  impossible  acts  as  here.  —  oipna 
TJ>N]  =  T^N  nnn;  for  another  instance  of  this  use,  cf.  Is.  3321.  The  regular 

*  Ki.,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Wii.,  We.,  Now.,  Marti,  ef  al. 

t  Hi.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  St.,  Che.         U  Hi.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Marti.  §$  Marti. 

I  E.g.  Ke.  §  Reuss.  **  So  Hi.  ft  Che.  ||||  Meinhold. 

||  Theod.,  AE.,  Cal.  J+  Hng.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or. 


248  HOSEA 

significance  of  the  phrase  is  local,  in  the  place  where  (Lv.  424  2  S.  It;21  I  K. 
2i19  Je.  2212  Ez.  2i35  Ne.  414) ;  cf.  GK.  130  c;  Ko.  337  x,  and  393.  —  "iD&oj 
Customary  impf.  in  the  first  instance;  simply  future  in  the  second.  —  2.  virv^ 
Really  a  noun  in  adverb,  ace.  =  in  his  unitedness;  always  having  the  force  of 
an  adv.  =  together,  in  union.  —  tpsn]  Used  of  the  head  of  the  state;  cf.  I  S. 
I517  Nu.  I44.  The  phrase  ti>&o  D1^  is  found  only  here;  cf.  Nu.  I44,  a>so  jru; 
Is.  34,  fnj  with  ace.  of  person  and  nc*  in  apposition;  Ps.  i844,  D^tr  with  ace 
of  person,  followed  by  tt>N-\S. — 3.  DDTnnN]  =  ayrVunN,  the  final  radical  has 
disappeared  here  as  in  Jos.  213  Ez.  I651-55-61;  cf.  GK.  96.  The  context,  how 
ever,  requires  the  reading  aprnnx;  but  cf.  Ko.  25 8  f. 

§  6.  Yahweh's  contention  with  Israel,  on  account  of  sins 
encouraged  by  the  priests.  4M9.  Yahweh  has  a  contention  with 
Israel ;  for  on  every  side  is  wickedness.  In  this  wickedness  the 
religious  guides,  the  priests,  take  the  lead ;  and  for  their  failure  to 
perform  their  duty  they  shall  be  rejected,  degraded,  and  put  to 
confusion.  Because  of  their  example  the  people  of  Israel  indulge 
in  idolatry  and  adultery.  May  Judah  not  join  in  iniquity  with 
Israel,  who  is  committed  to  vice,  and  will  continue  until  the  enemy 
utterly  confounds  and  destroys  her. 

This  piece  contains  five  strophes  of  twelve  lines  each;  the  measure  is  trim 
eter,  occasionally  falling  into  dimeter.  Strophe  I  (vs.1- 2- 3)  describes  the 
situation;  Strophe  2  (vs.4- 14d-  5-  6)  places  the  responsibility  upon  the  priests; 
strophe  3  (vs.7- 8- 9-  10-  12a)  describes  further  the  priest's  responsibility;  strophe  4 
(vs  11.  i2cd.  is.  Haftc)  pictures  the  madness  of  the  people  in  their  sensual  indul 
gence;  while  strophe  5  (vs.15- 16- 17- 18- 19)  depicts  Israel's  sins  and  her  conse 
quent  destruction.  Cf.  Ew.,  who  makes  four  strophes,  i-5-6-i°-  n-is.  16-19.  aiso 
Wu.,  who  divides,  i-s.  4-m  11-14. 15-16.  ancj  Marti,  who  secures  thirteen  strophes 
of  four  lines  each,  omits  vs.3-5  6a-  106-i5.  ifi&}  and  transposes  v.11  to  follow  v.14. 
In  the  present  arrangement  the  following  transpositions  have  been  made, 
viz.  (i)  of  v.12a  to  precede  v.11;  this  leaves  (a}  a  better  connection  with 
v.10,  than  v.11  afforded;  (£)  a  better  connection  with  v.126,  than  v.12a  afforded; 
(<:)  a  much  easier  connection  for  the  circ.  clause  in  12a;  and  (</)  no  good 
ground  for  calling  v.11  an  interpolation  (Ru.,  Now.),  although  it  is  proverbial 
in  form  and  contents;  (2)  of  v.14d  to  precede  jnb,  the  last  word  in  v.4  as 
the  text  now  stands.  These  words  (toaS^  JOOtS  Dyt)  (tf)  are  evidently  out 
of  place  where  they  are,  the  context  contrasting  an  (the  priests)  with  the 
young  women  of  the  nation ;  (^)  fit  in  perfectly  with  the  last  clause  of  v.4 
as  amended  (zu.),  adding  still  another  circumstantial  detail  of  the  picture, 
Yea,  a  people,  etc.;  (<r)  perfect  the  symmetry  of  strophe  2,  while  they  com 
pletely  destroy  that  of  strophe  4,  in  which  they  are  now  found  ;  and  (d  )  on 
this  supposition  need  no  longer  be  regarded  (Ru.,  Now.)  as  a  gloss. 


IV.  I  249 

IV.  1-3.  The  announcement  of  Yahwefts  contention  and  its 
occasion.  Listen,  Israel,  to  Yahweh  :  The  land  lacks  everything 
good  ;  it  abounds  in  everything  bad  :  consequently  it,  with  all  its 
life,  is  now  suffering. 

In  this  strophe  the  parallelism  is  less  regular  than  in  the  remaining  strophes; 
but  the  irregularities  greatly  heighten  the  artistic  effect.  These  consist  of 
(i)  the  elegiac  measure  (3,  2)  with  which  it  opens;  (2)  the  gradual  abandon 
ment  of  shorter  for  longer  lines,  until  in  lines  7  and  8,  the  climax  is  reached 
in  the  long  series  of  infinitives,  making  tetrameters,  in  which  the  very  vowels 
(a  and  6)  add  to  the  strength  of  the  passage  (cf.  the  repetition  of  fN  in  the 
preceding  line,  the  sound  of  which  is  well  adapted  to  the  thought);  (3)  the 
gradual  falling  away  again  of  the  sound  in  lines  9-12.  The  whole  strophe 
Is  a  magnificent  example  of  the  musical  swell  (crescendo  and  diminuendo) 
expressed  in  measure  and  sound. 


1.  3"i]  <§  icplffis.  —  2.  ix~\s]  (&  /CLUTCH  ;  IS  inundaverunt  ; 
Ail  disregard  the  pausal  accent.  <@>  and  it  add  tiri  TTJS  777$,  perhaps  =  pa 
(—  psa),  a  wrong  reading  of  ISID,  which  was  later  corrected,  the  old  reading 
being  allowed  to  remain  (Vol.).  —  D^DI]  ifFS*  sg.  —  ijm]  £>  o^>*».— 
3.  'ui  SScxi]  ©  Kal  /jMcpwdtfo-eTai  ffiiv  iraaiv  rots,  K.T.X.;  <HAQ,  9.  Kal  fffju- 
vpi't>6ri<T€Tai,  K.T.X.;  &  ,vol^po.  —  mtpn]  <J|  adds  Kal  ativ  rots  epTrerois  T?}S 
v^s  •;  so  it.  —  DJ]  ©  om.  —  IDDX11]  5J  congregabuntur  ;  ©  {K\etyov<riv. 

1.  Hear  the  word  of  Yahweh~\  This  word  was  spoken  after 
the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.  (743  B.C.),  and  during  the  anarchical 
period  which  immediately  followed  (Zechariah,  Shallum,  and 
Menahem  all  coming  to  the  throne  within  a  year),*  or  a  little 
later,  perhaps  in  the  reign  of  Pekah  (736  B.c.).f  It  is  with 
these  words  that  Hosea's  public  ministry  really  begins,  the  pre- 
v^cding  chapters  (1-3)  being  intended  rather  to  picture  the 
internal  and  domestic  struggle  which  led  him  to  enter  upon 
the  ministry.  Hosea's  experience,  as  described  in  chaps.  1-3, 
sustained  a  relation  to  his  prophetic  work  similar  to  that  which 
Isaiah's  vision  (chap.  6)  sustained  toward  his  ministry.  J  While 
nothing  is  said,  the  sense  is  evident  that  these  words  are  spoken 
through  Hosea  and  to  Northern  Israel,  for  in  v.15  Judah  is  dis 
tinguished  from  Israel.  —  Yahweh  has  a  contention  with']  This 
was  not  merely  "a  just  cause,"  nor  a  reproof,  accusation,  §  but 

*  So  Ma.,  Ros.,  Schro.  +  Cf.  WRS.  Proph.  183. 

t  Riehm,  EM.  48.  §  Schmidt,  Now. 


250  HOSEA 

contention,  quarrel  (cf.  Mi.  62  Je.  29).*  A  relationship  has 
existed  between  Yahweh  and  Israel,  the  terms  of  which  Israel 
has  not  observed.  The  time  has  come  when  Yahweh  will  enter 
into  contention  with  the  nation.  —  For  there  is  no  truth  .  .  . 
love  .  .  .  knowledge  of  God~\  This  is  a  negative  statement  of 
Hosea's  ideal.  By  truth  he  means  fidelity,  honesty,  constancy, 
trustworthiness  in  thought,  word,  and  deed  (cf.  Je.  93-4)  ;  by  love 
he  means  not  love  of  man  for  God,  nor  love  of  God  for  man ; 
but  love  for  fellow-men  (cf.  Gn.  2I23;  cf.  for  the  use  of  these 
two  words  together,  Gn.  32™  (of  God)  ;  Gn.  2449  47^  Ps.  85™  (of 
man)).  The  opposite  of  fidelity  and  love  are  indicated  in  the 
following  verse.  These  elements  of  character  and  of  conduct 
are  lacking,  because  there  is  lacking  also  the  knowledge  of  God 
in  which  they  take  root.  By  this  he  means  not  knowledge  of 
Yahweh  (cf.  220  4°  54  66),  which  would  be  from  the  standpoint 
of  those  times  something  less  broad,  more  national ' ;  but  "  the 
general,  legal,  divine  duty  of  humanity."!  —  2.  Swearing  and 
lying']  i.e.  perjury  (cf.  Kir  mbx,  io4).  nbtf  alone  means  simply 
swearing,  of  which  in  itself  there  was  no  prohibition,  unless, 
perhaps,  the  reference  is  to  cursing,  which  is  so  common  in  the 
East  (cf.  Mat.  534ff-)-+  The  two  together  stand  in  opposition 
to  "  truth."  §  —  And  killing  and  stealing  and  committing  adultery\ 
Violation  of  the  6th,  8th,  and  yth  commandments.  The  infini 
tives  absolute  are  used  instead  of  the  finite  form  of  the  verb 
for  vividness  and  emphasis ;  cf.  (&  above.  These  are  in  opposi 
tion  to  "love."  The  fancied  "security  in  Samaria"  (Am.  61) 
no  longer  exists.  There  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
decalogue  in  its  original  form  was  at  this  time  in  existence.  || 
—  They  break  into~\  sc.  the  houses  of  their  neighbors  (Jb.  2416),  or, 
acts  of  violence.^  Cf.  also  the  word  D'riB  =  robber  (Ez.  i810) ; 
and  the  interpretation  which  makes  the  act  a  breaking  into  the 
law.**  Cf.  @  above.  —  Blood  striking  blood~\  The  plural  =  blood- 

*  Wii.,  GAS. 

•f  Carl  Abel,  Ueber  den  Begriff  der  Liebe  in  einigen  alien  und  neuen  Sprachen 
(Berlin,  1872),  p.  63.  J  So  Cal.  §  Now. 

||  See  WRS.  art.  "Decalogue,"  Enc.  Brit.;  Paterson,  art.  "Decalogue,"  DB.; 
Ew.  Gesch.  hr*  II.  231  ;  Kue.,  Rel.  Isr.  I.  285  ;  but  cf.  W.  E.  Addis,  art.  "  Deca 
logue,"  EB.;  We.  Comp.  Hex.  331  f . ;  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  457  ff.,  and  Marti. 

U  Che.  **  Rashi,  Ki. 


IV.  i-3  251 

shed  ;  i.e.  murder  follows  immediately  upon  murder.  The  phrase 
is  a  striking  one,  but  this  fact  and  the  change  of  subject  need  not 
excite  suspicion.*  —  3.  Therefore  the  land  mounts']  The  prophet 
evidently  speaks  not  of  some  future  f  or  past  J  calamity,  but  of 
one  present,  a  severe  drought  existing  at  the  time.  §  It  is  doubt 
ful  whether  he  has  in  mind,  at  this  point,  the  anarchy  which  fol 
lowed  Jeroboam's  death.  || — And  every  denizen  in  it  languishes^ 
This  refers  not  merely  to  animals,  ^[  but  as  well  to  men.  —  Even 
to  the  beasts  of  the  field,  etc.~\  Even  to  **  or  including  (cf.  Gn.  721) 
is  preferable  to  (a)  through,^  making  the  beasts  the  agents,  as  also 
to  (8)  together  with  (cf.  Gn.  <f),  JJ  (c)  among,  putting  birds  and 
beasts  on  a  level  with  men,  §§  and  (//)  for  the  lack  of,  \\  \\  —  While 
even  the  fish  of  the  sea  are  taken  away\  This  is  the  climax  of 
the  presentation,  the  drought  being  so  great  that  the  streams  are 
dried  up,  the  phrase  DTI  *n  not  being  restricted  to  fish  actually 
in  the  sea.^F  The  association  of  the  animal  world  and  even  the 
inanimate  world  with  man  in  his  suffering  is  an  idea  widely  held 
among  the  prophets  (Am.  88  Is.  i68  24^  Zp.  i2-3  Je.  i24  Jo.  i10-w; 
cf.  Rom.  822),  and  is  based  upon  the  early  belief  that  land  and 
man  and  animal  were  in  some  way  closely  connected.***  Cf.  the 
totemistic  conception  referred  to  on  220. 

1.  -o]  Used  demonstratively,  as  in  Ps.  i  i8lof-  (cf.  BDB.  p.  472),  as  a  particle 
of  asseveration  =  "  surely,  etc  ";  or  better,  to  introduce  direct  discourse,  as 
in  Gn.  2i30  Ju.  616  (cf.  BDB.  p.  471;  H.  47,  30);  not  causal  (Wii.),  nor 
explanatory  and  introducing  a  parenthetic  clause  (Sim.).  —  3-0]  Cf.  the 
forensic  terms  t09U'?,  lawsuit  or  case,  as  in  Dt.  io18  Jb.  I318  23*  I  K.  849,  and 
Mi.  7°,  where  the  two  words  are  used  as  parallels;  and  fn  used  in  similar 
sense  in  Dt.  i;8  Ps.  I4O13  Jb.  3514.  —  f\s]  Its  repetition  is  significant.  Cf. 
also  Ho.  34  Nu.  2i5  Jos.  61  i  K.  iS21  Jb.  3422  Is.  4i26  i  S.  2612;  for  cases  of 
ps  joined  with  two  or  more  words,  cf.  Ne.  417  Gn.  4i39  456  Dt.  I212  Je.  2217. 
—  2.  "Ui  D^N]  These  five  infinitives  furnish  one  of  the  best  examples  of  the 
use  of  the  inf.  abs.  for  a  finite  vb.;  H.  28,  5^;  GK.  113^";  Ko.  217  a,  b  ; 
cf.  also  Is.  2i5  Je.  815  EC.  42.—  ^»,  IJHD]  Pfs.  denoting  an  action  begun  in 
the  past  and  still  continuing.  Cf.  Dr.  §  8;  cf.  also  Am.  514  Ps.  21  Is.  2i3. 
—  "ui  D-'D-n]  Is  clearly  a  circ.  clause,  H.  45,  i;  GK.  142  a,  c;  Dr.  §  156 f. — 

*  We.,  Now.;  cf.  Hal.  U  Marti.  §§  Schmidt. 

tRos.,Wii.  **SoEw.,GAS.  ||||  Geb. 

'!  Ke.  ft  Abar.  1TO  Now. 

§  Sim.,  Now.        ||  Che.  ++  Stuck,  Wii.  ***  WRS.  Pel.  Sent.  126. 


252  HOSEA 

3.  SDXP]  Descriptive,  H.  21,  i.— SScs]  Pulal;  cf.  also  Jo.  I10  Is.  339  Je.  I42. 
—  VD]  Distributive;  GK.  127^;  BDB.  p.  481  a.  —  mra  .  .  .  HU'2]  On  force 
of  3,  cf.  Gn.  721  817  910-16  Ex.  I219  Nu.  3I11.  —  'vn  ^i  OJi]  Another  circ.  clause, 
adding  a  new  feature  in  the  details  of  the  description. 

4-6.  The  Priest  responsible  for  IsraeVs  wickedness.  The  people 
need  not  blame  each  other  for  the  wretched  condition  of  things 
on  every  side.  It  is  thou,  O  priest,  who  dost  cause  this  mischief, 
and  for  this  reason  thou  shalt  fall.  Thy  whole  stock  shall  perish. 
As  thou  hast  rejected  knowledge,  so  I  will  reject  thee ;  as  thou 
hast  forgotten  me,  so  will  I  forget  thee. 

The  poetic  form  is  a  regular  trimeter  movement  in  twelve  lines.  Three 
important  modifications  of  the  text  require  to  be  made.  These  are:  (i)  A 
change  in  the  reading  of  PD  on^D  "|£>,  which  will  place  pj  in  the  following 
verse  (v.i.}.  (2)  The  connection  of  n^S  (v.5)  with  what  follows,  and  the 
omission  of  i  in  V^ETI;  this  secures  a  better  division  of  the  words,  as  well  as 
better  thought.  (3)  The  transfer  of  103^  p^  N>L»  C>1  from  v.14  to  follow  v.4. 
This  clause  is  plainly  out  of  place  where  it  now  stands.  In  the  new  position 
it  fits  well  and  completes  the  strophe. 

4.  IN]  (g  67ro;s;  U  veruntamen  ;  S  =  because  no  one  is,  etc.  —  Bach.  IN 
£"N  rov  Sxi  13  3-p  SN  e»x  =  only  let  no  one  strive  with  him  (i.e.  Yahweh)  and 
let  no  one  reprove  for  my  people,  etc.  Ru.  RDIDD  ITDICD  >D  =  for  the  blamer 
is  as  the  blamed  one  and  my  people,  etc.  —  PD  on^D  *p>i]  ©  6  5£  \a6s  JJLOV 
cbs  dvTi\€y6/j,evos  iepevs  —  PD  -nb3  ^y  (Vol.) ;  &  Ij-uL^  pcrus  +*]  ^Ic^o 
=  P33  3^2  "|^>1  (Seb.)  ;  A.  ws  6  avTidi.Ku)i>  ifpei;  2.  ws  avrippricris  i)  Trpbs 
iepta.  Read  ^cyi  (with  Beck,  Bockel,  Bach.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  et  al.} 
and  V-C33  (with  Beck,  Bockel;  Mosapp,  ZAW.  V.  185;  GAS.),  and  transfer 
pj  to  beginning  of  v.5  as  a  vocative  (GAS.).  Beck  reads  pbn  as  voc.  at  end 
of  v.4.  Mosapp  (ZAW.  V.  185),  po>  VC33  D"i  =  and  the  people  worship 
like  their  priestlings.  Hermann  (SIC.t  1879,  p.  516;  so  K6.  360 c),  ^^  ^y] 
pj  =  and  with  thee  is  my  strife,  O  priest.  Mich,  po  one  q3"i  =  and  thy 
people  act  like  those  who  strive  with  me,  O  priest.  WRS.  (Proph.  408; 
so  Che.),  PD  "3  -nn  qpvi  =  and  thy  people  have  rebelled  against  me,  O  priest. 
Oort  (  ThT.  and  Em.;  so  Val.,  Gu.),  psn  on  qsr,  the  CD  being  due  to  dittog. 
Bewer  (JBL.  XXI.  iiof.),  ^  ann  qon  =  "and  thy  people  is  striving  thus," 
the  phrase  being  a  gloss  explanatory  of  4a.  Gr.  PD  ^3ns  10'",  and  Hal. 
PD  ^onp  ic>i  =  and  thy  people  it  is  that  blames  thee,  O  priest.  New.  3>3i 
PD  P3nc3  =  and  as  is  the  people,  so  is  the  provocation  of  the  priest.  Heil- 
prin,  PD  ToncD  ID").  Ru.  (so  We.3,  Now.),  PDH  T^DD  Tyi  =  and  my  people 
are  like  thee,  O  priest.  Marti,  fol.  Duhm,  p'rp  son  ipb?  ap.  — 14  d.  N?  D>I 
•J21"  P311]  ©  /cat  6  Xaos  6  Gvvluv  (some  codd.  ov  (rvviuv*)  ffvv€Tr\^K€TO  uerd 
connecting  the  first  two  words  of  v.15  with  v.14;  so  j$.  Gr.  "ipS\ 


IV.  4,  H,  5  253 

Gardner  (AJSL.  XVIII.  179),  waS^  D^CNJD  ojn  =  and  with  adulterers  they  lie 
down.  —  5.  riSirn]  <f§  a<rdevf)<rei  (=Sa>ai);  £>  ^^oZZJo  (=  FiS[?Bh  (?) ). 
Read  atfn  nriScb  (so  We.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Cf.  Bach's  sugg.  that  arn] 
may  represent  an  original  vocative,  e.g.  DJH  or  jnin. —  -pj?]  Some  Mss.  of 
(5  yuerf  avrov  (so  also  Ru.).  —  nS-'S]  (5  reads  n^SS,  and  joins  to  following 
clause;  &  makes  it  a  separate  clause.  Ru.  nS^n.  —  -JEN  \~ns-n]  ©  w/xotao-a, 
(=V7'D"J);  'A.,  0.  WKr6s  &riw7r?7<ra;  "F  «<?<:/<?  tacere  fed  matrem  tuam  ; 

p  *  y  /r. 

jj  ^loj  Iwoi^^o.  Gr.  :)sj;  n'^D-tn\  Bach,  nncx  TP1^  (in  Praeparationen 
(1892);  but  later  in  Untersuch.  (1894),  1DJ?  ^n'pn  vnS^-S?,  for  'i.n  n^). 
Ru.  T!?"11?  -11S-V  Wkl.  qn^  v^^pi  n^SS  =  I  will  turn  thy  day  into  night 
{Untersuch.  181;  so  Val.).  For  ^rsx,  Now.  ^\J2,  and  Hal.  ^DV.  Gardner 
(AJSL.  XVIII.  178)  om.  "JEN  in*1  cm  as  a  dittog.  Marti,  ]z>  DX  ^rib-'V  —  6.  1721:] 
(§  renders  like  V^DI  (^.^.),  but  in  pass.;  so  j£;  3J  conticuit.  Gardner,  nc-u. 
—  .-DSD  rj?nn  nnx]  Marti,  IDNO  nj?nn~rN.  —  INDXCN]  Read  with  many  Mss. 
IDXCX.  Bach.  (/V.)  ^n;5D  ^n«T  DN2N\—  V«]  Wkl.  ^(?);  Bach.  (Pr.)  ^r,na. 
Marti  changes  all  2  pers.  forms  to  3  pers.  in  vs.5- 6. 

4.  Still  let  none  find  fault,  and  let  none  reprove]  Who  speaks  ? 
The  prophet,  and  of  his  own  words  uttered  in  vs.1"3.  This  reproof 
of  Israel,  he  concedes,  is  really  out  of  place  ;  it  is  at  all  events  use 
less. —  Since  my  people  are  but  like  their  priestlings']  This  mean 
ing  (a)  is  supported  in  part  (my  people)  by  @  (v.s.)  ;  (b)  furnishes 
clearly  the  thought  demanded  by  the  context  (cf.  the  reading 
"  since  my  people  are  like  thee,  O  priest "  ;  but  this  makes  it 
necessary  to  keep  "  priest "  where  it  stands,  thus  maintaining  two 
difficulties)  ;  (c)  is  in  accord  with  the  use  of  "  priestlings  "  else 
where,  this  word  always  having  a  bad  sense  (cf.  io5  2  K.  23* 
Zp.  i4).  This  circumstantial  clause,  giving  a  reason  why  the  people 
should  not  be  upbraided,  is  strengthened  by  another,  transferred 
from  v.14.  — 14  d.  Yea,  a  people  stupid  (and)  falling  to  ruin']  A 
more  appropriate  juxtaposition  could  scarcely  have  been  effected. 

—  5.    O  priest!   thou  s halt  fall  by  day]    For  text,  v.s.    According 
to  another  interpretation  this  should  read  thou  dost  stumble,  and 
refers  to  the  actual  sin*  in  which  the  priest  is  engaged,  rather 
than  to  the  punishment  which  is  to  fall  upon  him.f     The  render 
ing  by  day  is  given,  though  incorrectly,  to  DTH  by  (§5?  and  others.  J 

—  And  the  prophets  also  shall  fall  with  thee~]  These  are  the  proph 
ets,  the  word  being  collective,  who  prostituted  their  calling  for  the 


*  So  Marck,  Sim.  f  So  Ki.(  Ros.,  Ew.,  Now.  \  e.g.  Hal. 


254  HOSEA 

sake  of  support  ;  they  were  in  great  numbers  at  many  times,  cf. 
Je.  5'51  613  i413-14  i  K.  22(3fi,  and  made  prophecy  a  means  of  liveli 
hood  (Mi.  311  Am.  712).  They  would  perform  their  functions 
even  while  in  a  drunken  condition,  Is.  287.*  —  And  by  night  i 
will  destroy  thy  mother]  Cf.  (JilJ.  Confusion  has  arisen  between 
the  two  meanings  of  the  verb,  "  to  be  silent,"  and  "  to  destroy  " 
(?-./.).  Thy  mother  hardly  means  the  nation  (cf.  2i2),|  for  the 
pronoun  evidently  refers  to  the  priest,  and  it  is  the  priest  of  whon; 
the  prophet  now  speaks  ;  but  rather,  thy  stock,  \  i.e.  a  portion  of 
the  nation,  the  caste  or  clan  of  priests  ;  cf.  city  used  in  this  sense 
(2  S.  2019  Ps.  149-),  with  which  may  be  contrasted  "  I  will  also 
forget  thy  children  "  (v.6).  Indeed,  Nowack  so  renders  the  phrase 
here,  changing  the  text  (v.s.).  —  6.  My  people  will  be  destroyed  by 
reason  of  their  lack  of  knowledge^  This  sentence  determines  the 
meaning  to  be  attached  to  the  verb  of  v.56,  and  also  seems  to  favor 
the  conclusion  there  reached  on  "  thy  mother,"  —  since  now  the 
people  are  dealt  with  as  a  whole.  The  knowledge  lacking  is 
knowledge  of  God  (cf.  v.2).  The  ordinary  rendering  without 
knowledge  utterly  fails  to  express  the  sense.  The  reference  is  nofc 
to  the  present  situation,  but  to  the  future  destruction  of  the  people 
because  of  the  sins  into  which  the  priest  has  led  them.  Nowack 
and  Wellhausen,  without  good  reason  (viz.  because  it  is  unneces 
sary  to  the  connection,  and  because  it  has  no  corresponding  par 
allel  member),  treat  this  line  as  a  gloss.  —  Because  thou  hast 
rejected  knowledge^  It  is  evidently  the  priest  who  is  addressed  § 
(both  on  account  of  the  preceding  context,  and  on  account  of  the 
phrase  following),  and  not  the  nation  ;  ||  and  besides,  the  idea  of 
the  nation  as  a  priest-nation  is  probably  late.  "  Knowledge,  viz. 
of  God's  revealed  will,  was  theoretically  a  deposit  in  the  priest'.j 
order  (Dt.  33™  Ez.  4423  Mai.  27)."^[  —  /  reject  thee  from  being 
priest  to  me~\  Clearly  Hosea  had  at  one  time  recognized  the 


*  V.  Da.  Exp.  5th  ser.  II.  1-17;  and  art.  "  Prophets  and  Prophecy,"  DB.\ 
baum,  Proph.  85-130;  Sm.  Rel.  248-255;  WRS.  OTJC.  278  ft. 

f  Jer.,  Ki.,  Ma.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wu.,  GAS.;  cf.  Or. 

1  Schmidt,  WRS.  Proph.  407;  Che. 

§  So  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Bauer,  Eich.,Ros.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Che.,  We.,  GAS.,  Now. 

||  Stuck,  Schro.,  Hi.,  Umb.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wii. 

U  Che.     On  the  importance  attached  to  knowledge  of  God  by  Hosea,  see  esp? 
cially  GAS.  chap.  XXI. 


IV.  5-6  255 

Northern  priesthood  as  legitimate.  This  is  a  rejection  of  the 
entire  priest-clan  ;  and  not  of  the  priest-nation  (Ex.  iQ6  is  early 
preexilic;  Dt.  f,  barely  preexilic;  Is.  6i6,  exilic).  DKfc  is  the 
opposite  of  "inn.  —  And  (because)  thou  hast  forgotten  the  law  of 
thy  God~\  The  torah,  instruction,  was  supposed  to  be  a  deposit 
with  the  priests,  and  God  was  supposed  to  be  particularly  near  to 
them.  This  instruction  was  in  considerable  part  oral ;  but  even 
at  this  date  there  must  have  been  a  written  code  (the  Covenant 
code,  Ex.  2023-2333).*  —  I  will  forget  thy  children,  even  7]  i.e. 
the  members  of  the  clan,  Winckler's  suggestion  of  "  thee  "  for 
"  thy  children  "  being  unnecessary  in  view  of  Dt.  338ff>. 

4.  >s]  Here  in  its  limitative  sense,  however  (Wii.),  cf.  Gn.  9*  Ps.  4916 
Jb.  I315,  rather  than  asseverative  (Ki.),  of  which  examples  occur  in  Gn.  4428 
Ps.  731.  —  tt>\v  .  .  .  B"N]  Note  chiasm;  cf.  the  view  which  would  make  the 
second  £">N  the  object  of  the  vb.  (Hi.).  3£  paraphrases  the  first  t^N  by  IF" 
the  second  by  N-QJ. —  "ui  ^cy]  A  circ.  clause,  H.  45,  I  d\  GK.  141  e;  cf.  K6. 
360  £.  — 14  d.  '^^  r^  N1?  Djn]  The  impf.'s  are  coordinate  and  are  adjectival; 
H.  21,  4;  GK.  155  f.  —  5.  nS^oi]  If  f."u  is  placed  in  v.5,  either  (a)  \  is  used 
to  mark  apodosis  (cf.  Is.  67  Ho.  814  Am.  i4),  GK.  112*;  K6.  415  s-,  or  (6) 
the  i  may  be  omitted  and  the  vb.  treated  as  a  proph.  pf.  In  any  case  it  is 
fature  in  idea,  not  frequentative.  —  Drn]  It  is  difficult  to  treat  DV  with  the 
article,  when  the  corresponding  nS^S  has  none;  the  natural  rendering  to-day 
is  inappropriate;  hence  the  suggestion  of  We.  (v.s^).  —  T^C"']  Cf.  confusion 
in  versions.  To  be  distinguished  are:  ncn  I.,  to  be  like;  and  nci  II.,  to 
be  silent,  to  cease,  to  cause  to  cease,  to  destroy  (=  nnr;  cf.  DC-',  to  be  dumb, 
silent,  Wii.,  p.  146),  which  occurs  four  times  in  Hosea,  viz.  here  and  in  46 
io7  15,  elsewhere  in  sense  of  destroy,  Is.  65  I51  Zp.  i11  Je.  62  475  Ob.5  Ez.  322 
Ps.  4913-21.  —  6.  is-^]  PI.  the  sub),  being  collective,  H.  40,  4^;  GK.  145  £; 
not  to  be  taken  as  future  (so  Ko.  129)  but  as  present  pf.;  the  change  of  time 
is  marked  by  the  dropping  of  the  i  cons,  which  appears  in  previous  verse.  — 
n>n  iSsr:]  p  is  causative;  from  lack  of  knowledge ;  cf.  the  use  of  ^^c  in 
which  |D  is  neg.,  the  >Sa  being  a  second  neg.  (as  in  TNC)  =  without  knowing 
=  suddenly,  Is.  513;  cf.  Ko.  403^.  —  INDXCNI]  N  (after  D),  a  mistake  retained 
on  account  of  the  superstition  entertained  concerning  the  letter;  it  is  desig 
nated  (note  the  °  over  it)  by  the  Massoretes  as  i\~i  i.e.  superfluous,  and  is 
lacking  in  nearly  a  hundred  Mss.  (cf.  Kenn.  and  De  Rossi  in  loc. ;  cf.  cod. 
Babyl.  1010  A.D.);  so  BSZ.  and  BDB.;  Ew.  §  247^,  treats  the  word  as  an 
Aramaic  form.  The  i  with  Scwa  (De.  Complutensische  Varianten,  iSf.;  Baer, 
Duodecim  Prophetarum,  61)  marks  the  apodosis;  GK.  Ii2.r;  Ko.  4152. — 
102P]  Reg-  use  °f  P  =  that  thou  no  more  shalt  be  priest;  H.  41,  4  </;  GK. 


*  See  Kit.  I.  94;  Di.,  We.,  Kue.,  Co.  EM.,  Bu.  ZA  W.  XI. 


256  HOSEA 

ngx.  —  rwn]  Paral.  with  Ppx:o  and  dependent  on  -o,  presenting  an  addi 
tional  point,  and  further,  because  tfiou  hast  forgotten  ;  cf.  GK.  in  x.  —  min 
•pn*?N]  Hosea  uses  min  three  times,  viz.  here  and  in  81  12.  In  all  three  cases 
there  is  evident  reference  to  a  body  of  priestly  instruction;  on  the  original 
meaning  of  the  word,  see  We.  ProL  394;  Sm.  Rel.  36;  Benz.  Arch.  408,  and 
art.  "  Law  and  Justice,"  EB.;  Now.  Arch.  II.  97;  Dr.,  art.  "  Law,"  DB. ;  but 
cf.  K6.  Offenbarung,  II.  347;  Baudissin,  Priesterthum,  207. —  •'JN  DJ]  Triple 
emphasis;  (a}  as  expressed  by  DJ,  (b)  as  expressed  by  the  use  of  the  pro 
noun;  (<:)  as  indicated  in  the  position  of  the  pronoun. 

7-10,  12  a,  b.  The  priests'  wickedness,  their  contagious  exam 
ple,  and  their  abandonment  of  Yahweh.  The  wickedness  of  the 
priests  is  great  in  proportion  to  their  number.  They  live  on  the 
vices  of  the  people.  Their  punishment  shall  come  upon  them  as 
a  reward  for  their  deeds.  They  shall  perish,  because,  filled  with 
sensuality,  they  have  abandoned  Yahweh  their  God,  and  gone  to 
consulting  with  that  which  is  wood. 

This  strophe  presents  no  irregularities;  v.11  being  made  to  follow  v.126,  the 
logical  difficulty  involved  in  going  from  v.10  to  v.11,  and  from  v.11  to  v.12  is 
avoided.  Every  line  is  a  good  trimeter. 

7.  DIPD]  (J|  =  DP^nr.  — p]  Bach.  o\jn.3,  without  necessity,  yet  with  force. 
—  DIUD]  Geiger  (Urschrift>  p.  316;  so  Gr.),  foil.  Jew.  Sopherim,  m^3. — 
->S]  Om.  with  j$.  —  -PDN]  Read  n^n  with  £E  (so  Geiger;  Houtsma,  ThT. 
IX.  60;  Oort,  ThT.  and  Em.;  Val.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Marti;  cf.  Buhl,  ZKW. 
1881,  pp.  227  f.).  Gr.  WD\  —  8.  nsan]  ©3J  pi.  (so  Oort,  Em.~)  ;  Q.  aftaprlas 
6  Xa6s  /JLOV  €<r0lei.  Kohler  (Bibl.  Gesch.  II.  Pt.  ii.  33  ff.),  r^on.  —  I^DN^]  Bach. 
•taxi  (?);  Gardner,  n1?  IDN>  =  they  consent  to  it.  Bewer  (JBL.  XXI.  ill  f.), 
^DS>.  —  DJI;*]  @  pi.  Oct.,  Marti,  and  Now.2  iy>v.  —  ix^"]  Bewer  would  either 
read  N^^  and  om.  previous  SN%,  rendering,  "  My  people's  sin  shall  devour  it 
and  their  guilt  shall  take  away  its  life,"  or  change  Ss1  to  Sy  =  "  and  because 
of  their  guilt  shall  they  take,  etc."  —  Vi'flj]  In  some  Mss.  D"'DJ;  so  in  all 
versions  (so  also  Hi.,  Oort,  Gr.,  Bach.,  Ru.,  Now.,  Oct.).  Wu.  and  Marti, 
tfp.j;  cf.  GK.  145  m.  —  9.  POD]  Ru.,  on  basis  of  3T's  -roanS  n^pn  ->WN\ 
inserts  i-«pN  pbjja  inias.  —  vSy]  £>  pi.  suff.  as  also  in  iS  and  vSSpc.  — 10.  tt-i<r] 
Read  W]P'_,  foil.  @,  Karevdisuffiv  (so  also  We.,  Oort,  Val.,  Bach.,  Now.). 
2.,  0.  Tr\/rj8vvdTfi<rovTai ;  U  ccssaverunt ;  &  * _t  ^-  Ru., -ixng^.  Gr.  -T^XU*.— 
urn]  Perhaps  to  be  read  un  (We.,  Oort,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  -icit'S]  6 
transl.  as  inf.  expressing  purpose  and  connects  .-IJT  of  v.11  with  it  as  object; 
J5  joins  to  v.11  and  renders,  ala^»?o.  Oort  {ThT.  and  Em.}  om.  as  gloss. 
Bach.,  foil.  Saadia,  supposes  a  nur  to  have  been  lost  from  end  of  v.10.  Now. 
and  We.,  -}•£•&  sS  (?).  Gardner  connects  with  it  as  obj.  the  first  word  of 
V.11,  pointing  nijf.  Oort  and  Marti  suspect  the  last  five  words  of  v.10  to 


IV.  7-8  257 


be  an  editorial  addition.  —  12  a,  b.  «jn]  @  ev  o-i;/i/36Xois,  perhaps  originally 
ffvppovXau  =  n«j?a  (so  Stru.,  Seb.)  ;  cf.  &  0i&*^9ka  =  insya  (Seb.).  —  SNIT, 
T.T]  (§  pi.  Gr.  VNJT.  —  V?pc]  (&  ^  pdfidois  avrov  —  niSf?D3  (Vol.). 


7.  According  to  their  number,  so  they  sin  against  me~\  Cf.  the 
rendering,  "  As  many  as  they  be,  so  many  have  sinned  against 
me."*  This  is  spoken  of  the  priests,t  not  of  the  people,  |  as 
is  shown  by  the  meaning  of  v.8.  The  priestly  numbers  and  in 
fluence  have  prospered  and  grown  with  the  progress  of  the 
kingdom  under  Jeroboam  II.  —  They  have  exchanged  their  glory 
for  shame]  Thus  following  the  Syriac  (v.s.),  and  a  reading  cur 
rent  among  Jewish  writers.  The  substitution  of  my  (i.e.  God's) 
glory  (v.s.)  is  forbidden  by  the  context,  which  is  dealing  with 
the  priest's  degradation.  For  similar  expressions,  cf.  Je.  211 
Ps.  IO620.  Their  glory  =  their  position.  —  8.  They  feed  on  the 
sin  of  my  people]  This  describes  more  distinctly  the  manner  of 
the  priests'  sin.  Sin  (nKDn)  does  not  here  mean  sin-offering  § 
(the  thought  being  that  the  priests  encouraged  the  people  to 
sin  in  order  that  they,  the  priests,  might  have  the  larger  num 
ber  of  sin-offerings,  i.e.  greater  perquisites),  for  four  reasons  : 
(i)  the  parallel  word  is  pi?,  iniquity  ;  this  seems  to  demand  for 
nKtan  the  meaning  sin;  (2)  in  Hosea's  times,  while  compensation 
was  given  to  the  priests  (cf.  2  K.  i216),  it  was  not  counted  as 
an  offering  to  Yahvveh  ;  (3)  to  eat  the  sin-offering  was  no  sin 
(Lv.  6s5-  ^  ;  (4)  the  sin-offering  was  unknown  prior  to  Ezekiel.  || 
Nor  does  it  mean  money  paid  as  an  expiation  for  sin,^[  since 
"  eat  "  can  hardly  be  used  with  such  an  object.  Nor  may  it 
be  interpreted  of  the  whole  cultus  as  described  in  vs.11"18.**  Nor 
can  the  rendering  (v.s.)  "  My  people  shall  eat  sin,  etc.,"  be  justi 
fied  in  view  of  the  context,  which  is  concerned  primarily  with 
the  priest.  The  word  is  to  be  explained  therefore  as  sin,  or 
with  the  versions  sins,  and  is  interpreted  (i)  by  jiu  of  the  next 
line,  (2)  by  811  (cf.  Am.  4*),  in  which  Israel's  sin  is  defined  as 
belief  in  the  efficacy  of  offerings  to  satisfy  Yahweh,  viz.  "for 
Ephraim  has  made  many  altars  to  sin."  The  sin  of  the  priests 

*  GAS.  f  Ki.,  Che.,  Now.  J  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wii..  Or. 

$  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che.,  Or.-  Sellin,  Beitr&ge  z.  isr.  u.jud.  Rel.  I.  160  f.  ;   II.  303  f. 
U  We.  Prol.  73  ;  Now.        U  Marti,  Rel.  113  f.         **  Baudissin.  Priesterthtim,  236. 
s 


258  HOSEA 

consists  in  encouraging  the  people  in  a  false  conception  of 
Yahweh,  in  order  that  they  may  increase  their  gain.  —  And  unto 
their  iniquity  they  lift  their  souls]  They  direct  their  greed,  their 
longing,  their  appetite,  to  the  guilt  of  the  people ;  "  they  live 
upon  the  vice- of  the  day";*  cf.  Je.  2227  Ps.  864  I438  Pr.  ip18. 
The  singular  suffix  is  either  to  be  changed  to  the  plural  (with 
versions),  or  read  distributively.  —  9.  And  so  it  becomes  like 
people,  like  priest~\  The  priest  has  become  like,  no  better  than, 
the  people,  his  special  privileges  and  his  nearness  to  Yahweh 
now  serving  him  no  good.f  It  does  not  mean  that  the  people 
have  become  like  the  priest,  i.e.  "  they  have  fallen  under  ritual, 
doing  from  lust  what  the  priests  do  from  greed."  J  In  the  latter 
case  v.9  would  mark  the  transition  from  the  priests  to  the  people, 
who,  contaminated  by  the  priests'  example,  are  corrupt  and 
sensual ;  the  thought  here  and  in  v.10  is  of  the  people,  and 
not  of  the  priests.  In  the  former  case,  v.9  continues  the  de 
scription  of  the  priests'  wickedness  and  approaching  punishment. 
—  But  I  will  visit  punishment  upon  his  ways,  and  his  deeds  I 
will  requite  to  kim~\  The  priest  shall  suffer  for  his  failure  to 
perform  aright  his  functions,  for  the  conduct  which  has  brought 
reproach  upon  his  religion,  and  for  his  deeds  which  have  been 
in  violation  of  his  vows.  — 10.  And  they  shall  eat  and  shall  not 
find  satisfaction'}  Mi.  614  Lv.  2626.  This  is  still  spoken  of  the 
priests,  as  even  those  agree  who  would  assign  the  following  clause 
to  the  people.  §  The  reference  is  to  the  sacrificial  meal,  in  which 
the  priest  would  take  part  with  the  worshipper.  —  They  shall 
commit  adultery  and  shall  not  find  satisfaction}  The  sin  referred 
to  here  is  a  part  of  the  Baal  cult  which  the  Israelitish  priests 
have  introduced  into  the  Yahweh-service.  According  to  this, 
every  woman  was  required  to  prostitute  herself  once  in  the 
temple  with  a  priest.  ||  Against  the  ordinary  interpretation  of 
the  second  clause,  they  shall  not  increase,  i.e.  the  punishment 
of  childlessness,  is  to  be  urged  (a)  the  fact  that  increase  of  off 
spring  was  not  expected  or  desired  from  this  immorality,  (£)  the 
(§  reading  (v.s^),  which  (cf.  i  S.  29*)  means  to  find  satisfaction. 


*  GAS.  in  loc.  J  GAS.  §  Wii. 

t  Che.  ||  Herodotus,  L  199;  Strabo-  XI.  o. 


IV.  8-io,  12  259 

If  the  sin  is  that  of  the  people,  the  ordinary  interpretation  is 
more  appropriate.  Cf.  non  dirigentur;  *  es  soil  ihnen  nicht 
gelingen.-f  —  For  they  have  left  off  heeding  Yahweh~\  The  priests 
by  their  conduct  have  actually  abandoned  Yahweh,  and  now  there 
follows  what  would  naturally  be  expected  and  what  furnishes  the 
transition  to  the  next  strophe.  —  12  a,  b.  (Yea)  My  people  ask 
counsel  at  their  wood}  This  is  the  climax.  The  priests  have 
turned  the  people  away  and  will  no  longer  themselves  have  occu 
pation,  for  the  wooden  teraphim  are  sought  for  advice  ;  cf.  86 
2  S.  21  1  6s3.  —  Their  staff  declares  to  them  the  oracle^  This  may 
be  (i)  a  staff  with  a  wooden  image  carved  on  the  top  ;  \  (2)  the 
diviner's  wand  (cf.  Ez.  2i21,  where  the  king  of  Babylon  combines 
divination  by  arrows  with  consultation  of  the  teraphim)  ;  (3)  a 
miniature  asherah,  or  sacred  tree,  the  foregoing  "wood"  being 
applied  to  the  ordinary  asherah;  thus  the  entire  charge  would 
be  directed  against  surviving  elements  of  tree-worship.  § 


7.  p  ...:>]  Correlation,  cf.  I  S.  913  Ps.  127*  Jo.  24;  Ko.  371  o.  — 
Position  emph.  —  pS">2]  a  =  price;  cf.  Ps.  io620  Je.  211;  and  GK.  U9/; 
K6.  332  o.  —  -PEN]  This  is  not  impossible;  but  WDn  seems  much  better.  — 
wan,  wen]  Pres.  pfs.  —  8.  rsan]  Emph.  pos.;  cf.  K6.  339  m.  —  tajo,  1KB"] 
Freq.  impfs.  —  v^flj]  =  appetite,  desire  ;  cf.  Sellin,  Beitr'dge,  II.  303  f.  ; 
Briggs,  JBL.  XVI.  25  f.  On  force  of  suff.  cf.  Ko.  348^.;  GK.  145  m.  — 
9.  mm]  =  and  it  shall  be,  not,  "thus  it  comes  to  be"  (GAS).  —  pro  o>o] 
The  D  is  really  a  subst.,  lit.,  the  similitude  of  the  people,  etc.;  cf.  Ko.  371  £; 
—  vSSym  va-n]  Chiasm;  sg.  suff.  used  collectively.  —  10.  -lOP1?  13TJ?]  This 
expression  is  awkward,  and  might  be  improved  by  omitting  -\nvh,  which 
stands  in  a  peculiar  place,  and  furnishes  a  construction  of  which  no  other 
example  appears  (i.e.  s  with  inf.  after  ary).  For  other  suggestions  v.s.  — 
12  a,  ft.  ":v]  Pathetic  :  —  My  people,  consulting  their  wood,  while  their 
staff  declares  to  them  the  divine  will  ! 


11,  12  c-14  c.  The  madness  of  the  people  in  their  sensual 
indulgence.  Indulgence  in  wine  and  harlotry  has  driven  the 
people  mad  ;  everywhere  is  sensuality  to  be  seen ;  but  the  young 
women  who  engage  in  lewdness  do  not  deserve  punishment ;  it 
is  rather  their  fathers,  whose  example  they  follow,  who  shall  suffer. 


*  Jer.  J  Pococke. 

t  Lu. ;  cf.  Stuck.  §  So  WRS.  Sem.  196 ;  cf.  Foote,  JBL.  XXI.  36. 


260  HOSEA 

The  poetic  form  of  this  strophe  is  simple  and  regular.  Two  points  only 
deserve  notice  :  (i)  v.14dhas  already  been  transferred  to  follow  v.4;  (2)  «j 
n^x  a  IB  (v.13)  is  probably  a  gloss  (cf.  Now.),  added  for  explanation  when 
the  usage  had  died  out.  Such  an  explanation  would  not  have  been  needed 
in  Hosea's  time. 


11.  mr]  (&  connects  with  v.10  (z/.j.).  £>  (f.J.)  renders,  y^w^/  /£^y  loved 
fornication  ;  Arabic  seems  to  use  loao  from  preceding  verse,  that  tkey  may 
serve  fornication  and  drunkenness.  —  I"]  Versions  prefix  \  —  3*1]  (§  makes 
subj.,  joining  with  it  <io%;  of  following  verse.  &  adds  suff.  =  33?.  Ru.  regards 
VSiiiandi4d  as  a  proverb  originally  placed  on  the  margin  by  some  reader  (so 
Now.).  —  12  c,  d.  nynn]  Read  with  j$3J,  oj;nn  (so  Gr.,  Bach.,  Ru.,  We.,  Now., 
Oort  (Em.},  Oct.,  Hal.).  Marti,  mynn.  —  OSTI^N]  Bach.  orySnK.  —  13.  nVm] 
Now.  sugg.  that  a  vb.  has  dropped  out  after  this  word,  which  expressed  the 
licentious  practices  of  the  men,  or  that  it  stood  in  place  of  n^x  3  IB  "o,  which 
may  well  be  a  gloss.  We.  would  supply  the  missing  vb.  after  nVx  3  IB  -o. 
In  view  of  these  suggestions  Gardner  proposes  to  read  i^>  nuaV  =  they  go 
up  to  the  harlots,  or  V?y>  P1D31?  for  nSsi  ruaS.  —  nSx]  (5  om.  suff.  Gr.  D^S.  — 
14.  -npflN  N1?]  ©  joins  to  v.13  by  /cat;  so  IL.  Bach.  (Pr.)  'ex  fcVn.  —  aa^nua 
DDTI^D  .  .  .]  Gr.  changes  suff.  to  3d  pi.  on_.  —  njcNjn]  Bach.  (/V.)  adds 
after  this,  on^a  Syi.  —  on]  5>  fern.  =  nn.  —  -n-\o>]  Gr.  -ms^  (so  Oct.,  Marti). 
Hal.  !3njT,  they  sacrifice. 

11.  Harlotry,  wine,  and  new  wine  take  away  the  brain\  The 
prophet  introduces  the  new  strophe  with  one  of  the  many  "  wise 
sayings  "  which  were  familiar  to  him,  moral  sayings  which  consti 
tuted  the  stock  in  trade  of  the  wise  men  who  sat  in  the  gate. 
Other  examples  of  the  use  of  wisdom  sayings  may  be  found  in 
4u.i4d  54  &  gza  I0i2f.  j^  ^his  saying  formed  a  most  appropriate 
introduction  to  a  strophe  which  pictures  the  wildest  possible  in 
dulgence  of  passion.  —  12  c,  d.  For  the  spirit  of  harlotry  has  led 
them  astray}  They  are  actuated  by  an  impulse  which  leads  to 
harlotry;  cf.  the  use  of  "spirit"  in  this  same  sense  with  "jeal 
ousy"  (Nu.  514),  "  perverseness  "  (Is.  iQ14),  "  uncleanness  "  (Zc. 
I32)-*  —  And  they  have  played  the  harlot  from  under  their  God] 
Cf.  i2.  —  13.  Upon  the  tops  of  the  mountains  they  sacrifice]  Cf. 
i  K.  I423  2  K.  iy10  Je.  220  3°.  This  was  the  Canaanitish  practice, 
and,  as  such,  is  condemned.  Mountains  and  hilltops  were  sacred 
because  regarded  as  nearest  the  abode  of  the  deity  ;  cf.  the  "  bare 
places"  of  Je.  32.  —  And  upon  the  hills  they  make  offerings'}  Cf. 

*Che. 


IV.  n-14  26  1 

Am.  45  ;  also  v.s.,  pp.  133  f.  —  Under  oaks,  etc.~\  Something  seems 
to  be  wrong  here.  Gardner's  suggestion  (v.s.)  is  not  without  merit. 
Besides  the  difficulty  already  mentioned  is  the  logical  connection 
with  what  follows  :  —  Therefore  your  daughters,  etc.~]  This  is  a 
natural  element  in  the  situation  ;  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise, 
for  the  religion  thus  cultivated  demands  licentiousness.  —  14.  / 
will  not  punish  your  daughters  .  .  .  nor  your  spouses']  The  paral 
lelism  corresponds  exactly  to  that  of  v.13.  Guilty  as  they  may  be, 
these  women  do  not  deserve  punishment.  —  For  they  themselves 
with  harlots  go  aside]  i.e.  the  elders,  the  priests  ;  to  the  leaders 
belongs  the  blame  for  the  situation.  Observe  the  change  from 
2d  pers.  ye  to  the  3d  pers.  they  ;  cf.  Gn.  ^g-5a-26a  jOs.  y126  Is.  i5 
i  K.  i25.*  —  And  with  consecrated  harlots  they  sacrifice']  i.e.  pro 
fessional  prostitutes  connected  with  the  ceremonial  of  worship 


11.  tt»wni  p]  Fermented  and  unfermented  wine.  Omission  of  i  with  ]>• 
favors  the  reading  of  <JI  which  takes  nut  with  v.10.  —  np^]  Frequentative 
impf.;  H.  21,  3;  Dr.  §  33  (£).  The  vb.  is  in  sg.,  because  the  compound  sub 
ject  expresses  one  idea,  debauchery;  K6.  349  r.  —  12  c,  d.  Note  the  chiastic 
arrangement  of  these  two  clauses.  —  13.  p^x]  Oak,  a  tree  closely  related  to 
the  HSN,  terebinth,  as  the  two  words  evidently  go  back  to  the  same  root. 
—  nj^S]  If  the  text  is  accepted,  is  of  uncertain  meaning;  its  only  other  occur- 


rence  is  in  Gn.  3O37.  Its  Arabic  cognate  /c*-O  favors  the  meaning  storax, 
and  so  (H  translates  in  Gn.  3O37.  But  here  <&  and  J5  render  XCUKT;  (poplar) 
which  seems  to  be  the  only  suitable  sense  (Low,  Aramaische  Pflanzennameti). 
These  three  nouns,  standing  in  the  sg.,  and  without  the  article,  are  used  in  a 
generic  sense,  each  representing  its  class.  —  13.  Note  chiasm  in  last  two 
clauses.  —  14.  n^D  ]  They  go  apart,  i.e.  from  the  sanctuary.  It  is  clear  that 
the  nia-'ip  and  their  companions  withdrew  from  the  sanctuary  itself;  cf. 
Herod.  I.  199,  e£w  roO  iepov,  and  other  evidence  cited  by  WRS.  Sem.  455. 
There  seems  to  be  no  occasion  to  follow  Ru.  in  supposing  that  "ns  designated 
any  special  ceremonial  action.  —  mcnpn]  Literally,  consecrated  ones,  i.e.  women 
who  had  sacrificed  their  virtue  in  honor  of  Astarte;  cf.  Assyr.  kadtitu.  Such 
sacred  prostitutes  were  common  in  ancient  sanctuaries;  cf.  Strabo,  XT.  532; 
Gil-ga-mes  Epic;  WRS.  Sem.  455;  Jeremias,  Izdubar,  59  f.;  Benz.  Arch.  428  f.; 
Now.  Arch.  II.  132,  307;  Jastrow,  Rel.  485;  Che.,  art.  "Harlot,"  EB.\  W.  P. 
Paterson,  art.  "Harlot,"  DB.\  and  the  many  references  to  the  devotee,  or 
sacred  prostitute,  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  e.g.  §§  no,  127,  178,  182;  see 

*  See  K6.  Stil.  238  f.     Marti  unnecessarily  changes  all  the  suffixes  in  vs.!3-  *4  to 
the  3d  pers. 


262  HOSEA 

R.  F.  Harper,  Code  of  Hammurabi  (1904);  Cook,  The  Laws  of  Moses  and 
the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  149  f.  Religious  prostitution  of  this  sort  was  dis 
tinctly  prohibited  by  the  Deut.  Code  (Dt.  2317f-). 

15-19.  Though  Israel  is  committed  to  idolatry  may  Judah 
not  follow  her  example,  nor  resort  to  the  places  of  idolatrous 
worship.  Israel  is  given  over  to  idols ;  she  goes  from  bad  to 
worse  ;  her  rulers  are  enamoured  of  infamy.  An  enemy  will  sud 
denly  and  violently  carry  her  away. 

If  v.16  is  authentic,  this  strophe,  like  the  preceding  one,  consists  of  twelve 
lines.  Here,  strangely  enough,  as  in  strophe  I,  the  yth  and  8th  lines  are 
lengthened,  as  if  to  indicate  by  their  very  length  the  sadness  and  seriousness 
of  the  situation.  The  authenticity  of  v.15,  or  at  least  of  15*7,  is  denied  by 
many  (so  e.g.  We.;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  577;  Co.  Einl.  172;  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.; 
Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.;  Seesemann,  20 f.;  Marti,  EB.  2122;  but  cf.  Hal.)  on  the 
following  grounds:  the  reference  to  Judah  is  forced  and  unnatural,  lying 
aside  from  the  prophet's  thought  in  the  preceding  and  following  context; 
the  sentiment  concerning  Judah  is  radically  different  from  that  expressed 
elsewhere  in  Hosea  e.g.  55.10.13.1454.  ancj  ^ne  awkwardness  of  the  address 
to  Israel  when  the  thought  is  directly  concerned  with  Judah;  but  it  may 
perhaps  be  said  that  Judah's  affairs  were  always  closely  connected  with  those 
of  Israel,  and  this  mention  would  serve  only  to  make  more  pointed  the 
rebuke  of  Israel. 

15.  HJIT'DN]  (§j£IL  join  with  v.14.  —  DEW  SN]  ©  /J.TJ  dyv6a  =  otrxn  SN; 
5&  =  at-Nn  SN  (so  also  Ru.),with  S»ott"  subj.and  n-nn>  obj.  —  mw]  (5  inserts 
/cat  before  it,  and  joins  with  foil,  vb,  so  IL;  U  supplies  saltern.  —  fix  no]  @  et's 
rbv  olKov  "&V,  'A.,  2.,  0.  cts  O'IKOV  dvw0eXoGs  ;  @T  ^NHO;  IL  in  domum  Og. 
One  cod.  of  ©  adds  here  the  end  of  Am.  55.  —  ipaon]  Insert  here,  with  We. 
and  Now.,  yyv  ~\N33  (v.i.}.  Ru.  supposes  some  such  word  as  Drnct?N3  to 
have  fallen  out.  — 16.  n-no]  TS  lasciviens. —  ajn>]  Oort  (Em.},  ojrvn.  Hal. 
Djn>  xS. — 17.  TOP]  We.  "on  (so  Ru.,  Now.).  Bach.  (/V.),  -voj;3. —  iS  mn] 
@  edr}Kfv  eaury  (TKavda\a,  (so  It) ;  perhaps  (§  represents  some  word  that 
has  been  lost;  'A.,  0.  dvttrava-ev  eaur<£;  3J  dimitte  eum.  Gr.,  foil.  ©,  n^jn 
Vitt>3D  iS.  Bach.  (/V.),  -iSnr.  Ru.  anoin  '^h  rrpn,  using  ^D  of  v.18;  cf.  @.  Oort 
(Em.},  i^mn.  Miiller  (SIC.  1904,  p.  124),  ^  n:n  (cf.  2  K.  I729).  Marti  om. 
as  gloss.  — 18.  0*OD  ID]  ©  yp^THrev  Xavavalovs  (=D1|jn;)3  "»n:i),  so  IL; 
U  separatum  est  convivium  eorum ;  %  om.;  'A.  &pxuv  ffvpirofflov  avruv, 
S.  ITT^K\H>€V  rb  a-vfj.Tr6crt.ov  avruv.  &  evidently  read  iir  for  ->D.  Jer.  renders 
@  by  provocavit  Canan,  which  represents  rfptdure  ;  hence  Vol.  proposes  mo 
for  ID.  Read  D'xrib  nb  (so  Houtsma,  ThT.  IX.  60;  We.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Ru. 
Qijyjro  1N3.  Hd.  CN3D  ^D  CN  =  when  their  carousal  is  over  (so  Che.,  GAS.). 
Gr.  bwap  ojn^.  Oort  (Em.},  njrn  D^J  DNSD  ic1?,  Bach.  (/>-.),  2^701  Bono, 


IV.  is  263 


to  be  joined  with  v.17.  Gardner,  O^JOD  70.  —  ian  13ns] 
U  dilexerunt  ;  $£>  o^o^o;  2.  7iydin]<rav  dydirrjv.  With  <§J5F  and  some 
Heb.  Mss.,  omit  lan  (so,  ^.,  Dathe,  New.,  Hi.,  Oort  (TA7\  and  Em.},  Val., 
Gu.,  Gr.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Hal.).  Wii.  -lanN  anN.  Sim.  OHN  ahN  (Houtsma, 
Wkl.  Untersuch.}.  Bach,  ^sn  lans.  —  rvjJD  pSp]  @  dn/j-lav  CK  <f>pvdy/j.a.Tos 
offer  re  ignominiam  protectores  ejus  ;  S.  ou  i}  por/deia  art/xia; 

P    y 

*^  Ir^V  Many,  f°^-  ®»  D^xi"?  T  or  nj'iNJD  (Houtsma,  Gr.;  Oort, 
TAT.  and  .£/«.;  Vol.,  Val.,  Gu.,  GAS.j.  Cappellus,  n>;jD  'p.  Ru.  Dryjja  -p. 
Bach.  n-Ssp  (or  /V.  an\3Txr)  DH^Vpp  v?Q,  connecting  first  word  of  v.19  with  v.18. 
Wkl.  (  Untersuch.^i  onto  orSp,  the  last  word  being  joined  with  v.19.  Bottcher, 
rvn?D  'p.  —  19.  -nx]  @  av<TTpo(p^;  'A.  tvdefffAWv;  S.  ucrirepei  ris  Secrete; 

7 
5  x*5j^t^  =  will  howl;  1L  ^a^  conversio.    Gr.  i^xn     Ru.  "inx.    Oort  {Em.}, 

n-\-\i-.  Oct.  onnx(?).  —  nn]  Bach.  (Pr.)  would  insert  some  such  vb.  as 
n?i?T»  or  n?^VT>  or  n^Vi?,l'  C^-  Oct.,  who  sugg.  crs'rj.  —  nnix]  ©  <ri>  el  (=  nnN); 
'A.  (TTi/eO^a)  avTijs;  J6^S.  om.;  U  ^«/w.  Wkl.  nrrx  or  \-i\s.  Oort,  on^N  (so 
Gr.,  Val.,  Now.,  Hal.).—  omnarc]  Read  Drinarpp  with  ©  £K  r&v  6v<ria<rTr)- 
pluv  avTuv  ;  so  J&3T3L  and  Arabic  (so  also  We.,  Wkl.  Untersuch.,  Bach., 
Oort,  Em.;  Val.,  Ru.,Gu.,  Now.,  Da.  £>£.!!.  425,  Oct.,  Marti).  Gr.  onwD(?). 

15.  Although  thou,  Israel,  play  the  harlot~\  For  the  reasons 
urged  against  regarding  v.15a  as  genuine,  v.s.  Noteworthy  is  the  use 
of  the  participle  to  express  the  continuance  of  the  action.  —  Let 
not  Judah  become  guilty^  i.e.  let  Judah  keep  herself  free  from 
contact  with  that  by  which  Israel  has  been  contaminated.  The 
admonition  to  Judah  closes  with  this  brief  exhortation.*  —  Come 
not  to  Gilgal~\  cf.  Am.  44  55  also  Ho.  I211;  addressed  to  Israel,! 
not  Judah,  J  although  Judah  may  have  been  prone  to  go  to  Gilgal 
(cf.  2  K.  818  i63  Ez.  2313).  The  northern  Gilgal  is  of  course  in 
tended  (v.s.,  pp.  91  f.).  —  Nor  go  up  to  Beth-aven\  Cf.  Am.  45  55  1  K. 
i229~33;  copied  from  Amos,  §  and  as  before  an  intentional  pun  on 
the  name  of  Bethel.  On  "  go  up  "  with  Bethel,  cf.  Ju.  i22  i  S.  io3. 
—  And  swear  not  in  Beersheba,  "By  the  life  of  Yahweh"~\  Cf. 
Am.  814:  "As  thy  way,  O  Beersheba,  lives."  The  insertion  of 
"  in  Beersheba  "  ||  is  justified  by  the  parallelism  of  the  context, 
which  demands  in  this  line  the  name  of  a  town,  and  by  the 
analogy  of  Am.  55  814.  Swearing  by  Yahweh  was  not  regarded  as 
sinful  (Je.  3816),  but  was  permitted  (Je.  42)  and,  indeed,  later 

*  Cf.  Hi.,  who  would-  extend  it  to  v.l"  or  V.*9.  f  Abar.,  Cal.,  et  al. 

I  Ki.,  Os.,  Schmidt,  Geb.,  et  al.  $  Ew.  II  We.,  Now.,  GAS. 


264  HOSEA 

commanded  (Dt.  613  lo20).  In  Am.  55  the  prohibition  is  against 
coming  to  Beersheba  for  worship.  It  is  quite  certain  therefore 
that  a  word  designating  the  place  has  fallen  out.  Without  this 
word  the  passage  has  been  taken  to  prohibit  (i)  the  blending  of 
the  name  of  the  true  God  with  those  of  idols  (cf.  Zp.  i5  Ez.  20, 
2  Cor.  615)  ;  *  (2)  swearing  by  Yahweh  as  a  local  go&,  cf.  Am.  814, 
(§.f  — 16.  Yea,  like  a  stubborn  heifer,  Israel  acts  stubbornly\  Cf. 
ii4  Je.  3i18  Dt.  3215.  This  stubborn  rebelliousness  is  seen  in 
Israel's  unwillingness  to  follow  the  leadings  of  her  master  Yahweh  ; 
there  is  no  reference,  however,  to  the  yoke  of  the  law.  J  —  Can 
Yahweh  now  feed  them  like  a  lamb  in  a  broad  place  ?~]  Not  a 
declarative  sentence  indicating  that  Israel  will  be  like  a  lamb 
in  a  great  pasture-field,  open  to  attack  on  every  side  and  with 
out  proper  protection,  §  but,  although  no  interrogative  particle  is 
found,  a  question  implying  surprise.  The  connection  with  the 
preceding  clause  is  close ;  Israel  being  a  stubborn  heifer,  how 
can  she  expect  to  be  shepherded  like  a  lamb?  The  "broad 
place  "  =  plenty  and  prosperity;  cf.  Ps.  i819  3i8  u85  Is.  3o23. 
^  here  means  yea,  not  but;  and  the  connection  with  v.15,  while 
not  close,  is  assured.  ||  — 17.  Ephraim  is  wedded  to  idols ;  leave 
him  alone~]  The  figure  is  that  of  husband  and  wife  (cf.  Mai. 
214)  ;^[  of  such  a  character  was  the  "mystic  relationship"  of  the 
idolater  and  his  God  (Is.  4411 ;  cf.  i  Cor.  lo20).**  The  accusation 
here  is  not  that  of  following  strange  gods,  but  of  using  idols  to 
represent  Yahweh,  as,  e.g.  in  the  case  of  the  calves  and  the 
Baalim.  The  latter  half  of  the  verse  is  a  rhetorical  imperative 
addressed  to  the  audience  ;  the  thought  being  that  it  is  useless  to 
try  to  reform  Israel ;  he  must  be  left  to  meet  his  well-deserved 
fate.  — 18.  A  band  of  topers  !  they  devote  themselves  to  harlotry^ 
The  text  of  vs.18-19  is  very  difficult,  perhaps  hopelessly  corrupt  (so 
Nowack) .  This  rendering  is  based  upon  a  slight  change  of  text 
(v.s.).  The  A.V.  "their  drink  is  sour  "ft  is  impossible;  likewise 
"their  drinking  is  degenerated  "(cf.Je.  221);  H  and  "  he  is  gone  after 


*  Ki.,  Abar.,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.  t  Hi.,  Or.,  We. 

J  Ki.,  Abar.,  Geb.,  Bauer,  et  al.  §  Cal.,  Os.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wii. 

||  So  Abar.,  Ew.,  Hi.,  St.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.         H  Ros.,  Sim.         **  We. 
ft  Lit.  departs  (cf.  Is.  I22)  ;    so  Ros.,  Pu. ;   cf.  rend,  putrid,  of  offensive  smell', 
so  Ki.,  Cal.  ++  Ew.,  Ke. 


IV.  15-19  265 

their  wine."  *  On  the  basis  of  fflCQl  it  will  be  "  their  drunkenness 
over  (i.e.  when  their  carousal  is  over)  they  indulge  in  harlotry."  | 
Following  the  example  of  the  versions  (v.s.)  many  have  attempted 
to  find  an  interpretation  by  changing  the  text  (v.s.),  e.g.  Ruben,  "  he 
provoked  the  Sabaeans";  Graetz,  "their  princes  are  drunken"; 
Gardner,  "  they  have  turned  aside  (they  have  become)  drunkards  "  ; 
Bachmann,  "  briers  and  thorns  "  (to  be  taken  with  v.17).  Neither 
the  causative  idea,  viz.  "they  strive  to  lead  others  to  idolatry"  (cf. 
410  53  2  Ch.  2i13);|  nor  the  idea  of  threat,  "they  shall  commit 
whoredom  enough,"  i.e.  will  exhaust  themselves  in  it  (cf.  inf.  abs.  in 
Am.  Q8)  §  seems  to  have  been  intended  ;  but  rather  the  thought  that 
when  weary  of  drunkenness,  they  plunge  into  licentiousness  ;  they 
go  from  bad  to  worse.  —  Her  rulers  have  fallen  in  love  with  shame'} 
Here  again  the  text  is  uncertain  ;  the  rendering  adopted  involves 
a  slight  change  of  text  (cf.  Ps.  8817).||  "Shield,"  the  literal  ren 
dering,  is  used  figuratively  of  rulers  (cf.  Ps.  8918  479).  With  fH2T 
as  basis,  the  sin  mentioned  was  that  of:  (i)  bribery,  "the  princes 
love  (to  say)  give  ye  (a  bribe  for  the  perversion  of  justice),  and 
this  is  a  shame  "  ;^[  or,  (2)  loving  shame,  "  her  princes  love,  they 
give  shame,"  i.e.  so  love  shame  as  to  give  it  to  others.**  Of  special 
interest  are  the  following  interpretations  (v.s.)  :  (i)  (§,  "  they  love 
shame  rather  than  her  pride,"  i.e.  Yahweh  ;  (2)  "  their  sceptres,  or 
scales,  are  lighter  than  a  grain  of  corn  "  (the  first  word  of  v.19  being 
joined  with  v.18)  ;  ff  (3)  "  in  their  gardens  they  love  shame  "  ;  \\ 
(4)  "they  loved  their  shame;  their  pride  the  wind  carries,  etc." 
(the  last  word  of  v.18  being  read  with  v.19)  ;  §§  "on  account  of 
their  gardens  their  faces  shall  blush."  ||  ||  —  19.  A  wind  has  envel 
oped  (i.e.  will  sweep}  her  in  its  wings']  Israel  shall  be  carried 
away  with  the  suddenness  and  violence  of  a  wind-storm  (cf.  Is. 
5713)-1HT  It  is  not  the  disappointment  which  comes  from  finding 
oneself  wholly  dependent  upon  what  proves  to  be  wind,  i.e.  noth 
ing.***  With  this  idea  may  be  compared  the  expression  "  wings  of 
the  wind"  (Ps.  i8l°  104*),  and  in  i315"the  east  wind."  |tt  —  And 


*  New.  f  Abar.,  Hd.,  GAS.,  et  al.;  cf.  RV.  J  Ros.  §  Hi. 

||  So  many,  including  Hi.,  Che.,  Gr.,  Ru.,  Val.,  Oort,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Hal. 

H  AE.,  Ki.,  Grot.        **  Abar.        ft  Bach.        ++  R"-        §$  Wkl.         ||||  Marti. 

Uf  Ki.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Che.,  et  al. 

***  So  AE.,  Ki.,  Abar.,  Cal.  ;  cf.  Schmidt,  pp.  186  f.  ttt  Wu.,  Now.H 


266  HOSEA 

they  shall  be  ashamed  of  their  altars~\  Cf.  811.  This  requires  the 
adoption  of  (©  and  &  (v.s.). 

15.  DX]  With  concessive  force,  though ;  and  so  representing  Israel's  case 
as  irremediable  (\Vii.)j  cf.  GK.  i6oa;  K6.  394^.  —  nj?]  Used  figuratively, 
in  emphatic  position.  —  atPN'1]  The  use  of  the  2d  pers.  by  (@  and  <&  makes 
the  construction  much  more  natural ;  however,  sudden  transitions  from  one 
person  to  another  are  not  so  uncommon  as  to  necessitate  adoption  of  the 
reading  of  ©  (cf.  i  K.  i2  Is.  I5  Ez.  2O40  296 *-,  and  v.  K6.  Stil.  238  ff.).— 
n-nrp]  Is  construed  here  as  masc.,  the  thought  of  the  people  being  dominant ; 
cf.  K6.  249  6.  —  yiv  ^xaa]  An  additional  argument  for  this  insertion  is  the 
pun  that  it  furnishes;  cf.  fix  no  and  common  prophetic  usage,  e.g.  Mi.  I14f-. 

—  nirp  >n]   Lit.  living  is  Yahweh;    cf.  our  as  trite  as  I  live;    Ew.8  329  a. — 
16.   Note  the  alliterative  recurrence  of  i  in  1Ca. —  mos]  Cf.  Am.  41  for  use 
of  same  figure.  — 17.   "nan]    On  the  use  of  the  cstr.,  cf.  K6.  3360.  —  ^S~mn] 
For  similar  use  of  this  vb.,  v.  2  K.  2318;   cf.  K6.  289^.  — 18.  D\X3D  ID]  (v.s.} 
A  band  of  topers !    This  reading  satisfies  the  context  and  involves  but  slight 
change  in  the  consonants  of  the  text.     The  phrase  may  be  taken  as  exclama 
tory  or  as  a  casus  pendens.  —  ian  innx]   ian  seems  to  have  arisen  through 
dittography,  not  being  found  in  the  chief  versions.     Bach.'s  conjecture  (v.s.} 

is  unnecessary.  Other  treatments  of  ian  are:  (#)  denom.  from  ^_j^Sb.  to 
fear,  i.e.  love  and  fear  shame  (Mich.)  ;  (£)  from  3 -in,  consecrate,  used  as  adv., 
"they  bring  with  zeal  their  shameful  gifts"  (Bauer,  transl.  pn  as  gifi}\ 
(<:)  =  ism  in  pf.  and  in  verbal  appos.  with  ianx  =  they  love  to  give  shame 
(3T,  Jer.,  Ros.) ;  (</)  the  two  words  to  be  read  as  one:  iznianx  (cf.  ij-innry, 
Ps.  8817),  (Fiirst,  Lex.;  Mau.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or.).  — 19.  -nx]  The 
versions,  with  the  exception  of  j§,  support  the  existing  text.  It  is  unnecessary 
(i)  to  supply  nnpS  or  nxtto  (Bach.;  cf.  Oct.);  (2)  to  make  the  verb  -n* 
fern.  pf.  (OorO,  or  impf.  (Gr.),  or  verbal  noun  (Ru.).  A  proph.  perf.  Note 
the  use  of  nn  as  masc.  with  this  vb.,  but  as  fern,  with  suff.  n>_.  —  nms] 
The  use  of  the  fern.  sg.  suff.  here  is  difficult  to  account  for,  being  preceded 
and  followed  by  masc.  pi.  forms  referring  to  Israel.  Moreover,  Hosea  rarely 
uses  the  sign  of  the  definite  object  (Now.).  Bach.'s  conjecture  that  this  is  a 
corruption  of  anx,  which  was  a  remnant  of  an  original  snNirj,  is  attractive, 
but  involves  the  connection  of  "nx  with  the  preceding  verse,  for  which  there 
is  no  sufficient  ground.  —  ICO"1!]  An  impf.  with  i  conjunctive  following  a 
proph.  perf.  and  denoting  a  coordinate  circumstance;  cf.,  however,  K6.  147 a. 

—  Drnnarpp]   This  reading  is  supported  by  811  and  by  the  fact  that  nut  does 
not  form  a  plural  with  fern,  ending. 

§  7.  The  Guilt  of  Priests  and  Princes,  and  their  Punishment. 

51"14.  Israel  has  become  defiled  under  the  leadership  of  the 
priests  and  princes,  who  do  not  know  Yahweh,  and,  therefore,  have 


v.  1-7  26; 

been  faithless  to  him.  Punishment  will  be  inflicted  ;  this  will 
be  twofold,  viz.  from  without,  an  invading  army  which  will  lay 
waste  the  land  ;  also,  from  within,  corruption  and  anarchy  with 
civil  war  ;  the  moth,  and  the  lion. 

This  piece,  consisting  of  four  twelve-line  strophes,  trimeter  movement,  has 
suffered  little  or  no  change.  Strophe  I  (vs.1'3)  indicates  the  responsible  per 
sons  ;  strophe  2  (vs.4"7)  describes  the  relation  of  these  persons  to  Yahweh. 
Strophe  3  (vs.8-11)  pictures  the  destruction  as  coming  from  without,  viz.  an 
invading  army;  strophe  4  (vs.12-14)  pictures  the  destruction  as  coming  from 
within,  viz.  corruption  and  anarchy.  The  four  strophes  divide  themselves 
very  naturally  into  two  groups  of  two  each  (cf.  the  Massoretic  Perasheth,  D). 
Each  double  strophe  is  introduced  with  a  phrase  inviting  attention,  viz. 
Hear  this  (v.1)  and  Blow  the  trumpet  (v.8). 


V.  1-7.  The  priests  and  princes,  a  snare  to  Israel  (1~3)  ;  their 
ignorance  of  Yahweh  and  consequent  faithlessness  to  him  (4~7). 
(i)  The  priests  and  princes  have  proven  to  be  a  snare  in  which 
Israel  has  been  entrapped  ;  for  Israel  has  been  led  by  them  into 
harlotry,  and  has  become  unclean.  (2)  They  are  filled  with  the 
spirit  of  harlotry  and  do  not  understand  Yahweh.  They  will  fail 
to  find  him  when  they  seek  him  ;  for  he  will  have  withdrawn. 
Alas,  they  have  dealt  treacherously  with  Yahweh  ;  for  they  have 
abandoned  him  for  another. 


1.   Sx-ity  no]   Oct.  and  Meinhold  treat  these  words  as  a  gloss.  — 
<&  rrj  (TKOTriqi,  not  treating  it  as  a  name;   so  'A.  rrj  aKOTrevcrei;    S.  rfj 
"F  speculationi  ;  1&  fiysW?;   <£>  j-co,^;    IL  speluncae  in  visitatione.  —  -\13P] 
<@>  rb  'iTaptipiov;   'A.  6a/3up;    2.  rb  tipiov,    9.  rbv  dpvfj.6v;    ^L  an  "VK3;    %  in 
statum  in  se.  —  2.    pT>n  D^B»  ntonan]    <&  6  oi  dypetiovres  r^v  drjpav  KaT^irrj^av 
=  c^ntpir  -motf  (so  also  Bauer);    S.  and  E',  /cai  6v<rtav  .  .  .;    15  et  victimas 

y  X     0  *  p  7 

declinastis  in  profundum.  &  j-»o  Q|  Vi  I  ^^tO  (r^?°  5  Qi  quam  qui 
venantur  confixerunt  bestiam.  The  following  readings  for  this  clause  deserve 
consideration  :  Vol.  'jrn  o<int3^  ^ntatri.  Seb.  '^n  o^trn  o^-'Xi  =  and  hunters 
going  round  about  lay  snares.  Umb.  71  nnstpn  nn^i  =  and  the  pit  of  Shittim 
they  have  made  deep  (so  We.,  Che.,  Ru.,  GAS.  Now.,  Oort  (Em.},  Marti). 
Val.  foil,  a  sugg.  of  We.  np-icp  o^F3  nnttn.  Gr.  'yn  nDtJC'D  nca^-i.  Houtsma, 
'>n  aTtoti'n  nnu'i.  Bach.  (/V.)  o^n  o^nir  nanc5  ori.  Linder  (SA".  XXXIII. 
741),  "yr\  D>t3i?  n'or.  Oct.  'j?n  o^tp^n  r\r\v\  Bach,  a^yn  ^osrjp  ^ntpori.  Ew. 
•j?n  D^  nnn^i  (so  Sim.).  Oort,  'j?n  nnc'i.  Hal.  ntontra  or  otaneo.  Che.  (CB.}, 
K>in  nntt'i.  Miiller  (6"^.  1904,  p.  124),  nntpcn.  —  >JNI]  Read  p«i  (so  Che., 


268  HOSEA 

Marti).  —  noic]  (§  TrcuSeurrjs  =  ID?D  (so  also  Oort  (,£>«.));  J5  |}}|;  U  £?*#• 
oY/0r.  Umb.  no^c,  fetter  (so  Linder,  SA'.  XXXIII.  742).  Gr.  ic^N.  Oort, 
-PD  c.  Hal. -inc. —  D^:>s]  (5  V/AWJ'  (=  ojS).  —  3.  nny]  Read  nr»«  (so  We., 
Now.,  Oct.). —  nn>jrn]  ©  t%eir6pvev<rev  =  rum;  so  &F  (so  also  Ru.,  Oort 
(Em.}}.  Some  Heb.  Mss.  nrurn.  Oct.  and  Marti,  n>r.  We.  and  Now.  treat 
36  as  an  explanatory  gloss. — 4.  w]  We.  suspects  the  text  and  suggests 
some  vb.  meaning  "  forsake."  Oet.  foil.  %>  Dijn>  (so  Hal.,  Now.2,  Marti). 
Bach.  ••upni. —  on^^'c]  (§>  rd  Sic^SotfXia  aiJrcDv.  'A.  ^TriTTjSeifytara ;  2.  (3ov\ds; 
0.  yvd/j.'rji'.  Oort,  Dn11^';'. — 5.  nj>*i]  ©  /cal  raTretj/w^crerai;  cf.  j$  J^^\T- 
=  njjn  (Seb.;  so  also  Oort).  Marti,  np;i. —  oncN)  SNI^I]  Om.  one  of  the 
words  (so  Oct.,  Marti).  We.  om.  both.  —  iS;^]  ©  acrBev^a-ovffiv.  —  V-i':)] 
65  =  ^3)  (so  also  Oort,  TAT.  and  £>«.;  Ru.,  Oct.),  or  hvy  (so  also  We., 
Gr.).  —  6.  Dipaai  DJNS^]  @  om.  suff.  —  INS?:'']  @  adds  avr6v.  —  pSn]  @ 
precedes  by  8ri  (=^);  so  also  S-  Oort  (7^71  and  Em.},  i\hn.  Oet. 
y^n  or  VITD.5.'  —  7.  "U>  nino]  ©  6'rt  rbv  Kijpiov,  K.T.\.  Marti,  oi  nja  o  on  "3 
(so  Now.2).  —  nS^]  @  tyevrfdrio-av  atrots  (=  -n^).  «S  0,^0). —  nnj?]  ,S  om. 
the  entire  clause.  —  tyin]  ©  -fj  tpv<rtprj,  mildew  (  =  r-in i  =  Din);  We.  sugg. 
that  (§  may  be  a  corruption  of  epvs,  which  was  a  transliteration  of  ann. 

Arabic,  JL»JU!.  Grotius  and  Che.  (CZ?.),  S'pn.  Ru.  uHnr.  Bach.  3^n  or 
(/'r.),  ann  (so  Hal.:  cf.  Oct.).  We.  :mrv(?).  New.  irjjn.  TQort,  n-'nro  ( 7% 71. 
and  ^w.  /  so  Val.,  and  Marti,  who  supposes  a  verb,  ianrvo  or  i:nrn,  to  have 
fallen  out  from  after  it).  Gr.  TNI  Bh\  Oet.  Din  or  2nn  DJ?pNn. — anipVn] 
Oet.  anmDn. 

1.  O  priests  .  .  .  house  of  Israel,  and  house  of  the  king.  .  .  .] 
The  address  is  threefold,  viz.  to  the  priests,  who  have  especially 
received  rebuke  in  former  statements  ;  to  the  people  (viz.  the  entire 
Northern  Israel,  not  the  elders  *),  who  likewise  have  been  entan 
gled  by  and  with  the  priests ;  and  then,  a  step  forward  being 
taken  as  if  by  an  afterthought  (the  chiasm  is  noticeable),  there  is 
added,  the  house  of  the  king  (cf.  Isaiah's  address  to  the  house  of 
David,  Is.  713),  i.e.  the  court,  including  the  royal  family.  In  this 
addition,  the  thought  of  the  prophet  begins  to  concern  itself,  as  it 
has  not  before  done,  with  the  political  side.  A  little  later,  this 
thought  becomes  predominant ;  for  it  is  true  that,  after  all,  the 
king  and  court  could  control  the  priests.  The  prophet,  however, 
does  not  direct  the  sermon  especially  to  the  court. f  With  this 
arraignment,  cf.  Is.  i2  Mi.  i2  Jo.  i2.  —  Hear  .  .  .  hearken  .  .  . 
give  ear]  These  three  verbs  present  a  climax,  the  second  being 

*AE.  fSoWe. 


V.  1-3  269 

more  specific  than  the  first,  and  the  third  than  the  second.  —  For 
for  you  is  the  judgment'}  Very  different  from  Mi.  31,  "  Is  it  not  for 
you  to  know  judgment?"  but  all  the  more  true  because  Micah's 
statement  holds  good.  The  "you"  does  not  refer  exclusively  to 
the  court  ("  Yea,  O  house  of  the  king,  give  ear,  because  to  you 
belongs  the  administration  of  judgment"),  although  this  would 
(a)  explain  the  •?  which  is  otherwise  difficult,  (b)  suit  the  par 
allelism,  and  (/)  be  favored  by  Mi.  31  Dt.  i17.*  It  refers  rather 
to  all  the  persons  addressed.  Judgment,  here,  is  not  the  act  of 
judging  as  in  Mi.  31,  but  the  sentence  of  the  judge,  i  K.  328  Ps.  if, 
here  unfavorable,  as  in  Is.  538  Je.  i16  4™  395.  This  sentence  (cf. 
also  v.13)  points  to  the  position  occupied  by  Israel  in  relation  to 
Assyria,  perhaps  in  the  reign  of  Menahem  (cf.  2  K.  i519-2°),  and 
to  the  ultimate  destruction  of  the  Northern  kingdom  which  was 
soon  to  follow.  —  A  snare  .  .  .  a  net.  .  .  .  (v.2)  a  pit\  This  is  the 
triple  figure,  borrowed  from  the  hunter,  employed  to  designate  the 
entanglement  into  which  Israel  has  fallen.  For  similar  usage,  cf. 
Am.  35  i  S.  2620  Ps.  io9  n2.  The  rendering  pit  rests  upon  a 
restored  text  (v.s.).  —  On  Mizpah  .  .  .  on  Tabor  .  .  .  of  Shittim~\ 
Mizpah  =  Mizpah  of  Gilead,  Ju.  io17  n11-29;  also  =  Ramoth 
Gilead,  Jos.  2o8  2I38  2  K.  p1-4-14;  also  =  Ramath-Mizpeh,  Jos. 
i326.  This  was  the  place  consecrated  by  Jacob  (Gn.  3I45"54); 
perhaps  es-Salt  in  Belk'a.f  Tabor  (=  Jehebet  Tor)  was  in  the 
territory  of  Issachar  and  Zebulon  (cf.  Ju.  46).  —  2.  Shittim  (cf. 
text  above),  also  called  D'tfi'^n  b^K,  was  a  camping-place  of  Moses 
and  Joshua  (Nu.  251  Jos.  21  31).  It  was  here  that  the  affair  of 
Baal-Peor  took  place.  These  three  places  were  celebrated,  per 
haps,  for  the  peculiarly  seductive  character  of  the  worship  which 
they  represented.  For  other  renderings  of  the  first  clause  of  v.2, 
v.i.  —  And  there  is  no  correction  for  any  of  them~\  This  \  is  more 
consistent  with  the  context  than,  "And  I  am  a  rebuke  to  all  of 
them,"  §  although  the  latter  is  the  more  commonly  accepted 
meaning,  and,  according  to  Wellhausen,  furnishes  the  transition 
from  the  priests  to  the  people,  from  the  seducer  to  the  seduced. 
—  3.  /  know  Ephraim,  and  Israel  is  not  hid  from  me~\  i.e.  "  It  is 


*  Cf.  Rashi.  +  Che. 

t  But  cf.  GAS.  HG.  587  f.  §  Ew.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Now.,  GAS. 


2/0  HOSEA 

I  who  know,  etc.,"  in  striking  contrast  with  the  oft-repeated  state 
ment  that  Israel  does  not  know  Yahweh.  —  Yea  thou,  O  Ephraim, 
hast  committed  harlotry,  and  Israel  is  defiled]  For  text  (v.s.). 
The  "3  cannot  mean  for  unless  it  goes  back  to  v.26. —  4.  Their 
doings  do  not  suffer  them  to  return  to  their  God]  This  rendering,* 
making  "doings"  the  subject,  is  preferable  to  the  other  rendering, 
"They  do  not  frame  their  doings  to  return,  etc.,"  f  which  makes 
it  the  object.  For  one  use  of  fro,  i  Ch.  2219 ;  for  the  other,  Ju.  3^ 
I51  i  S.  i82  247  Gn.  2O6.  —  For  the  spirit  of  harlotry  is  within 
them]  i.e.  in  their  constitution. — And  Yahweh  they  do  not  know] 
See  28-20  46  66  82.  This  is  the  burden  of  Hosea's  preaching ;  lack 
of  a  proper  appreciation  of  the  character  of  Yahweh  has  led  Israel 
into  all  sorts  of  corruption.  \  —  5.  But  the  pride  of  Israel  shall  tes 
tify  to  his  face]  This  rendering  of  ,1317  §  (=  ^y,  cf.  .—te)*  (0  g°es 
better  with  the  following  preposition  3;  (2)  suits  better  the  con 
text  in  y10  than  the  rendering  is  humbled  (which  takes  nai?  =  1317 
=  *JLfr  ||).  The  pride  of  Israel  has  been  taken  as  a  title  of  Yahweh 
(cf.  Am.  87),^[  in  which  case  it  would  mean  that  Yahweh  has  deliv 
ered  a  judgment  (cf.  Ru.  i21)  against  Israel  which  signifies  de 
struction  ;  but  the  context  **  is  dealing  with  Israel's  "  material 
grandeur"  (cf.  Zc.  lo11  Ez.  3212),  i.e.  arrogance;  in  this  case  it 
would  mean  :  Israel's  arrogance  is  a  testimony  against  Israel  him 
self.  This  arrogance  (v.  Wellhausen)  is  the  trust  in  the  ritual,  and 
the  feeling  that  there  is  no  need  to  turn  from  that  and  to  repent 
(cf.  y10). — And  Ephraim  shall  stumble  in  his  guilt]  The  word 
stumble  is  of  frequent  use  among  the  prophets  to  designate  dis 
aster  and  ruin  ;  cf.  45  I41-9  Is.  3i3  59™  Je.  5O32  Na.  25  33. — Judah 
also  shall  stumble  with  them]  These  words  are  suspected  as  a 
gloss  by  some  ||  without  sufficient  reason.  An  occasional  side 
glance  at  Judah,  a  people  so  intimately  connected  with  his  own, 
must  not  be  denied  to  the  prophet.  —  6.  With  their  flocks  and 
their  cattle]  Ready  to  be  offered  as  sacrifices.  —  They  will  go  to 

*  So  ST,  Eich.,  Mau.,  Ke.(  Wii.,  Che.,  GAS.  f  Umb.,  Hi.,  Ew. 

J  Marti  om.  v.46  as  a  gloss  based  on  412. 
§  Ki.,  Eich.,  Dathe,  Umb.,  Ew.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Che.,  We.,  GAS. 
||  ffi££,  Rashi,  AE.,  Ros.,  Schro.,  Mau.,  Huxtable.  H  Che. 

**So  We.;   GAS.  I.  262. 

ft  So  Oort  (  TAT.  XXIV.  485),  Now.,  Marti  (Rel.  119,  EB.  2122,  and  Dodeka- 
proph.). 


V.  3-7 

seek  YahweJi}  It  is  Northern  Israel,  not  Judah,*  of  whom  the 
prophet  speaks.  —  He  has  withdrawn  from  them~\  Yahweh's  pa 
tience  has  an  end  (cf.  Mi.  34)  ;  their  superstitious  ritualism  and 
self-sufficiency  can  no  longer  be  tolerated.  f  —  7.  They  have  dealt 
faithlessly^]  Used  of  adultery,  Je.  320  ;  cf.  Mai.  214.  Hosea  is  here 
keeping  up  the  figure  of  the  nation's  marriage  to  Yahweh,  and 
characterizes  the  syncretism  in  worship  as  a  breach  of  the  mar 
riage  contract.  —  For  they  have  begotten  strange  children]  The 
figure  is  continued  ;  these  words  are  not  to  be  taken  literally  as 
a  charge  brought  against  the  Israelites  for  marriage  with  heathen 
women,  from  which  unions  "  strange  "  children  were  born  ;  \  but 
rather,  the  parents  having  departed  from  the  true  worship  of 
Yahweh,  their  children  have  naturally  followed,  and  are  conse 
quently  strangers  to  Yahweh,  having  no  place  among  his  children.  § 
—  The  (next)  new  moon  may  destroy  them  with  their  portions'] 
i.e.  within  a  month  ruin  may  overtake  them.  ||  The  ordinary 
interpretation,  which  makes  the  new  moon  represent  the  prevail 
ing  cult  with  all  its  corruption  and  superstition,^"  is  untenable, 
because,  at  this  time,  the  new  moon  did  not  occupy  an  important 
place  in  the  cult.  Other  attempts  (v.s.),  based  on  change  of  text, 
have  not  been  successful,  e.g.  the  locust  shall  devour,  etc.**  ;  mil 
dew  shall  devour,  etc.  ;  f|  the  sword  shall  devour,  etc.  ;  JJ  he  will 
hinder  them  from  ploughing.  §§ 

1.  PNT]  Neut.,  H.  2,  3^;  GK.  122^.  —  wwpn  .  .  .  WTNH]  Both  words 
are  poetical  synonyms  of  yD2>,  the  ordinary  prose  word,  irrsn  seems  to 
mean  more  precisely  turn  the  ear  and  so  give  close  attention,  while  i:r:rpn 
is  drink  in  eagerly.  —  ^]  Must  be  either  asseverative  =  surely  (cf.  ^v)  or 
(cf.  Srt)  equivalent  to  quotation  marks.  —  no  ...  ncn  .  .  .  rntr]  On  no 
cf.  Am.  35.  The  r>tm  was  a  net  laid  upon  the  ground  to  catch  birds;  while 
the  '£>  was  a  pit  dug  in  the  track  of  large  game  and  concealed  by  a  covering; 
cf.  Ps.  9413  Pr.  262T.  —  2.  ip^cyn  ovair  ntanan]  The  reading  of  Che.  and  We. 
is  the  most  satisfactory  (z/.j.).  The  chief  interpretations  of  fHE  have  been: 


*  So  AE.,  Ki. 

t  Marti  om.  this  phrase  because  (i)  ySn  is  not  elsewhere  used  intransitively, 
and  (2)  the  thought  that  Yahweh  could  be  found  at  the  altars  is  not  in  harmony 
with  Hosea's  conceptions. 

t  Theodoret,  Rashi  :  for  still  other  views,  cf.  Jer.,  Eich. 

§  Ki.,  Cal.,  Evv.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Ke.  ||  Cf.  Now.,  GAS.  IT  Ke.,  Wii. 

**Grotius,  Che.  (CB.).    '       ft  Ru.  +t  Bach.,  Hal.,  Get.  §§  We.(?) 


2/2  HOSEA 

(i)  and  they  slaughter  numerous  victims  for  idols  (&);  (2)  and  slaughter 
have  they  heaped  up  (Riickert,  cited  by  Wii.)  ;  (3)  through  sacrificial  slaughter 
have  they  sunk  deep  into  error  (Hes.);  (4)  through  slaughter  have  they  be 
come  absorbed  in  their  course  (Lu.);  (5)  and  excesses  have  they  spread  out 
deeply  (Ke.)  ;  (6)  and  revolters  are  sunk  deep  in  corrupt  ways  (Or.)  ;  (7)  and 
backsliding  they  sinned  deeply  (Ew.).  Cf.  the  many  emendations  proposed 
(v.s.).  —  3.  UN]  Used  for  rhythmic  reasons;  GK.  135  a.  —  VN-^I  onflx] 
Chiastic.  --  1]  Asseverative.  —  nnp]  =  nn«;  the  same  confusion  of  these  two 
words  occurs  in  I  K.  I18,  @,  and  29,  @  and  Luc.  The  ordinary  usage  of  nry 
in  Hosea  is  to  introduce  the  punishment  or  consequence  (416  57  72  88-10-13  io2); 
cf.,  however,  io3.  —  4.  .  .  .  •?  urn]  This  is  the  only  case  where  the  accusative 
of  the  obj.  is  omitted  in  this  kind  of  construction  (y.s.},  but  the  obj.  is  here 
easily  supplied.  —  5.  rujn]  On  the  roots  up  and  up  cf.  p.  185  and  Rahlfs, 
UP  und  up  in  d.  Psalmen  (1892).  —  SN-WI]  Omit;  Ephraim  and  Israel  are 
wholly  synonymous  terms,  used  interchangeably  by  Hosea  (cf.  416f-  53-  llff- 
71  n8),  hence  one  of  them  is  superfluous  here.  —  6.  The  parallelism  in 
vs.6  and  7  is  quite  irregular,  and  thus  in  contrast  with  the  prec.  verses  of  the 
double  strophe.  —  v^f]  Intrans.  only  here  (We.).  —  7.  cnn]  Means  within 
a  month  (  Jer.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Umb.,  GAS.)  ;  and  although  this  seems  in 
definite  (cf.  Zc.  ii8),  the  usage  is  confirmed  by  the  fuller  expression  D->D>  cnn 
(cf.  Gn.  2914Nu.  ii20-21). 

8-14.  Destruction  is  coming  from  without  and  from  within. 
(3)  An  invading  army  will  bring  devastation  ;  (4)  corruption  and 
anarchy,  like  moth  and  rottenness,  produce  a  fatal  disease. 


8.  np:u:j]  @  tiri  rots  fiovvofa  (=  rnyaja);  &  AicjJD.  —  msxn] 
=  nxsn.  —  nn-a]  (§  eirl  r&v  V^TJ\UV  =  mnna;  &  same  as  for  npaja.  —  fiN  no] 
<J|  tv  T$  otK(p  *0v;  'A.  els  olKov  dj/a>0e\oOs  ;  2.  tv  B?;^  "Slv  ;  5  -o|  L^J^' 
Sayce  {Babyl.  and  Or.  Record,  II.  20),  fix  no.  Read  with  We.  and  Now. 
SN  noa.  —  nnnN]  ©  ^O-TT/I  =  -nn  or  -nnn  (Vol.),  or  -nn>  (Sim.);  'A.,  S.f 
0.  6irl<Tu  <rov;  E',  /caret  VUTOV  <rov;  "S  post  tergum  tuum  ;  %  et  expavit.  We., 
foil.  @,  sugg.  rp-inn  (imv.)  (so  Gr.,  Ru.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.}t  Marti).  Bach. 

onnx  or  ^nnx  onns.    Meier  (SA'.  XV.  1028  f.),  nnnx.     Sayce  {Babyl.  and 

p    >.  p 
Or.  Record,  II.  20),  u^N-p  Tin.  —  9.   HJDNJ]  @  Trio-rd;  ,S  l^allOAOi  =  HJIDK 

(Seb.).  —  10.  min>]  Read  SN-W  here  and  in  vs.12ff-  (Marti,  Rel.  119,  and 
EB.  2122;  so  Now.).  —  S)2j]  Gr.  adds  DJ.  —  11.  p^tfp]  @  KareSwdo-reva-ev 
rbv  avridoKov  avrov  =  pi^p  (Vol.).  —  pun]  ©  KareTrdTT)<Tev  =  ?*-}  (Vol.).  Read 
both  ptcps.  as  active  (so  Oort,  ThT.  and  Ent.\  Val.,  We.,  Now".,  Get.,  Marti). 
Gr.  would  join  ll  a  to  v.9  and  connect  v.10  with  vs.12  f-  —  tO£3^D]  Che.  {Exp  T. 

^-  375>  OLZ.  1899,  p.  137),  vcopt'p.  —  S^Nin]    ©  Tjp^aro  =  Snn.  —  ix]    @  TW^ 

P  P   * 

and    S  |A  "  ^  M  ~  NV^    (so   Dathe,    Bauer,   Vol.,    Seb.,    Che.);    so 
(cf.   Geiger,    Urschrift,  411);     TS  sordes  =  ^  =  NIX.      Read   Nir,  written 
;    cf.  Jb.  I531  (so  Dathe,  Baue*.  St.,  Sim.,  Che.;  Oort,   ThT.  and  Em.; 


v.  8  273 

Gr.,  Ru.,  Loft.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Bach.  ix\  Che.  (he.  cit.) 
•WN.  Briill  (Jahrb.f.jiid.  Gesch.  1883,  pp.  1-62),  y*5  (c'f.  Ez.  3331).  Fiirst 
(Lex.)  —  f-vi1,  a  pillar,  tinger-post.  —  12.  B^'D]  ©  ws  rapax^  =  Dy:n  (Vol.)  or 
Bfyno  (Seb.)  ;  'A.  u>s  /S/WCTTT^O;  S.  ws  eup^s;  U  quasi  tinea  ;  j£  |  /^*V«  *#«*|. 

P  7 

—  a  pin]    <§  ws  Ktvrpov  =  npno  ;    'A.,  S.   a^ts  ;    U  ^#0.M  putredo  ;   %  L^j) 

—  leprosy,  elephantiasis.  —  13.    mr?:]    @    TTJV  ddtvyv  =  n^  (Vol.);   'A.  tirl- 
SecriJ';   U  vinculum.  —  nT^i]   ©  adds  7r/36r/3eis.     Some  insert  n-nrp   (Sayce, 
^a^/.  awrf  Or.  Record,  II.  21;  We.,  Oct.,  Hal.);  but  SNIB"  is  better  (Bach. 
(/>.),  Now.,  Che.  (£^.  2331);   cf.  Marti).  —  a^]    (5  'lape^  ;    5  ^s^;   'A. 
8iKa<r6/j.evoi'  ;    S.  0o^a  ;    0.  /c/a/crews  ;   U  ultorem.     Bach.  NB-P  or  N31",  in  view 
of  foil.  ND-iS.    W.  M.  Miiller  (ZA  W.  XVII.  334  ff.)  and  Riedel  (cf^  McCurdy, 
HPM.  I.  415  f.),  an  •'jp^c,  the  old  nominal  ending  being   retained   because 
the  whole  expression  was  thought  of  as  a  proper  name  (so  Now.2,  Marti). 
Che.  (Exp.,  Nov.  1897,  P-  3^4),  ^  "^p  or  en  ^Sp;  but  in  EJB.  2331,  ^"\y  -\^n 
(cf.  Weber,  Arabien  vor  dem  Islam,  1901,  p.  24),   also  changing  -NB>N  to 
n«c.     Wkl.  (Musri  (1898),  32;   cf.  KAT?  150  f.),  ain-,  a  district  on  south 
ern  border  of  Musri.    Hal.  ann  -j^c  =  king  of  Egypt.  —  nnr]    Read  nnr  (so 
We.,  Now.,  Bach.  (Pr.),  Oct.,  Marti).     Gr.  njn\  —  14.    Snr]   @  Tra^p.— 

'jx  ••JN]  @J$  and  2T  om.  one  ^JN  (so  also  Loft.). 


8.  Blow  the  trumpet  ...  the  cornet^  Cf.  Am.  36.  The  announce 
ment  of  approaching  attack  ;  cf.  81  Je.  45  61.  The  prophet  sees 
in  vision  the  coming  of  destruction.  Here,  as  in  many  cases  (cf. 
Is.  69-10),  the  imperative  serves  as  the  most  vivid  expression  for 
prediction,  the  real  meaning  being  :  the  time  is  near  at  hand  when 
the  trumpet  will  blow  in  token  of  the  enemy's  approach.  On  the 
form  and  character  of  the  musical  instruments  here  mentioned, 
v.s.,  p.  43  f.,  150.  —  In  Gibeah  .  .  .  in  Ramafc]  Gibeah  means  hill, 
Ramah  (cf.  (!3)  height,  both  being  located  on  eminences.  It  is 
improbable  that  these  names  are  chosen  solely  with  reference  to 
their  meaning  and  the  practice  of  idolatry  on  high  places  ;  * 
but  they  represent  all  hill-towns  from  which  alarm  could  easily 
be  sounded.  Gibeah  (cf.  <f  io9)  was  the  same  as  Gibeah  of 
Benjamin  (i  S.  if15  i416  2  S.  23^),  and  as  well,  Gibeah  of  Saul 
(i  S.  ii4  is34).  It  was  situated  near  the  road  leading  from  Jeru 
salem  to  Nablus,  and  has  been  identified  with  Tell-el-Ful.t  Ramah 
is  the  village  where  Samuel  lived  (i  S.  I534;  cf.  Ju.  45  ig13),  and 
is  the  modern  Er-Ram,  some  two  hours  north  of  Jerusalem,  on 

*Sim. 

t  ZDMG.  XII.  161  ff.  ;  Rob.  Pal.  I.  577-9  ;  and  art.  "  Gibeah  "  in  DB.  and  EB. 
T 


2/4  HOSE  A 

the  road  to  Bethel.  From  i  K.  is21  Is.  lo29  we  may  suppose  that 
these  towns  were  in  the  territory  of  Judah.  —  Cry  aloud  in  Bethel] 
The  fH(£  Beth-aven  (cf.  415)  seems  to  have  arisen  as  a  term  of 
reproach  for  Bethel,*  whether  aven  be  interpreted  as  nothingness, 
or  as  denoting  the  city  of  On  ((§  vftv),  or  Heliopolis,  whence 
idolatry  was  imported.  Bethel,  situated  on  the  border  between 
Ephraim  and  Benjamin,  about  ten  miles  north  of  Jerusalem  (mod 
ern  name,  Beitin),  was  selected  as  a  place  which,  equally  well 
with  those  already  mentioned,  would  serve  as  a  source  of  signal  to 
the  surrounding  people.|  —  Make  Benjamin  to  tremble]  Based  on 
Wellhausen's  emendation  (v.s.);  cf.  (g  and  Am.  3°.  The  iOT, 
After  thee,  O  Benjamin,  has  been,  (i)  taken  as  the  ancient  war- 
cry  of  the  tribe ;  cf.  Ju.  514,  where,  however,  it  is  used  in  a  differ 
ent  sense  \\  (2)  interpreted  the  enemy  is  after  thee,  O  Benjamin,  § 
now  that  Ephraim  has  been  captured;  cf.  Je.  482  Ez.  512  Ho.  n6 
Ju.  I620;  (3)  also,  Benjamin  is  after  thee,  i.e.  attacking  thee;  || 
(4)  understood  to  be  the  proclamation  which  is  to  be  an 
nounced  from  Bethel  (or  Aven);^[  (5)  treated  as  a  description 
of  Bethel  from  the  standpoint  of  the  writer  in  Judah.**  For  vari 
ous  emendations  of  text,  v.s. ;  note  especially  that  of  Sayce,  "  trem 
ble,  O  Benoni."  On  Hosea's  failure  to  mention  Jerusalem,  and 
the  suggestion  that  his  reference  to  Benjamin  is  really  a  hint  in  this 
direction,  v.  Cheyne,  p.  74. —  9.  Ephraim  shall  become  a  deso 
lation  in  the  day  of  punishment]  This  is  the  announcement  toward 
which  v.8  pointed.  It  includes  the  fate  of  the  people  at  large 
(v.9),  and  likewise,  that  of  the  leaders  in  particular  (v.10).  The 
word  rendered  "  desolation"  has  been  wrongly  interpreted  "  aston 
ished,"  |t  "  speechless  "  ;  J  }  it  means  rather  final  and  utter  destruc 
tion  with  no  apparent  opportunity  for  repentance.  §§  The  threat 
was  fulfilled  by  Shalmaneser  (2  K.  17).  The  "day  of  punish 
ment,"  lit.  judicial  decision,  wrongly  connected  by  some  with 
the  following  phrase  ||  ||  ;  cf.  Ps.  I497.  —  Concerning  (or  against) 
Israels  tribes  do  I  make  known  that  which  is  sure]  So  the  prepo- 

*  V.s.,  pp.  263,  272;  so  Hi.,  We.,  Now.,  Marti.  f  Ew.,  Che.,  et  al. 

%  GAS.;  cf.  on  this  Havernick  (Einl.  II.  283,  4),  Ke.,  Bach.,  Or.,  and  Now. 

§  Ki.,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Mau.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or. 

||  Sim.  H  Hi.,  Che.,  GAS.  **  Grot.,  Ew. 

-  Abhu,  cited  by  Ki.        §§  Cal,,  Pu.,  Ke.,  et  al.        ||||  Ki. 


V.  8-1 1  275 

sition  is  to  be  taken,*  and  not  —  among.f  In  parallelism  with 
Ephraim,  tribes  of  Israel  =  the  Northern  tribes,  J  and  not  all 
Israel,  including  Judah.  §  The  judgment  announced  is  one  of 
sure  fulfilment  (cf.  Hb.  23),  something  of  absolute  endurance  (cf. 
Dt.  2859).  — 10.  The  princes  of  Israel^  The  priests  have  been 
rebuked ;  it  is  now  the  turn  of  the  princes.  These  had  already 
been  included  in  the  exordium.  Upon  the  whole  it  is  well  to 
substitute  Israel  for  Judah  of  the  jffi&  here  and  in  the  following 
verses.  With  this  slight  change,  all  difficulty  in  the  logical  connec 
tion  of  v.10  with  the  preceding  verses  disappears.  This  change  is 
supported  by  the  frequent  interchange  and  coupling  of  the  terms 
"Ephraim"  and  "Israel"  in  Hosea;  e.g.  53-5-9  610  f.  —  Are  like 
landmark  removers']  The  commonest  sort  of  thieves.  This  is 
not  a  reference  (following  |K&)  to  Judah's  seizure  of  Northern 
territory  in  the  times  of  anarchy  ;  \\  nor  to  the  efforts  of  Ahaz  to 
introduce  idolatry  into  Judah  (2  K.  i610"18)  ;^[  nor  is  it  a  specific 
rebuke  of  the  policy  of  the  rulers  (as  in  Is.  58  Mi.  22)  to  acquire 
all  the  land  and  thus  disturb  the  boundaries  fixed  by  their  fathers 
(cf.  Dt.  19") ;  **  but  is,  perhaps,  a  proverbial  phrase  for  the  lowest 
wickedness,  a  type  of  the  most  degraded  practices. ff  Cf.  the  idea 
that  "landmarks  were  under  the  protection  of  religion  (Pr.  2228 
23™ ;  cf.  Jb.  242),  and  to  remove  them  laid  the  offender  under  a 
curse  (Dt.  19"  2717)."  JJ  —  Upon  them  will  I  pour  out  my  wrath 
like  water}  Cf.  Is.  87  Je.  i416.  The  poetic  description  of  Yahweh's 
wrath  is  at  one  time  the  fire  which  devours,  at  another  the  flood 
which  drowns,  the  object  of  its  attack.  — 11.  Ephraim  practises 
oppression  !  he  breaks  down  right]  The  jj-HtZT  presents  two  diffi 
culties,  viz.  the  use  of  the  participle  passive  in  a  consecution  of 
imperfects  relating  to  Ephraim's  future  ;  and  the  use  of  "justice  " 
with  the  passive  participle  interpreted,  (i)  broken  or  crushed  in 
Judgment,  i.e.  God's  judgment,  the  idea  being  so  familiar  that  no 
more  distinct  designation  was  necessary  §§  ;  (2)  one  whose  right 
is  broken,  \\  \\  i.e.  the  right  of  national  independence  ;  (3)  is  rightly 

*  Hi.,  Ke.,  Now.,  Marti.  +  Now.          \\  Hi.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Or.         **  We. 

t  Wu.  §  Che.  H  Grot.,  Hd. 

ft  Bauer,  Ros.,  Wu.,  Now.,  Che.,  GAS.;  cf.  Hull,  art.  "  Landmark,"  DB. 

tt  Che.  Ill)  RSZ.,  s.v., 

§$  Ros.,  Hng.,  Ke.,  Che. 


2/6  HOSEA 

crushed ;  *  (4)  crushed  by  judgment.^  The  fHST  is  supported 
by  the  occurrence  of  the  same  two  participles  in  Dt.  2S33.  But  it 
seems  better  to  follow  (§,  and  read  the  participles  as  active  (?AJ.), 
thus  furnishing  another  charge  in  the  indictment  against  Ephraim, 
for  which  punishment  is  coming.  That  tOSttffc  =  right  appears 
from  its  usage  in  219  Am.  tj7-15-24  612.  —  Because  he  has  determined 
to  go  after  vanity\  The  explanation  of  the  national  deterioration. 
But  was  it  vanity  (=81^)  that  Hosea  really  used?  It  cannot 
have  been  is,  meaning  the  commands  of  Baal-prophets ;  \  or  the 
commands  of  men ;  §  or  the  commands  of  Jeroboam  I.,  ||  which 
were  of  so  destructive  a  character,  an  ironical  turn  being  imparted 
by  the  use  of  is,  as  in  Is.  2810-13;  or  commands  in  a  bad  sense  ;^[ 
or  God's  commands,  i.e.  he  went  after  evil,  even  after  God's  com 
mands  against  it  had  been  given  ;  **  or  a  log  of  wood  =  a  wooden 
god  ;  ft  or  pillar  =  finger-post ;  \\  for  no  one  of  these  meanings 
makes  adequate  sense.  In  the  same  category  belong  the  follow 
ing  suggestions,  viz.  :  (i)  (the  god)  Zaw,  §§  a  deity  whose  name 
is  found  in  the  Palmyrene  proper  names  (e.g.  K^nfcK,  handmaid  of 
Zaw;  KXiaTi,  gift  of  Zaw;  12TDU,  servant  of  Zaw\\\\),  who  repre 
sented  the  rays  of  the  moon,^[  whose  worship  prevailed  in  ancient 
times  from  South  Arabia  to  the  Syro-Arabian  deserts  ;  but  (a)  the 
context  speaks  of  Assyria,  and  there  was  no  such  God  among  the 
Assyrians  ;  ***  (^)  the  phrase  walk  after  does  not  require  after  it 
the  name  of  a  god  ;  ttt  (/)  Palmyrene  inscriptions  are  compara 
tively  late,  viz.  first  century  A.D.  ;  (d)  Hosea  would  hardly  charge 
all  of  Israel's  sin  to  the  worship  of  a  moon-god  nowhere  else  men 
tioned  in  the  O.  T.  (2)  ix  =  Kte,  filthiness,  '3X1  nac,  arising  from 
haplography  of  S'l ;  \\\  (3)  imagination;  §§§  (4)  Assyria,  or  As- 
shur.  ||  ||  ||  We  come  back  to  the  rendering  vanity  (based  on  Kltf, 
v.s.  ;  suggested  by  (§  and  %  •  ^ffl^j"  nor  is  it  an  objection  (cf.  Konig) 
that  the  emendation  is  so  easy),  i.e.  idols;  cf.  Je.  iS15  Ps.  3i6. — 
12.  And  it  is  I  who  am  like  a  moth  .  .  .  like  rottenness^  Cf.  Jb. 


*  Marck.  f  Schm.  %  Rashi.  6  AE.,  Schro.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or. 

||  Ki.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Pu. ;  K6.  ExpT.  X.  376  if.  ^  Ki.  **  Ros.  ft  Ew. 
tt  Fiirst  (Lex.).  §§  Hommel,  ExpT.  X.  329 f.  ||||  Cf.  ZDMG.  LIU.  98-101. 
UH  Cf.  PSBA.  XXI.  75.  ***  Che.  Exp T.  X.  375. 

fft  K6.  Exp  T.  X.  376-378  ;  cf.  also  Stil.  264  ff.     J++  Cf.  Geiger,  Urschrift,  411. 
\\\  Bach.  IIIHI  Che.  Exp  T.  X.  375.  TUUI  So  Bauer,  et  al. ;  v.s.,  p.  272. 


V.  ii-i3  277 

I328.  Internal  dissolution,  for  destruction  was  coming  from  within, 
viz.  through  anarchy  and  civil  war;  cf.  I31.  The  figure  denotes 
slow  but  certain  progress.  The  pronoun  is  emphatic,  designating 
Yahweh  himself  as  the  author  of  this  approaching  calamity.  —  To 
Ephraim  .  .  .  to  the  house  of  Israel^  It  is  better,  as  above,  to 
read  "  Israel "  for  "  Judah."  — 13.  And  so  Ephraim  saw  his  sick 
ness,  and  Israel  his  sore~\  Here  again  we  read  "  Israel "  rather 
than  "Judah."  Similar  figures  are  used  to  describe  political 
decay  in  Is.  i5-6  37;  cf.  also  Ho.  61  7*.  Ephraim  comes  at  last  to 
recognize  the  serious  character  of  the  situation.  The  sickness 
and  the  sore  were  not  only  political,  viz.  anarchy  and  civil  war 
(v.s.),  but  also  religious  and  moral  deterioration.  —  And  Ephraim 
went  to  Asshur,  and  Israel  sent  to  king  Jareb~\  To  preserve  the 
parallelism  which,  up  to  this  point,  has  been  so  regular,  we  insert 
"Israel"  (v.s.).  But  who  is  king  Jareb  (cf.  io6),  and  to  what 
circumstances  is  reference  made?  The  opinions  offered  have 
greatly  varied  :  (i)  the  name  of  a  place  in  Assyria,*  or  a  sym 
bolical  name  for  Assyria  itself,  like  Rahab  for  Egypt  ;f  (2)  the 
name  of  a  king  of  Egypt ;  J  (3)  =  Aribi,  a  district  in  Northern 
Arabia,  the  oldest  form  being  probably  Jarib  (cf.  proper  names 
Jerib  and  Jeribai),  and  a  reminiscence  of  it  appears  in  the  later 
Sabaean  word  Marjab ;§  (4)  an  appellative  (="king  comba 
tant")  describing  some  king  of  Assyria,  e.g.  Asur-dan-ilu  (771- 
754),  ||  or  Tiglath-pileser ;  If  (5)  an  appellative  to  be  connected 
with  Syriac  ws^  (be  great),  and  equivalent  to  (?Vtn  l^an,  which 
is  used  of  an  Assyrian  king;**  (6)  an  appellative  =  one  who 
pleads,  i.e.  a  patron,  used  of  the  Assyrian  king  ;  ft  (7)  the  original 
name  of  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria,  which  was  dropped  when  he 
ascended  the  throne,  in  the  same  way  that  Pul  became  Tiglath- 
pileser,  and  Ulula  became  Shalmaneser  IV.  when  they  began  to 
reign;  \\  (8)  to  be  read  with  a  different  division  of  consonants 


*  AE.,  Ki.,  Geb.          f  Sim. ;  W.  T.  Lynn,  Babyl.  and  Or.  Record,  II.  127  f. 
t  Theod.,  Eph.  Syr.;  Wkl.  GVI.  63;  but  see  W.  M.  Miiller,  ZA  W.  XVII.  334^ 
§  Hommel,  Aufscitze  u.  Abhandlungen,  II.  231;    but  see  K.6.  Fiinf  neue  Arab. 
Landschaften  im  A.T.  \\  Schra.  COT.  II.  136 ff. 

H  Now.  Hosea,  in  loc. ;  so  also  Whitehouse  in  COT.  II.  137,  note. 
**  See  Wii. ;  so  McC.  HPM.  I.  415  f.  ff  Reuss. 

JJ  Sayce,  JQR.  I.  162  ff.,  and  Babyl.  and  Or.  Record,  II.  18-22,  145  f. ;  cf.  HCM, 


2/8  HOSEA 

(v.s.),  "the  great  king  "  =  Assyr.  sarru  rabu;*  (9)  a  corrupt 
text  (v.s.),  the  original  having  read  "king  of  Arabia,"  f  or  "king 
of  Jathrib  "  ;  \  (10)  =  Assyr.  trim,  tribute,  the  rendering  being 
"  and  sent  tribute  to  the  king  "  §  (but,  according  to  Winckler, 
irbu  always  denotes  internal  taxes  ;  tribute  from  foreign  nations 
is  biltu,  madattu,  or  tamartii)  ;  (n)  =  "king  who  should  bring 
healing,"  the  text  being  changed  (v.s.).  \\  —  But  he  cannot  heal 
you,  nor  will  he  relieve  you  of  your  wound~\  This  is  an  illustra 
tion  of  the  characteristic  attitude  of  the  prophets  toward  alliance 
with  other  nations.  It  is  not  only  wrong,  but  useless,  to  seek 
for  outside  help  (cf.  Is.,  chaps.  7,  8,  3ilff%).  —  14.  For  I,  myself, 
will  be  like  a  lion  to  Ephraim,  and  like  a  young  lion  to  the  house 
of  Israel"\  Cf.  Is.  3i4.  The  strongest  possible  metaphor  of  de 
struction.  This  verse  states  the  reason  for  the  uselessness  of 
Israel's  efforts  spoken  of  in  v.13.  The  affliction  of  Israel  is  divinely 
ordained,  hence  appeal  to  human  aid  is  of  no  avail.  —  /,  even 
I,  will  rend  and  go  my  way]  The  repetition  of  the  pronoun  lays 
emphasis  on  the  fact  that  Yahweh  is  the  agent  of  the  coming 
destruction.  —  I  will  carry  off,  and  none  shall  rescue']  Cf.  Is.  5^. 
The  figure  is  that  of  the  lion  dragging  away  the  prey,  and  none 
daring  to  interfere. 

8.  lynn  .  .  .  i>pn]  Imv.  =  an  emphatic  prediction;  cf.  GK.  no  c.  — 
mxxn  .  .  .  nfltt>]  Art.  omitted;  indef.  —  n:n3  .  .  .  nyaja]  Art.  is  indicative 
of  original  appellative  force  ;  cf.  KS.  295  b.  —  ^nnx]  Cf.  Ju.  514,  where  © 
offers  "pnx  and  the  text  is  regarded  as  corrupt  by  all  recent  commentators 
(so  e.g.  Moore,  Bu.,  Now.),  some,  indeed,  considering  it  a  gloss  having  its 
origin  in  this  verse  of  Hosea  (so  Bickell,  Carmina,  196;  Marquardt,  Funda- 
mente  ;  Wkl.  GL  I.  158).  The  impossibility  of  making  sense  of  iftfl^u  here 
renders  some  emend,  necessary;  that  of  We.  offers  the  least  objection  and 
has  the  support  of  (§>.  On  construction  according  to  £H@T  cf.  GK.  147  c. 
Two  artistic  elements  maybe  noted  in  this  verse:  (i)  the  collocation  of  d 
sounds  in  8a;  (2)  the  elegiac  rhythm.  —  9.  SNIB"  .  .  .  ones*]  Note  chiastic 
arrangement.  The  elegiac  movement  continues  through  this  verse,  but  the 
line  "y*  xaaao  is  short;  has  a  word  dropped  out  after  "ESEO  ?  —  HJCNJ]  Fern. 
expressing  neut.  —  10.  ^ona]  Aram,  form;  GK.  72  ee.  —  11.  'D  \w\]  If 


417;  so  also  Neubauer,  ZA.  III.  103;   Hommel,  GBA.  680;   but  see  McC.  HPM. 

I.  416;  and  Selbie,  DB.  II.  550. 

*  W.  M.  Miiller,  7,A  W.  XVII.  334  ff.  ;  cf.  the  almost  identical  view  of  Che.  (v.s.}, 

f  Che.  EB.  2331.  t  Wkl.  Musri  (1898)  ,  32  ;  cf.  KA  T*  150  f. 

§  Paul  Rost,  quoted  by  Wkl.  KA  T2  151.  ||  Bach.  Untersuch..  in  loc. 


V.  13-14  279 

be  retained,  the  pass.  ptcp.  is  followed  by  a  genitive  having  the 
force  of  an  ace.  of  limitation;  cf.  K6.  336/4.  —  ~\hr\  Win]  Verbal  appos.; 
cf.  njn  Win,  Dt.  i5;  cf.  K6.  361 7z. —  ix  nns]  ix  in  Is.  2810- 13  is  probably 
not  a  genuine  word,  but  merely  a  sound  coined  by  the  prophet  in  mockery 
of  the  drunken  and  unintelligible  babblings  of  his  opponents.  In  any 
case  the  use  of  the  word  there  throws  no  light  upon  its  meaning  here. 
The  indefmiteness  of  the  charge  speaks  against  taking  is  as  a  synon.  of 
rmc,  as  does  also  the  fact  that  none  of  the  versions  so  take  it.  Nor  does 
the  pointing  ss  =  excrement,  filth  (for  which  HNS  is  the  regular  form)  mend 
matters ;  this  word  is  never  used  of  idols,  and  the  idea  of  human  iniquity 
(cf.  Is.  44  Pr.  3O12)  is  scarcely  strong  enough  here.  For  the  use  of  the 
phrase  nnx  "|Sn  =  worship,  serve,  with  abstract  terms,  cf.  Is.  652  Je.  i812 
(thoughts);  Je.  317  914  i612  (stubbornness);  and  with  names  of  gods,  Dt.  43 
I  K.  I48;  cf.  Je.  28.  The  Assyr.  aldku  arki  is  used  in  the  same  sense.  With 
the  confusion  of  i?  and  y  presupposed  here  by  the  adoption  of  the  reading 
of  <§  cf.  interchange  of  *  and  B'  in  prao  and  pnt*\ — 13.  ~|Sc]  On  absence 
of  art.,  cf.  Ko.  333  .r. —  Nim]  Emphat.  pos.  in  contrast  with  OJN  (v.14).— 
Sav]  Best  explained  as  Qal  with  >  depressed  to  i ;  v.  GK.  69  r;  Ko.  I.  407; 
Wright,  Camp.  Sent.  Gram.  237 ;  others  explain  as  a  H^bph,  which  was  always 

used  instead  of  the  Qal.  —  M4?]  On  use  of  prep.,  cf.  Ko.  289  a.  —  nnji]   d.X.; 

i> 
cf.  the  subst.  nru,  Pr.   I722,  and  Syr.  jou,.  =be  freed.     Since  (i)  the  subj. 

of  nnjp  is  naturally  the  same  as  that  of  SDV,  and  (2)  nnj  is  intrans.  in  Syr., 
it  is  better  to  point  nn;p,  with  Now.  (v.s.*).  — 14.  "von  .  .  .  Snip]  Snip  is  a 
poetic  word  for  lion,  occurring,  aside  from  this  passage  and  I37,  only  in  Job, 
Psalms,  and  Proverbs.  "VCD  denotes  the  young  lion,  but  one  old  enough  to 
hunt  prey.  —  I^NI]  Impf.  with  1  conj.  coordinate  with  prec.  impf.;  cf.  Dr. 
§  134.  —  SIXD  PNI]  Circ.  clause;  cf.  Ko.  3622. 

§  8.  Israel's  blind  and  fitful  repentance  does  not  remove 
the  guilt  which  will  one  day  be  manifest  to  all;  which, 
indeed,  is  seen  to-day  in  the  affairs  of  the  king,  515-;7. 
(i)  Israel  may  put  on  the  form  of  repentance,  but  she  is  so  blind 
to  the  situation  and  to  the  true  nature  of  God  that  such  repent 
ance  is  only  on  the  surface.  (2)  This  is  true  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  most  earnest  teaching  and  the  most  definite  warnings 
have  been  given  concerning  Yahweh's  will.  (3)  Israel  is  faithless, 
and  her  chief  towns  are  headquarters  of  every  kind  of  vice,  and 
all  this  is  encouraged  by  the  priests.  (4)  But  now  when  the  time 
comes,  i.e.  the  day  when  "  the  great  turning-point  in  her  fortunes 
arrives,  the  day  of  mingled  punishment  and  mercy,"  *  this  iniquity 

*  Che. 


280  HOSEA 

will  be  recognized  and  appreciated.  (5)  Nay,  even  to-day  it  is 
apparent  in  the  situation  as  it  stands  connected  with  the  kings  — 
enthroned  and  assassinated,  "surrounded  by  loose  and  unscru 
pulous  nobles  :  adultery,  drunkenness,  conspiracies,  assassinations ; 
every  man  striking  for  himself;  none  appealing  to  God."* 

This  piece  contains  five  strophes  of  12,  10,  10,  10,  and  12  lines.  The 
movement  is  the  trimeter,  but  occasionally  it  falls  into  the  elegiac  style  ; 
cf.  Bu.  ZA  W.  II.  32  f.  This  arrangement  secures  a  complete  unity  of  thought 
and  shows  close  consecution  of  strophic  arrangement.  Strophe  I  (515-63)  pre 
sents  in  dramatic  form  two  soliloquies:  the  first,  of  Yahweh,  who  now  turns 
himself  away  with  the  feeling  that  in  distress  Israel  will  seek  him  out ;  the 
second,  of  Israel,  who  in  shallowness  of  heart  assures  himself  complacently 
that  Yahweh  has  wounded  him,  simply  that  he  might  heal  him;  that  as  soon 
as  he  seeks  Yahweh,  he  will  find  him.  Strophe  2  (64~6)  describes  the  in 
credulity  and  impatience  with  which  Yahweh  receives  this  fitful  repentance. 
Had  he  not  given  him  warning?  Had  he  not  expressly  declared  that  it 
was  love  which  he  desired,  and  not  sacrifice?  Strophe  3  (67"10)  portrays  the 
terrible  wickedness  of  Israel's  chief  places,  the  robbery  and  murder,  the 
corruption  and  adultery  which  Israel,  encouraged  by  the  priests,  has  com 
mitted  in  transgression  of  the  covenant.  Strophe  4  (6n-72)  pathetically  sug 
gests  that  in  the  future  a  time  will  come,  the  day  of  Israel's  turning,  when 
the  iniquity  of  Ephraim  will  be  laid  bare,  although  perhaps  at  present  their 
consciences  do  not  prick  them,  so  entangled  are  they  in  the  meshes  of  sin. 
For,  in  fact,  strophe  5  (7s-7),  the  immorality  of  the  nation,  from  king  down,  is 
so  apparent,  the  hopelessness  of  the  situation  is  so  great,  that  repentance 
is  really  impossible,  the  very  capacity  for  it  being  absent.  In  this  arrange 
ment  the  following  points  deserve  consideration:  In  strophe  i,  line  8  seems 
exceedingly  long,  especially  in  contrast  with  line  7,  which  is  unusually  short. 
It  is  possible  that  vac1?  rpn:i  is  a  gloss  explaining  ucp\  With  this  ex 
ception  the  parallelism  is  close  and  regular.  In  strophe  2  a  line  seems  to  be 
missing  after  64,  the  p'Sj?  of  65  failing  to  connect  properly  with  what  pre 
cedes.  This  fact,  pointed  out  by  Now.,  accords  with  the  need  of  a  line  to 
complete  the  otherwise  almost  perfect  parallelism  of  the  strophe.  It  is  worth 
while  to  suggest  that  perhaps  the  line  NX>  TIND  nflflPCi  (as  reconstructed) 
was  originally  joined  with  the  line  now  lost.  It  is  surely  not  closely  con 
nected  with  the  two  preceding  lines.  In  this  case  the  strophe  would  be 
ideally  symmetrical.  In  strophe  3  (67-10),  (i)  the  form  of  the  elegy  appears 
quite  distinctly;  (2)  lines  i  and  2,  and  3  and  4  are  satisfactory;  line  5  might 
be  read  assassins  in  troops,  a  gang  of  priests,  but  cf.  p.  287;  (3)  yn  of 
line  7  is  probably  wrong,  for  it  is  impossible  to  separate  it  thus  from  HODU*; 
(4)  perhaps  line  8  might  be  transferred  to  follow  what  is  now  line  9,  thus 

*GAS. 


V.  is-VI.  3  28l 

improving  the  sense  and  as  well  the  measure;  (5)  6lla  is,  of  course,  a  gloss. 
In  strophe  4  (611~72),  (i)  v.116  is  suspected,  but  v.i.;  (2)  v.llc  is  clearly  to 
be  connected  with  what  follows  in  spite  of  the  chapter  division.  In  strophe  5 
(7s"7)*  (0  v-4  from  "°jn  1D:>  is  a  Sloss  explaining  v.6;  (2)  the  remainder  of 
the  strophe  is  regular  and  symmetrical. 

V.  15-VI.  3.  Israel  feigns  repentance.  In  a  wonderfully  con 
ceived  pair  of  soliloquies,  the  poet  represents  Yahweh  as  waiting 
for  Israel  to  come  back,  and  Israel  as,  in  fact,  coming  back, 
but  with  a  conception  of  Yahweh  so  false  and  an  idea  of  re 
pentance  so  inadequate  as  to  make  the  whole  action  a  farce. 

The  genuineness  of  5156-63  is  denied  by  some  (Che.  in  WRS.  Proph. 
xx  ff.;  Marti,  Volz,  Jahweprophelie,  33;  Grimm,  Lit.  App.  69  ff.;  Che.  in 
cludes  also  15a  and  64  in  the  insertion,  and  Marti  15a  and  656)  on  the  ground 
that:  (i)  it  breaks  the  close  connection  existing  between  514  and  64;  (2)  its 
phraseology  is  an  echo,  in  part,  of  the  following  verses;  (3)  the  interpretation 
of  61'3  as  an  expression  of  superficial  repentance,  which  interpretation  is 
necessary  to  the  retention  of  these  verses  in  the  text,  is  forced;  (4)  it  bears 
close  resemblance  in  spirit  to  other  late  insertions,  e.g.  I41'9  and  611~71; 
(5)  the  exile  seems  to  be  presupposed  by  the  strong  expressions  UTP  and 
WDp\  62;  (6)  the  language  supports  the  argument  for  a  late  date  (Volz 
cites  the  following  terms:  on1?  "1X3;  nntt>;  «po  =  tear;  *pn  with  h  in  fig. 
sense  only  here;  enpSn;  mv). 


15.  icti>N^  (51  d.cfra.via'd&o'iv,  U  deficiatis,  and  It  exterminentur,  deriving 
it  from  oaty  (cf.  Ho.  214  Jo.  I17  Am.  f  Zp.  36  Zc.  y14  n5  (<g),  Ez.  66).  Read 
•10;?  >  =  startled,  puzzled  (We.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti);  cf.  Gr.  IDB^.  —  wpa]  U 
quaeratis.  —  ^nns"  onS  -«a]  ©Fit  and  some  Heb.  Mss.  join  to  the  fol 
lowing  verse  and  chapter.  (SJg&H  add  1DN1?  (so  also,  e.g.,  Gr.,  We.,  GAS., 
Oct.).  —  VI.  1.  ID?]  ©  iropevOufiev  (—  "jSj)  ;  so  S»  (so  also  Oort).  —  nin^] 
(5  adds  rbv  Qebv  TJ/J.UV.  —  i^ta]  U  cepit.  —  *]•«]  3L  om.  this  and  following 
word.  Read  with  &,  -]M_  (so  We.,  Bach.  (/V.),  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti). 
Oort,  nun.  —  2.  3^?]  <&  om.  p  and  renders  by  pi.  Gr.  n^p»3.  Bach.  (/*r.) 
D''!?^(?).  —  itt'iSrn  010]  Join  with  preceding  context,  and  perhaps  i  should 
be  inserted  as  in  j§.  Bach.  (TV.)  c-iWn  o^a(?).  —  uop^]  <&  &vcurTii<r6ne8a 

(=  oipj).  —  3.  njnji]  Ru.  nj-iji,  deriving  from  n>n  =  !<Xfr,  come  early.  Gr. 
sugg.  that  it  may  be  dittog.  from  noTu.  Bach.  (/V.)  transfers  this  and  foil. 
three  words  to  the  end  of  this  verse.  —  JIDJ  nniys]  Read  |3  iJ^n^p  (Giese- 
brecht,  Beitr'dge,  208;  We.;  Sm.  ^W.  210;  Val.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.}, 
Marti);  cf.  Ru.  |5  li^nB'r.  —  ixxc]  ©  eup^<ro^ev  ai)r6^  (so  It);  E',  17  ^Trt- 
(t>dvet.a.  O.VTOV.  Read,  foil.  @,  IHNXCJ  (Giesebrecht,  Beitr'dge,  208  ;  We.,  Val., 
GAS.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.y,  Marti);  cf.  Sm.  Rel.  210;  Oct.  UNXDJ.  —  nnv] 


282  HOSEA 

m        ^ 

<§  precedes  by  /cai.     Read  nvv    with  &  ]o'f^c9  (so  also  Seb.,  Perles  (p.  90), 
Now.,  Oort  (Em.}>  Oct.,  Marti).     Oort  (TAT.)  foil.  @,  pxS  mvi. 

15.  /  will  return  again  to  my  place"}  Yahweh  is  soliloquizing. 
This  is  not  the  figure  of  the  lion  returning  to  his  den ;  *  but  (cf. 
Mi.  i3)  is  a  survival  of  the  older  form  of  expression  in  accordance 
with  which  interest  in  human  affairs  is  expressed  by  the  phrase 
"  coming  down."  The  place  is  the  heavenly  temple  ;  to  this  he 
will  return,  and,  as  it  were,  from  a  distance  observe  the  conduct 
of  Israel  (Is.  i84  Ps.  i42).f  The  expression,  as  a  whole,  indicates 
Yahweh's  non-activity  in  Israel's  fate  \  (cf.  912  Je.  i48-9  Ps.  8o14), 
and  is  parallel  with  the  common  expressions,  "  hide  the  face  "  (cf. 
Ps.  ion  3o7  io429),§  and  "stand  afar  off"  (cf.  Ps.  lo1  38"). - 
Until  they  are  confounded^  This  rendering,  involving  a  slight 
textual  change,  is  easier  ||  (cf.  Ez.  66  Zc.  n5  (§,  Jo.  i17)  than  the 
usual  one,  based  upon  jftrl(£,  which  is  rendered  :  (i)  acknowledge 
their  offence,1[  or  feel  their  guilt**  (cf.  Lv.  54-5Zc.  n5);  (2)  suffer 
the  consequences  of  their  guilt  f  f  (cf.  Ps.  342L  22  Is.  246  Pr.  3o10 
Ho.  i316).  —  In  their  distress}  Cf.  Ps.  i86j|  Dt.  430  Ps.  6614  io644 
Is.  254  2616  2  Ch.  i54.  —  They  will  seek  me}  This  does  not  mean 
"  seek  in  the  morning,"  emphasis  being  placed  on  careful  and 
earnest  seeking  §§  ;  but  simply  seek,  being  synonymous  with  tPpS, 
but  used  only  in  poetry  ||  ||  (cf.  Jb.  f1  85  245  Pr.  i28  y15  817  n27  i324 
Ps.  631  yS34  Is.  269). — VI.  1.  Saying,  Come  and  let  us  turn  unto 
Yahweh}  Israel  is  represented  as  soliloquizing.  Note  the  "  say 
ing"  which  precedes,  according  to  (§  and  5>.  These  words  (vs.1"3) 
are  not:  (i)  an  example  of  the  confession  of  penitence  with 
which  Israel  will  approach  Yahweh  in  the  future,  employed  by 
Hosea  as  an  occasion  for  warning  Israel  that  Yahweh's  favor  will 
not  manifest  itself,  as  they  expect,  immediately  upon  their  turning 
to  him;^[  nor  (2)  the  words  of  Hosea  himself  expressing  his 
desire  to  lead  his  people  back  to  the  right  way,  which  will  bring 
them  divine  favor  again  ;  ***  nor  (3)  the  language  of  the  prophet 

*  Theod.,  Ros.,  Ke.  ++  Cf.  Hupfeld-Now.  in  loc. 

t  Rashi,  Ki.,  CaL,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Schm.,  Che.  §§  Ros.,  Pu.,  Ke. 

J  Sim.  §  Wii.  ||  We.  j||"|  Rashi,  Cal.,  Hd.,  Nov.. 

II  Cal.,  Ros.,  AV.,  Pu.  Hf  Now. 

**  Ras.,  Ki.,  Che.,  GAS.      ft  Hd.,  Wii.,  Schm.  ***  Giesebrecht,  Beitr'dge,  207^ 


V.  is-VI.  3  283 

addressed  to  the  people ;  *  but  with  515  and  64ff<  are  (4)  a  dra 
matic  representation,  in  the  form  of  soliloquy  and  dialogue,  of  the 
attitude  of  the  people  to  Yahweh  and  of  Yahweh  to  the  people. 
It  is,  therefore,  an  expression  of  assumed  repentance.f —  For  he 
has  torn  that  he  may  heal  us]  Cf.  Dt.  3239.  The  same  action  is 
ascribed  to  Yahweh  in  514.  —  And  he  has  smitten  that  he  may 
bind  us  up]  For  the  slight  textual  change  v.s.  —  2.  He  will 
revive  us  after  two  or  three  days']  Lit.  "  after  a  couple  of  days,  or 
on  the  third  day."  This  "  collocation  of  a  numeral  with  the  next 
above  it  is  a  rhetorical  device  employed  in  numerical  sayings  to 
express  a  number  which  need  not  or  cannot  be  more  exactly 
specified."  j  "Three  days"  is  to  be  connected  directly  with 
"  after  two  days  "  without  the  conjunction,  as  in  2  K.  g32  Am.  48 ; 
cf.  Is.  1 7" ;  this  is  syntactically  correct,  and  gives  a  better  parallel 
ism.  The  thought  is,  he  will  deliver  us  in  a  short  time.  For  this 
use  of  "  revive,"  in  the  sense  of  healing  the  sick,  cf.  Jos.  58  2  K.  89 
2O7.  This  passage  is  really  the  basis  of  Ez.  371"10.  §  Cf.  Ho.  I31. 
—  He  will  establish  us  that  we  may  live  before  him  \\  ]  "  To  live 
before  him  "  is  to  live  acceptably  or  under  his  protection  ^[  (cf. 
Gn.  ly18  Is.  532  Je.  3020).  —  3.  Yea,  let  us  know,  let  us  be  zealous 
to  know  Yahweh]  This  appeal  is  coordinate  with  that  contained 
in  v.1,**  and  is  not  to  be  coordinated  with  "  that  we  may  live."  ft 
The  second  phrase  explains  the  first,  and,  at  the  same  time,  inten 
sifies  it;  cf.  Dt.  I620  Is.  5 11  Ps.  34".  Thus  the  verb  means  more 
than  "endeavor,"  ||  "grow  continually,"  §§  "hunt  after."  ||  ||  — 
When  we  seek  him,  then  we  shall  find  hint]  For  text,  v.s.  The  peo 
ple  are  not  disturbed,  for  they  are  confident  of  success  just  as  soon 
as  they  make  the  effort.^Tf  If  the  ffiQl  be  retained,  the  render 
ing  will  be,  his  going  forth  is  certain  as  the  gray  of  morning.  On 
"going  forth,"  cf.  Ps.  iQ6;  "intP  means  not  morning-red,***  but 
morning-gray. Iff  —  He  will  come  as  the  winter-rain,  and  as  the 
spring  rain  which  waters  the  eartJi]  The  word  rendered  winter 
rain  (Dtw)  denotes  a  heavy,  pouring  rain;  it  is  used  of  the  winter 
rains,  as  here,  also  in  Ezra  io9'13.  The  heavy  winter  rains  last 

*  Ke.,  Or.  +  GK.  134  s.  **  Ke.,  Schm.,  Now.,  Che. 

t  Ew.,  Che.,  GAS.         §  Che.  ft  Reuss.        {+  EW.       §$  Pu.         ||||  Ke. 

||  On  2\in  as  a  syn.  of  rvn,  cf.  Ps.  4i9.  UH  Cf.  We. ;  Giesebrecht,  Beitr'dge,  208  f. 

^  Ke.,  Wii.,  Schm.,  Che.,  Now.  ***  Hi.,  Sim.  ftt  Wii. 


284  HOSEA 

from  the  beginning  of  December  to  the  end  of  February  ;  this  is 
the  rainy  season  par  excellence  (cf.  Ct.  211).  The  spring  rain 
(ttflpba)  falls  during  March  and  April,  coming  just  before  harvest, 
and  is  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the  proper  ripening  of  the 
crops.* 


15.  nawN  ?N]  Vb.  appos.,  H.  36,  2;  GK.  120^-.  —  IDBW]  Is  impossi 
ble  because  neither  of  its  three  meanings  (cf.  BDB.)  suits  the  context.  — 
onS]  On  force  of  *?f  cf.  K6.  281  op.  —  >jnnB"]  The  defective  A,  and  the  nun 
epenth.,  uncontracted  ;  cf.  Pr.  i28  817;  GK.'S  /,  58  k,  60  e.  —  VI.  1.  nawji  ID-] 
Corresponding  to  the  first  words  of  515.  —  UNDTI]  i  of  purpose;  so  also  in 
warn  and  rvrui;  H.  26,  2  a;  GK.  1650.  —  T]  Cf.  GK.  109  £;  K6.  194^. 
—  2.  D^D]  (i)  on  jc  =  in  the  course  of,  GK.  H9J,  note  2;  cf.  K6.  401  £ 
(=  after),  and  BDB.  p.  581  b\  (2)  on  similar  use  of  the  dual,  cf.  Is.  i;6  y21; 
(3)  the  _  should  stand  with  ns»S«>n;  (4)  on  the  use  of  two  numerals,  v.s., 
and  cf.  Am.  i3ff-  48.  —  3.  npj]  The  n_  is  hortatory,  H.  23,  2  b  ;  GK.  48^; 
not  indicative  of  determination,  H.  23,  2  a.  —  nrv~|  Adjectival  impf.;  this 
reading  is  better  than  fttfl^T  rn;i  from  m>  =  throw:  rnii  in  the  sense  of  rain 
occurs  again  only  in  Ho.  io12,  and  there  also  the  text  is  questionable. 

4-6.    Yahweh's  incredulity  and  impatience. 

4.  nc]  After  oncx,  &  precedes  with  i.  We.  supposes  that  something  has 
been  lost  from  the  end  of  v.4  and  the  beginning  of  v.5.  —  5.  owaja  Taxn] 
@  airedtpiaa  TOI)S  7r/3o0^ras  U/AWV  =  Tiixn,  an  Aramaicism,  with  3  omitted 

(Vol.).  2.  ou/c  tyctffdniiv  ;  E'.  t&Ko\f/a;  'A.,  0.  t\a.T6fj.r)<ra  ;  &  ]  *  m  Zouio 
(omitting  3);  U  flfc/az/j  «»  prophetis  ;  Oct.  and  Hal.  '3  OTOXn.  Get.  sugg. 
also  o\ixnp  or  mmr^.  —  a\nj^n]  @  and  &  refer  suf.  to  D^N-OJ.  Oort  (Em.} 
drops  the  suffix,  while  Marti  changes  it  and  preceding  to  TV  —  iis  T'tODtm] 
Read  n'^NS  ^aoB'Ci,  with  (5  xaJ  r5  /cp//xa  /LCOU  ws  0<2>s  ;  so  also  J&1L  (so  Dathe, 
Bauer,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Now.;  WRS.  Proph.  389;  Or.,  Che.; 
Oort,  TAT.  XXIV.  486,  and  Em.\  Bach.,  We.,  Gr.,  Val.,  Ru.,  Gu.,  GAS., 
Oct.,  Hal.,  et  al.}.  E'.  /cat  rj  5i/ccuo/cpi<r/a.  Marti,  "\i«3  •ijasc'c.  Ru.  omits 
this  phrase  as  interrupting  sequence  of  thought.  —  NX11]  Hi.,  foil.  &  and  {£, 
NXM  or  NX\  —  6.  xSi]  @  ^  (=  rather  than)  ;  cf.  2E  rgnap. 

4.  What  can  I  make  of  you,  O  Ephraim~\  Yahweh  now  speaks. 
The  tone  is  not  so  much  that  of  rebuke  as  of  despair.  Every 
effort  thus  far  made  has  failed.  What  hope  is  there  that  any 
of  the  plans  of  Yahweh  for  Israel  will  be  realized  ?  The  inter- 

*  Cf.  GAS.  Hist.  Geog.  63  ff 


VI.  4-5  285 

rogative  is  really  a  negative  :  /  can  make  nothing  of  you.*  There 
is  no  allusion  to  a  method  for  bringing  about  the  good  men 
tioned  in  the  preceding  verse, |  nor  to  punishment  in  addition 
"to  that  which  they  have  already  received.]:  —  Since  your  love  is 
like  the  morning  cloud~\  Not  (i)  the  love  of  God  for  you  will 
be  quickening,  etc. ;  §  nor  (2)  the  love  of  God  for  you  which 
will  be  transient  ||  like  yours  for  him ;  but  (3)  your  love  for  God, 
your  goodness,  your  piety,  is  fleeting,  transient.^"  The  morning 
clouds  disappear  very  early  during  the  hot  season  in  Palestine, 
the  sky  being  usually  perfectly  clear  by  9  A.M.**  —  Yea,  like  the 
dew  which  early  goes  away~\  The  dew  of  Palestine  is  very  heavy 
in  the  summer  time  and  resembles  a  fine  rain  or  Scotch  mist 
rather  than  the  phenomenon  so  familiar  to  us.ft  It  is  thus  of 
the  greatest  importance  for  vegetation  during  the  long  dry 
season,  and  is  a  favorite  illustration  with  O.  T.  writers.  Here, 
however,  the  reference  is  to  its  transitory  character,  with  no 
thought  of  its  beneficial  effects.  —  5.  Wherefore  I  have  hewn 
them  by  the  prophets']  The  connection  between  vs.4and5  is  not  so 
broken  as  is  represented  by  some  commentators.  J  J  V.4  describes 
Israel  as  a  people  whose  fitful  and  irresponsible  conduct  has 
occasioned  anxiety  and  despair  to  their  God.  This  situation 
explains  why  in  the  past  he  has  hewn  them  by  the  prophets, 
i.e.  punished  them.  There  is  no  reason  why  these  words  should 
not  stand  in  the  text,  Jj  for  their  specific  meaning  is  clear  and 
strong.  The  verbs  here  refer  to  the  past,  §§  not  to  the  present  or 
future.  ||  ||  Israel  is  compared  with  stone  or  wood,  which  is  being 
shaped  ;  the  hewing  is  the  punishment  intended  for  discipline  ;  ff 
the  work  of  the  prophets  is  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  destruction, 
e.g.  Is.  ii4  492  Je.  i10  514  i  K.  i917.  —  /  have  slain  them  by  the 
words  of  my  mouth\  This  simply  repeats  and  explains  the  preced 
ing  line,  the  pronoun  referring  to  the  people.***  The  prophets 
in  the  past  had  not  hesitated  to  threaten  the  people  with  death 

*  Ras.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Wu.,  Or.,  Che.,  Now. 
t  Lu.  +  Schm.  \  Cyril.  ||  Jer. 

IT  5,  Ras.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Hi.,  Wii.,  Che.,  Now.        **  Cf.  ZDPV.  XIV.  (1891),  noff. 
ft  See  Neil,  Palestine  Explored  (^^2),  pp.  129-151;  GAS.  Hist.  Geog.  65;  Che., 
art.  "  Dew,"  EB.  ;  Hull,  art.  "  Dew,"  DB.  \\  We.,  Now. 

§§  Ros.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Che.,  Or.,  Now.,  GAS.  ||||  Umb.,  Mau. 

HIT  Jer.,  Geb.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Schm.  ***  Cal.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Now. 


286  HOSEA 

for  disobedience  ;  and  every  kind  of  calamity  was  interpreted 
as  from  God  for  failure  to  comply  with  his  wishes.  The  words 
of  Yahweh,  because  of  their  power,  are  compared  with  arrows, 
Ps.  455,  and  with  a  sword,  Ps.  453  Heb.  412  Rev.  i16;  cf.  also 
Is.  ii4  Je.  2329.  —  And  my  judgment  is  like  the  light  which  goes 
forth~\  This  is  based  on  a  slight  change  of  ftfiQl  (v.s.).  The  judg 
ment  is  that  of  which  the  execution  now  hangs  over  Israel.  This 
judgment  is  like  the  light  which  all  may  see  and  fear,  the  rise 
of  the  sun  being  a  symbol  of  gracious  visitation.*  The  older 
rendering,  "  thy  judgments  are  like  a  light  that  goeth  forth," 
was  interpreted  in  various  ways,  e.g.  thy  way  of  living  religiously 
was  plain  as  the  light(;|  the  judgments  belonging  to  thee  went 
forth  like  the  lightning  ;  J  the  judgment  upon  thee  when  it 
comes  will  be  just,  clear.  §  Notice  should  be  taken  of  the  ren 
dering,  "my  law  (or  judgment)  shall  go  forth  as  the  light."  || 
It  is  better,  however,  to  regard  the  clause  as  circumstantial  and 
dependent  upon  the  preceding  perfects  (z/./.).  —  6.  For  it  is  love 
that  I  delight  in,  and  not  sacrifice']  The  mistake  of  the  people 
consisted  in  their  notion  that  sacrifices  were  sufficient  to  gain 
Yahweh's  favor.  What  Yahweh  delights  in,  i.e.  that  which  will 
gain  his  favor,  is  love;  cf.  i  S.  15^,  in  which  obedience  is  em- 
^phasized.  This  love  is  not  love  for  God  as  distinguished  from 
love  for  one's  fellow-men,  but  both.  —  Knowledge  of  God  and 
not  burnt-offerings]  Here,  as  in  many  places  in  this  piece,  we 
have  an  example  of  Hosea's  ability  to  make  a  perfect  parallelism. 
Knowledge  of  God  and  love  of  God  go  together.  On  the  attitude 
of  the  prophets  to  the  priests  and  that  for  which  they  stood,^ 
v.  Is.  i11-20  Mi.  6*-8  Je.  y22-23  Ps.  406  50**  5i17;  cf.  Mat.  913  i27. 

4.  nn]  In  interrogation  is  capable  of  varying  meanings:  (i)  how?  in 
rhetorical  questions,  implying  negative  answer;  (2)  why?  in  sense  of  "do 
not";  (3)  ivhat?  simple  interrogative;  (4)  what?  implying  answer  noth 
ing;  cf.  BDB.  —  rmrv]  =  ^Niif  •>,  and  note  the  parallelism  which  is  (almost) 


*  Che.  f  Cal.  J  Hd.  §  Pu.  ||  E\v.,  Che.,  Or. 

H  Cf.  this  saying,  attributed  to  Buddha  :  "  If  a  man  live  a  hundred  years,  and 
engage  the  whole  of  his  time  and  attention  in  religious  offerings  to  the  gods, 
sacrificing  elephants  and  horses,  and  other  life,  all  this  is  not  equal  to  one  act 
of  pure  love  in  saving  life."  (Beal's  lexis  from  the  Buddhist  Canon;  quoted 
by  Che.) 


VI.  5-6  287 

artificially  regular.  —  DD^Dm]  Introduces  a  circ.  clause;  Ko.  362  /.  —  npa] 
On  absence  of  article  cf.  Ko.  294*?,  299  m.  —  Saai]  1  epexeg.,  Yea,  like 
the  dew.  —  "jSn  D'OtPD]  Verbal  apposition  with  second  vb.  containing  the 
principal  idea  (GK.  \2Qg~}.  The  absence  of  the  art.  is  exceptional  in  view 
of  its  presence  in  San.  —  5.  p"S>]  This  phrase  is  very  flexible  =:  (i)  on 
account  of  this,  e.g.  On.  io9  Is.  13";  (2)  with  adversative  force,  Ps.  42?; 
(3)  to  introduce  an  inference,  Ps.  453.  —  NX%  Tiaxn,  o^njnn]  The  pfs.  are 
pfs.  of  indef.  past,  H.  17,  3;  GK.  106  d.  The  impf.  is  adjectival.  —  '"toatrcij 
As  thus  reconstructed,  introduces  a  circ.  clause.  —  6.  non]  Emphatic.  — 
niSj?D]  The  parallel  N1?!  shows  that  JD  is  not  comparative,  but  neg.;  so  GK. 
119  w\  cf.  Ko.  308  b. 

7-10.    Israel's  wickedness. 


7.  DHND]  IS  sicut  Adam;  SD  ''ND'tp  Nma.  Mich.  0150.  We.  Disa  (so  cod. 
554  of  De  Rossi,  and  Che.  EB,  col.  58).  Oort  (TkT.  and  Em.},  nnnNa. 
Oct.  O^D.  Gr.  p«a.  Sellin  (Beitrage,  I.  l68f.),  onxr.  Preuschen  (ZAW*. 
XV.  28;  so  Gardner),  03^3.  Pfeiffer  (cited  by  Sim.),  no^a.  Che.  (C#.) 
D7N3.  —  1"I3>]  @  irapafialvuv  =  nay,  agreeing  with  DIN.  —  nna]  «S  =  \?na 
(so  Ru.,  Gardner).  —  rua]  ©  Karetppbitycrev,  with  nySj  of  foil,  verse  as  subj. 
—  8.  "tj^j]  Oort,  SjSj.  —  ^j?fl]  <@»  tpya.frfj.tvti,  sg-  to  agree  with  nnp.  —  nap? 
Onn]  ©  rapdaaovcra  (=  nay  (Cappellus),  or  may  (St.),  or  nyap  (Vol.))  vdtap 
(=  DIC);  'A.  Trept/ca/XTTTjs  aTro  ai'^aros;  2.  StwKerai  d?r6  at/iaros;  6.  ^  irrtpva 
O.VTTJS  ci(/)'  ai'/uaros;  E',  viroffKeXlfyvcra  Ka.1  do\o<f>ovovcra;  5J  supplantatct  sangu- 

y  y 

ai^aloo.     Bach.  DT  on>apj,%  their  footsteps  are  blood.     Get. 
Ru.  D-™  napy.    Val.  nip^j?  (so  Hal.).  —  9.  onru  C'^N  -onm]  ©  /cat 
crou   d^5p6s   Tret/jarou;    'A.   /cat  a>s    dvpebs  dvdpbs  ev^uvov;     2.   Kal  ws 

dvdpbs    tveSpevrov;    G.    .    .    .    Treiparov  ;    E',   ws   X6%os 

p    7         7 
U  i?/  quasi  fauces  virorum  latronum;  &  ]fZ^    t^ 

=  onnj  ti'-xa  riqai  (Seb.,  et  al.}.  (§  and  5  join  to  preceding  verse. 
Ru.  VK  nanni.  GAS.  ^no.  Oet.  'ij  >C;JN  Vana-i.  Gardner,  'nj  ti"N  jnari. 
Bach.  nDDty  n^nxn  >:ni  o^nb  -ixan  an-nj  N^anri1!.  Marti,  Dn-nj  ^JN  N?.'?1!?^  or 

r     7     » 
•^••N  1510  on-njr.  —  nan]  Read  isan  with  ©  €Kpv\l/av  (Cap.,  Vol.).    S>  as^o^u^f 

=  nan  (Seb.;  so  also  Oct.).  Ru.  wan.  Gardner,  iNarv.  Marti,  ixan;[.  — 
o^na]  Ru.  nnna.  —  -j-\-i]  ©  joins  with  preceding;  so  j§  J.^*ic|^S;  @AQ  o'Sit' 
K^p^ou.  Ru.  TTV  ny.  Hal.  and  Marti  transpose  to  foil,  inx-v.  —  inx'v]  Oet. 
inxn>i,  (so  Marti),  which  should  foil.  ncae>.  —  riDajr]  ©  S^/ci/wa,  as  obj.  of 
inxT;  so  S  and  2.;  U  pergentes  de  Sichem.  Ru.  lO'OE'n,  for  ^a  nnar.  We. 
considers  -on,  l~\i,  and  inx-v  corrupt.  —  10.  'ty  noa]  @  joins  to  v.9.  Read 
with  We.  S^rraa;  cf.  io15  Am.  56  (so  Oort.  ThT.  and  7t;//.;  Preuschen, 
ZAW.  XV.  30;  Ru.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  DB>]  @  joins  to  preceding.  — 
onosS  HUT]  <&  >c^j^|  v4J"|  =  'N  njr.  We.  'N  rnjT  (so  Preuschen, 
XV.  30;  Now.,  Oct.).  Oort,  'N  n^r.  Gardner,  n^r.  Marti,  -N  njr. 


288  HOSEA 

7.  But  they  like  men  have  transgressed  the  covenant']  Israel 
as  a  whole  is  spoken  of,*  not  merely  the  priests,f  nor  the 
prophets.  |  Upon  the  whole  "  like  men,"§  z>.  after  the  manner 
of  men,  human-like,  is  to  be  preferred  to  "like  Adam"  (for 
which  are  urged  3E  and  U;  the  fondness  of  Hosea  for  early 
allusions,  cf.  23  9™  n8  i24;  the  other  occurrences  of  this  phrase, 
Jb.  3 133  Ps.  827,  and  the  parallel  in  Rom.  5"),  ||  because  of  (i)  & 
(v.s.) ;  (2)  the  absence  of  any  account  of  a  covenant  with  Adam 
in  Genesis ;  (3)  the  fact,  that  not  until  P  is  D"IX  used  as  a 
proper  name ;  H  (4)  this  is  satisfactory  in  sense,**  viz.  ordinary 
men,  who  have  not  had  the  privileges  accorded  to  Israel.  Cf. 
the  reading  "in  Admah  "  (v.s. ;  cf.  n8).  —  Have  transgressed  the 
covenant^  This  does  not  refer  to  the  unknown  covenant  between 
Yahweh  and  Israel,tf  cf-  81 ;  but  to  an  ordinance  (cf.  2  K.  n4 
Je.  ii6  3413'18  Jb.  3I1  Ps.  io510).  Cf.  the  synonymous  phrase 
m2  "ien  (Gn.  iy14  Dt.  3i10  Ju.  21),  and  the  phrase  "the  book 
of  the  covenant,"  Ex.  247.  Notice  is  to  be  taken  of  the  fol 
lowing  renderings :  (i)  like  Edom,  they  broke  their  covenant 
with  Israel ;  \\  (2)  they  are  as  men  wrho  transgressed  the  cove 
nant,  §§  or  who  break  a  covenant ;  ||  ||  (3)  they  in  Adam  (a  place) 
did  .  .  .  ^  —  There  they  have  betrayed  me~\  There  is  not  an 
adverb  of  time  as  in  Ps.  3612  53*;  ***  nor  an  allusion  to  the  land 
which  had  received  so  many  benefits  ;  f ft  nor  a  reference  to  the 
ceremonial  worship ;  \  \  \  but  it  refers  to  certain  localities,  either 
unknown,  §§§  or  those  cited  in  the  following  verses,  ||  ||  ||  which  were 
the  scenes  of  the  sin  designated.  The  utterance  carried  with 
it  "a  gesture  of  indignation."  ^[ff  —  8.  Gilead  is  a  city  of  evil 
doers^  Much  difficulty  attaches  to  this  proper  name.  It  has  been 
taken  as  the  district  or  land  of  Gilead  ;  ****  or  the  cities  of 
Gilead  in  general ;  fttt  or  Jabesh-Gilead  ;  \\\\  or  Mizpah,  the 
capital  of  Gilead  ;  §§§§  probably  Mizpah,  or  in  any  case  a  seat  of 

*  Cal.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Now.H  et  al.  f  Sim.  J  AE.,  Hi.,  et  al. 

§  So  Ki.,  Cal.,  Sim.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Che.,  GAS. 

||  So  Jer.,  Rashi,  Umb.,  Ke.,  Pu...  Or.,  Wii.,  Hal. 

H  Budde,  Urgeschichte,  161  ff.  **  But  v.  Now. 

ft  Cf.  Kratzschmar,  Die  Bundesvorstellung,  106.       JJ  Mich.      §§  Ew.       ]|j|  Hd. 

HH  We. ;   Che.  EB.  art.  Adam.  ***  Hi.  ttt  Ras.,  Ki.,  Bauer. 

JJJ  Cal.         §§$  Ke.,  Now.        |||]||  Wii.,  Or.        TOI  Che.        ****  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or. 

tttt  Dathe.  \\\\  Hi.  \\\\  Ew.,  Mau.,  Sim. 


VI.  7-9  289 

worship;*  or  Ramoth  Gilead  (cf.  Jos.  2I38  i  K.  413).f  We  may 
understand  it  to  be  a  city  called  Gilead  mentioned  in  Ju.  io17, 
but  not  identified.  |  On  the  ground  of  some  codexes  of  @  of 
the  Lucian  revision  which  have  TaXyaXa,  Gilgal  has  been  sug 
gested  (v.s.;  cf.  415  915  I211).  —  Tracked  with  bloody  footprints^ 
The  versions  (v.s.)  except  &  are  far  wide  of  the  mark  and  give 
no  aid.  None  of  the  proposed  changes  of  text  seems  to  be  nec 
essary  ;  cf.  i  K.  25.  Other  renderings  are  "  spotted,"  "  smeared,"  § 
"hilly."  ||  There  is  no  reference  to  historical  events  with  which 
we  are  familiar;  although  Hitzig  refers  it  to  the  murder  of 
Zechariah.  —  9.  Although  the  text  of  this  verse  is  hopelessly 
corrupt,  its  general  meaning  seems  clear,  viz.  that  the  priests  are 
really  bandits  occupying  the  highways  and  murdering  travellers. 
Of  the  four  lines  all  present  serious  difficulties  except  the  last. 
The  words  of  the  first  line  (v.s.)  have  been  taken  (a)  thy 
strength  is  that  of  bandits^  but  no  good  analogy  for  this  ex 
pression  can  be  found  (yet  cf.  Pr.  2O29  Ne.  810) ;  (ff)  assassins  in 
bands  (^nia),  i.e.  those  who  lie  in  wait  for  men,  in  companies  ** 
=  companies  of  assassins;  but  this  is  harsh  and  unnatural;  (c)  in 
.  .  .  (the  name  of  some  city  having  originally  stood  where  we 
now  have  "an)  is  a  band  of  robbers,  thus  corresponding  to  Gilead 
of  v.5  ;|t  (X)  the  priest  is  a  robber  \\  (jna),  but  this  will  make  the 
D':na  of  the  next  line  tautological ;  (e)  as  one  hides  robbers,  the 
priests  hide  themselves,^  but  this  gives  no  satisfactory  meaning. 
For  still  other  suggestions  v.s. ;  upon  the  whole  the  rendering 
And  as  bandits  lie  in  wait  for  a  man  ||  ||  (cf.  the  slight  variation 
secured  by  treating  tTK  as  construct  with  C'Tnj,  and  as  bandits 
lie  in  wait^\)  seems  best,  the  reference  being  to  the  wicked 
work  of  Israelitish  bandits  (cf.  y1),  or  to  that  of  outside  nations 
like  Moab,  Aram,  etc.  (cf.  2  K.  52  I320).  For  other  cases  of 
ITU  in  this  sense  cf.  y1  i  S.  3O8-15-23  2  K.  52. —  The  priests  hide 
themselves  on  the  road~\  For  text,  v.s.  ifH^T  reads  (so  does)  the 
gang  (or  company)  of  priests,  i.e.  an  organized  company  (cf.  in 
later  times,  the  Pharisees  ***)  of  bad  priests,  but  "]Ti  must  be  taken 


*  We. 

||  Hi.                U  <E&. 

§§  Bach.  (v.s.). 

t  Ros.,  Hd.,  Wii. 

**  GAS. 

Jill  So  AV.,  RV. 

J  Oort,  Now. 

ft  Preuschen  (v.s.). 

Iff  Hi.,  Ew.,  Che.;  cf.  Now. 

§  Ros.,  Or. 

11  Gardner. 

***  Che. 

U 

2QO  HOSEA 

with  what  precedes.*  —  They  murder  those  going  to  Shechem\ 
Some  have  regarded  rtESff  as  =  "inK  D31P,  with  one  consent  (cf. 
Zp.  3°) ;  t  but  it  is  now  understood  to  be  the  proper  name, 
Shechem,\  which  was  at  the  same  time  a  city  of  priests  and  a 
city  of  refuge  (Jos.  2O7  2i21).  The  reference  is  to  the  abuse  of 
the  right  of  asylum  without  allusion  to  any  special  event,  cf. 
Ju.  I925-45  i  K.  231ff-.§  If  -pi  is  taken  with  what  precedes  (v.s.), 
we  /nay  suppose  that  some  word  (e.g.  D'abnn)  has  dropped  out. 
Such  a  word  seems  necessary  to  secure  the  proper  length  of  the 
line.  —  Yea,  villainy  they  commit~\  ^  is  asseverative,  ||  not  causa 
tive.^]"  The  word  HIST  is  not  used  here  of  some  unnatural  crime 
(cf.  Lv.  i817  iQ29),**  nor  of  lewdness  ;\\  but  of  general  wickedness 
which  was  deliberate,  thought  out,  i.e.  villany ;  cf.  Pr.  lo23  2I27. 
— 10.  In  Bethel  I  have  seen  a  horrible  thing']  In  Bethel  (v.s.) 
is  better  than  fHS,  in  the  house  of  Israel,  because  of  io15  Am.  56, 
and  the  use  of  "there"  in  v.106.  @'s  connection  of  this  word 
with  the  preceding  phrase  is  interesting  and  perhaps  right.  In 
any  case  Bethel  is  intended.  \\  The  thing  seen  is  something  to 
cause  terror  (the  word  is  an  intensive  form  (zu.),  cf.  Je.  i813),  and 
is  explained  by  what  follows. —  There,  Ephraim,  thou  hast  played 
the  harlof\  For  text,  v.s.;  the  harlotry  is  both  literal  and  spiritual, 
since  the  latter  carried  with  it  the  former.  Israel's  calf-worship 
in  Bethel  and  Dan  seems  to  be  the  occasion  of  these  accusa 
tions.  —  Israel  is  defiled^  The  poetic  parallel  of  the  preceding. 

7.  nrm]  i  is  advers.;  the  pron.  inserted  not  only  for  emphasis,  but  also  to 
give  prominence  to  DIND.  —  3  rua]  Cf.  Ho.  57;  used  of  faithlessness  and 
deceit  in  various  human  relationships,  and  in  general  conduct;  2  occurs 
usually,  but  sometimes  jc,  cf.  Je.  320. —  atf]  K6.  373  £. —  8.  ij?Sj]  Emph. 
by  pos.  and  accentuation.  —  JIN  ^yo]  Cf.  Is.  3i2  Ps.  5°;  also  similar  use  of 
jn,  Mi.  21;  cf.  nSiy,  Ps.  HQ3;  cf.  "\\?Uf,  Ho.  7*. —  Dip]  JD  =  cause;  here  m 
sg.,  frequently  pi.  in  this  sense;  for  the  idea  of  the  land  polluted  by  blood, 
Nu.  3533  Ps.  io633.  —  9.  -on]  Here  inf.  cstr.,  GK.  23 /,  75  aa;  not  inf.  abs., 
K6.  225  b.  —  C;IN]  May  be:  (a)  the  abs.  after  -oro,  om-u  being  ace.  of 

*  So  <S53>;  cf.  Hal.'s  transpos.  (v.s.).  f  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  AV. 

J  Jer.,  Geb.,  Bauer,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Schm., 
Or.,  Che.,  Reu.,  We.,  Now. 

$  Dathe,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Now. 

||  Hi.,  Ew.,  Wii.,  Ke.,  Now.,  Reu.  ft  Sim. 

H  Pu.,  Or.  **  Ke  ++  So  Geb- 


VI.  9-"  291 


manner;  or,  (6)  a  cstr.  with  -u  (v.s.);  cf.  K6.  232  a.  —  nDDBrvwv]  An 
unusual  case  of  the  use  of  Maqqeph,  cf.  Gn.  69  711.  —  n?P^]  Cf.  nco.iy,  Gn. 
37U  Jos.  241  GK.  93  j.  —  10.  nnn;?-']  Of  the  form  qatltil,  GK.  84  b,  m  (cf. 
•vnflff  Jer.  4310  [Keth.]),  with  the  addition  of  •>_  (and  the  fern.  end.  n_);  cf. 
n-\n>r,  Te.  530  23'*;  also  r\~r\y&t  Je.  i813. 

VI.  11-VII.  2.  Ephraim,  to-day  hardened  in  sin,  will  in  the 
future  discover  his  iniquity. 

11.  mn>  DJ]  <£  Kai  'lotfSa,  joining  with  v.10.  Gr.  (Monatsschrift  f.  Gesch.  u. 
Wiss.  d.  Judenthums,  1887,  p.  528)  mrp  DJ».  —  ^  -psp  rne>]  @  Apx™  (  =  ^£S 
Aramaicizing  (Vol.))  rpvyav  crectuTy;  E',  irapecr/cetfafe  aavrbv  ete  r6  ticdepi- 
ffByvai;  IS  pone;  &  A  "^  Gr.  iS  ^p  ny  (?).  Read  with  Che.,  mtf  (so 
Now.,  Oct.,  Marli).  Ru.  DIP  T*i7^>  supposing  that  something  like  surn  vh  pS 
nta^1?  has  dropped  out  from  after  DIP.  Bauer,  nc;,  addressed  to  Judah.  Oort 
would  read  na>  as  imv.  We.  takes  this  and  116  as  a  gloss  on  SjOB"1?  >>NDIO  (71) 
(so  Now.,  who  also  rejects  lla  as  a  later  addition;  similarly  Marti,  Rel.  119, 
and  Dodekapropheton  ;  Preuschen,  ZAW.  XV.  31;  cf.  Oort  and  Oct.).  — 
VII.  1.  'B»*?  ''NfliD]  (§  joins  to  611  (so  also  We.  and  Che.  (C#.))  and  seems  to 
read  2  (Iv)  for  3  (so  also  Ew.,  Oort,  Marti).  Bach.  (/V.)  SmB"1?  \iN-j2. 
We.  and  Now.  consider  these  words  "ganz  verloren."  —  n^jji]  We.  om.  i  (so 
Now.,  Oort  (Em.),  Che.  (C£.),  Marti;  but  cf.  Get.).  —  mjn]  @S^T^  sg.  (so 
Marti).  Meinhold  (p.  84),  "\  \IJJIM.  Marti,  nx"\j  'B*  'n.  —  "(pis']  &  adds 

7     P 

^^t  r>  —  s-i^i  ajji]  Add  n-i-o  with  ®,  whose  ?rp6s  atirbv  is  probably  an  error 
for  7rp6s  of/foi*  (so  Oct.,  Marti,  Now.2);  cf.  the  parallel  y\ru.  Bach.  (/V.) 
^2  DOJJI  (Gr.  also  reads  ">2  for  Ni3\  but  retains  *jj  in  sg.).  Ru.  inserts  ~\^y 
before  N13>  and  transposes  these  words  with  the  remainder  of  the  verse 
to  precede  'ui  imao  and  form  the  close  of  611.  —  inj  JOJTD]  ©  ^Kdid^a-Kuv 
(=  a^'s)  \rja-T7js,  perhaps  to  be  corrected  to  Tret/mr^s,  cf.  69  (Vol.);  S. 
^/c5yoi'  §£  \rj<rTrjpioi>;  E',  XwTroSi/TTjs  5^  Xyo-TeiJet;  U  spolians  latrtmculus  ; 
&  |  M*  .  ^V>.v^^  —  2.  'aSS  nDN>  SDI]  Read  '.sSs  nDy  S3.  @  joins  with 
v.1  and  renders  #TTWS  <TVj>$da}<riv  ws  ^5o^res  r^  KapSiq.  avr&v,  which  Vol.  ex 
plains  as  a  double  rendering,  STTWS  ffvv'  being  a  later  correction  of  ws  ftSovres, 
which  represents  an  original  onDjp?.  Bach.  (Pr.)  proposes  '^3  oncN3  "\3nS 
as  the  original  text  of  (5.  Gr.  'S3  VIDIO  SNI.  We.  and  Now.  suspect  the 
text.  —  2123D]  Bach.  (/V.)  -tapn.  Hal.  ^-13  3D. 

11.  Judah,  for  thee  also  is  set  a  harvest^  An  evident  gloss  sug 
gested  to  the  later  writer  by  the  sins  of  Judah  which  so  resembled 
those  here  charged  to  Israel.  Taking  the  fH2T,  ntP,  much  variety 
of  opinion  has  existed  as  to  the  subject  ;  was  it  Judah  preparing  a 
harvest  for  Israel  *  (but  in  this  case  DJ  is  difficult)  ;  or  Israel,  t  or 

»  AE.,  Cal.  t  Bauer. 


HOSEA 

Yahweh,*  doing  the  same  for  Judah ;  or  is  the  verb  to  be  treated 
as  impersonal  —  one  has  set  for  thee,  etc.?|  It  is  better  to  read 
mtf  (v.s. ;  cf.  Ps.  I0420),  the  passive  participle.  Judah,  adds  the 
reader,  will  also  suffer  disaster  J  (cf.  87  io13;  also  Is.  17"  2S24"29 
Je.  5 133)  just  as  Ephraim,  for  has  she  not  committed  the  same 
sins?  Unsatisfactory  is  the  meaning  branch  (cf.  Jb.  49  i816  2Q19) 
—  it  has  grafted  a  branch  (i.e.  of  the  impurity  mentioned  in  v.10)  ;  § 
and  entirely  aside  is  the  idea  that  the  harvest  is  to  be  taken  in  a 
good  sense,  viz.  blessing,  deliverance.  ||  —  When  I  would  turn  the 
captivity  (or  fortune}  of  my  people^  See  Am.  914.  The  grounds  for 
treating  this  phrase  as  a  gloss  are  by  no  means  so  clear  (v.s.)  in 
this  passage  as  in  some  others ;  and  while,  in  general,  the  clause 
may  be  taken  as  post-exilic,  something  may  be  said  for  its  pre- 
exilic  authorship  here,  especially  if  the  more  general  of  the  two 
interpretations  is  adopted.  The  reference  is  not  to  an  actual 
return  from  captivity,^  nor  merely  to  the  bringing  of  the  people 
back  to  God,**  but  rather  to  the  coming  of  a  time  of  blessing  or 
good  fortune. ft  It  is  therefore  in  any  case  parallel  with  the  first 
clause  in  y1  and  to  be  taken  with  it.  }} — VII.  1.  When  I  would 
heal  Israel^  i.e.  when  in  mercy  I  would  visit  Israel,  when  my  heart 
would  prompt  me  to  forgive  her;  cf.  513  n3  Je.  iy14.  5  is  better 
than  3  (v.s.).  Perhaps  with  Nowack  we  should  understand  that 
the  apodosis  has  been  dropped  out  of  the  text,  since  it  is  difficult 
so  to  regard  rhyfi  (v.i.)  ;  or  with  Bachmann  we  should  change  the 
text  (viz.  'nip?,  when  I  look  at)  to  adapt  it  to  the  apodosis ;  the 
former  suggestion  is  the  more  satisfactory.  Perhaps  this  line  read 
like  this,  "  my  hope  and  desire  is  frustrated."  —  For  the  guilt  of 
Ephraim  discovers  itself^  Something  (v.s.)  has  been  lost  with 
which  the  ""  of  nSwi  was  connected.  The  verb  is  to  be  taken  of 
the  past  or  present,  §§  and  not  of  the  future.  ||  ||  It  is  Israel's  past 
and  present  sin  which  makes  it  impossible  now  to  relieve  her  of 
the  threatening  calamity.  On  Wellhausen's  suggestion  for  omis 
sion  of  i,  v.s.  —  And  the  evils  of  Samaria  .  .  .  ]  Here  a  word  is 
needed  to  complete  the  parallelism  as  well  as  the  metre,  —  per- 

*  Geb.,  Pu.  f  Ros.,  Hd.,  Schm.,  Ke.,  Or. 

t  Bauer,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Wii.,  Now.,  Che.,  Reu.  §  Ew.         ||  Pu.,  Or. 

IT  Pu.,  Wii.,  Schm.  **  Ke.,  McC.  ft  Now.  JJ  So  <B,  Ew. 

§§  Ras.,  AE.,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  We.,  Now.          ||||  ®,  Theod.,  Ew.,  Che. 


VI.  ii-VII.  2  293 

haps  appear  (ifcOJ).  —  How  they  practise  fraud~\  1  here  might 
also  mean  for.  nptf  =  corruption  of  every  kind*  (Je.  613  810) 
rather  than  idolatry  ;|  cf.  "iptr  1"O1,  Mi.  612  Is.  $(f.  —  And  the  thief 
comes  into  the  house~\  Two  illustrations  of  the  character  of  the 
times  are  given,  one  the  prevalence  of  ordinary  thieving,  the  other 
(v.i.)  that  of  highway  robbery.  For  the  words,  into  the  house,  v.s. 
The  imperfect  represents  the  frequency  of  this  act.  —  And  bandits 
roam  abroad  without}  Cf.  69.  —  2.  They  are  not  steadfast  in  their 
heart}  For  text,  v.s.  Another  doubtful  clause,  the  use  of  the 
preposition  b  being  uncommon,  <§  having  evidently  something 
different  ;  J  and  although  connection  with  the  following  clause  is 
demanded,  it  is  difficult  to  find.  Something  is  gained  by  substi 
tuting  3,  for  b,  but  HH(£  they  say  riot  =  they  think  not  is  hopeless. 
On  this  use  of  n&U,  cf.  Dt.  25**,  and  for  the  general  characteristic 
here  affirmed,  viz.  lack  of  loyalty,  fickleness,  cf.  4lf<  67  713  io4-13 
ii12  I21.  —  All  their  evil  I  will  record}  i.e.  remember  and  punish  ; 
cf.  813  99  Je.  i410  44a.  —  Now  their  deeds  have  encompassed  them} 
i.e.  as  witnesses  of  their  crimes,  §  or  have  beset  them  about  so  that 
they  are  entangled.  The  situation  is  that  of  the  past  and  present, 
and  not,  as  some  maintain,  ||  the  future  (cf.  28  419  Am.  311  Is.  i33). 
The  result  is  strongly  introduced  by  now.  —  They  have  come  to  be 
before  me}  A  restatement  of  the  fact  already  given  in  y1. 

11.  PUP]  Cf.  Am.  Q14;  also  Ko.  3292.  —  VII.  1.  'nr]  On  the  difference 
between  a  and  a,  cf.  BOB.  90  f.  and  454  b  ;  the  two  are  frequently  inter 
changed  by  copyists.  —  nSjji]  If  the  apod,  after  prec.  clause,  i  has  its  com 
mon  use,  Ko.  4I5JV;  otherwise  something  has  been  omitted  with  which  i  had 
originally  a  connection  (v.s?).  —  P^jn]  Fern.  pi.  with  neut.  idea  frequent; 
masc.  pi.  only  in  Ps.  7849;  Ko.  245  a.  —  vyo  Ni:r]  Chiasm,  with  change  of 
tense,  Ko.  155.  —  2.  Sa]  Only  used  in  more  formal  speech.  —  aaaSS]  Ordinarily 
the  shorter  form  aS  occurs  in  earliest  poetry,  Amos  and  Hosea  ;  v.  Briggs's 
"  Study  of  the  Use  of  aS  and  aaS  in  the  O.  T.,"  in  Semitic  Studies  in  Memory 
of  Dr.  Kohut,  Berlin,  1897,  and  BDB.  —  v»n]  Cf.  Ko.  389  c,  who  suggests 
vm,  a  •>  being  dropped  after  ^0. 

3-7.    Repentance  is  impossible  ;  the  situation  is  hopeless. 

3.  rpjna]  @  has  noun  in  pi.  Ru.  on^na  on  basis  of  &  pnppnoa.  —  inoty^] 
Read  with  We.  m^D>  (so  Oort,  Em.;  Val.,  Now.,  Marti);  but  cf.  Oct.  — 


*  Cal.,  Ros.,  Now.",  et  al.  f  Jer.,  Theod.  +  We.,  Now. 

\  Mau.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Or.,  Reuss.  U  Ros.,  Hi. 


294  HOSEA 

Y?£]  <5S>,  6.,  pi.,  but  still  construe  it  as  obj.  of  nrsa"  (so  Ru.).  — 

5>  connects  with  preceding. —  an-']  &  joins  to  foil,  verse  and  reads  onntP. — 

4.  We.,  Now.,  and  Marti  treat  this  verse  as  a  gloss  on  v.6,  while  Oct.  would 
place  it  after  v.5.     GAS.  suggests  that  if  there  be  a  gloss,  it  begins  with 
ra2>\  —  B-iflXjo  aSa]  These  words,  foil.  j$,  are  to  be  connected  with  antr  of 
v.3  (so  Houtsma  (TAT.  IX.  62),  We.,  Now.).     Oort  (TAT.  and  Em.}  reads 
B^nsjp   a*?a  on  basis  of  E',  els   rb   ^toixetfeti'   eKirvpotiiievoi. —  noxn  nnpa]    @ 
Kai6/j.evos  els  irtyiv  =  rnc_xS  (Vol.)  ;   U  succensus  a  coquente.     Read  with  Oort 
(  TA  T.  and  £w.)  -ings  on  ip  (so  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.).    New.  noxsn  -y?a(  ?). 
Hal.  npxp  'a. —  naty]  ©  /cara/cay/iaros;   IL  conbustio.    Vol.,  foil.  Grabe,  cor 
rects  to  /caraTrau/uiTos.      GAS.  suggests  nan1?  ti>x  as  original  text   of  (£. — 
"Pj?c]  @  d?r6  rrjs  0X0765  =  n^as  (so  also  Oort  (TAT.  and  £;;/.),  Val.,  Now., 
Oct.).    %  flammae.    8>  1^1  ^V  <-^;  U  paululum  civitas.    Ef,  Trpbs  6\iyov 
17  ?r6\is.     Gr.  i>>'anr:(?).     Hal.  "vyac. —  inxcn  ip  pxa  enSc]    @  d7r 

crews  ar^aros  ?ojs  roO  £vfji.a)di)va.i  avr6  ;  ^  ^  ^^  ^«  |  v^  v  |^  A  ^  V 
2T  yen  N1?  n^  Ntt^S  B'So  pyn;  15  a  commixtione  fermenti  donee  fermentaretur 
totum.  Ru.,  by  comparison  with  v.7  a  @,  which  he  considers  a  repetition  of  this 
verse,  secures  the  foil,  text :  BVD  n'^a^  nnsx  oaS  nnya  rx  Tuna  -iDn>  n-'oxjjp  n^r. 
Marti  transposes  and  reads :  'Ui  'C"  nox  D^DX  ^p  aSs  on  -\ya  nun  ^?.  — 

5.  UuSc  DV]    ©  both  nouns  pi.;   5  2d  noun  pi.;   so  many  Heb.  Mss.     Oort 
( Th  7".)  sugg.  aav  (but   in   Em.  ava)  aaSa.      Ru.   reads  Dn\aSr  and   takes 
av  as  a  corruption  of  some  such  vb.  as  "  they  have  stupefied."     Gardner 
om.  av  as  a  dittog.,  •*  arising  from  preceding  i  and  D  from  foil.  r.    Marti, 
an  and  wn^i  for  a^r.  —  iVnn]   ©  rfpfavro ;    so  J6U  =  iSnn  (so  also  Dathe, 
New.,  Hi.,  Houtsma).     Gr.  -iSShrn(?).     Hal.  n^rn  (so,  independently,  Gard 
ner).     Oct.  -iSn;..  —  nnn]   @  0v/jt,ov<r0ai ;  J53J  also  have  infin.  (so  also  Dathe, 
New.).     Gr.  p  npna  (so  Oct.,  Hal.).      Gardner,  icn.     Miiller  (5A'    1904, 
p.  125),  r;  an>pn.  —  rn  ^s]  5>  both  words  pi.    Gr.  ij«  "1PD(?).    We.  and  Now. 
consider  these  and  foil,  words  corrupt.     Oct.  a^n  n>  -ixax.     Oort  connects 
i:vc  with  preceding  context.     Ru.  an 'in  ^x  n;prp(?).    Gardner  sugg.  a^xi 
for  the  last  word.    Redslob  om.  vs.5"7  as  a  marginal  gloss  on  vs.3- 4.  — 6.  ianp] 
<5  dveKate-riffav ;   «&  >o^»  =  mp  (Seb.)  ;   3J  applicaverunt ;  'A.,  S.,  0.  tfyyurav. 
Read,  with  @,  nya  (Vol.).     Cappellus  explained  (S   as  =  ia-in;    Gr.  =  imp; 
Bauer  =  iaix.    Michaelis  reads  onp  (so  Bockel,  New.,  WRS.).    Schorr  (cited 
by  We.),  aanp  (so  Che.,  Perles  (Analekten,  32),  We.,  Oct.,  Now.2).     Marti, 
mr\     Ru.  considers  it  a  corrupted  correction  of  the  foil.  aanx.     Oort  and  Val. 
connect  first  two  words  of  v.6  with  v.5.  —  aaS]  ©  transl.  by  pi.  and  makes  it 
subj.  of  iaip.  —  aaixa]    ©  tv  ry   KaTapd(T<reiv  auroi/s,  joining  with  the  fol 
lowing    (Vol.,   foil.    Bahrdt,    corrects    to    KaTapdcrdai,    which    represents    an 
original  nix) ;  5  ,o<nJ|^Lsr5;  U  cum  insidiaretur  eis;  'A.,  2.,  6.  tvedpeveiv ; 
3T  rn^Dsnxa.     Schorr,  aa  nya  (so  Che.,  Gr.,  Perles  (Analekten,    37),  We., 
Now.2).    Ru.  aanpa.    Oct.  nanxs.    Marti  om.  as  gloss.  —  p']  @  freely,  UTTTOU 
.  .   .   fveirXfaei).'   Houbigant,''  ju;v?  (so  Bottcher,  Wii.).    ^WRS.  (Proph.  413) 
treats  it  as  =  \vy\  —  ancx]    Read  ansx  with  &  ^<n}^o5;  so  E  and  many 


VII.  3-4  295 

Heb.  Mss.  (so  Dathe,  Wu.,  Houtsma  (TAT.  IX.),  Schm.,  Che.,  WRS. 
(Proph.  413),  We.,  Val.,  Ru.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Oct.,  Marti).  <g  'E<ppdin 
(so  New.,  Gr.);  T5  coquens  eos  ;  'A.  6  irtaawv  ;  6.  6  Trevuv;  S.  pistor 
avrwv.  Oort  (ThT.  and  £/>/.),  DSN.  —  ijja  »on  Ips]  ©  Trpw^  eve-yev-fiO-n, 
Now.  i>'3.  —  7.  Ru.  om.  first  three  words  as  a  repetition  from 
Ru.  tfx  nSsi.  —  V?w  Gr.  .-iS'9\ 


3.  In  their  wickedness  they  anoint  kings'}  According  to 
the  charge  made  is  that  the  highest  authorities,  the  royal  per 
sonages,  indulge  in  the  most  sensual  pleasures;*  or  that  the 
king  is  rejoiced  by  the  violence  practised  and  boasted  of  (cf. 
Is.  39  Pr.  208-26)  by  his  subjects,  f  It  is  better,  however,  to  read 
(cf.  84>  10)  anoint  (v.s.)  ;  the  thought  then  is  that  one  king  after 
another  comes  to  the  throne  through  acts  of  wickedness  and 
crime.  —  And  in  their  treacheries,  princes'}  Secret  intrigue,  in 
volving  faithlessness  to  both  fellow-man  and  God.  —  4.  Since 
they  are  all  adulterers'}  viz.  king,  princes,  and  people.  These 
words  belong  with  the  preceding  verse  as  a  circumstantial  clause.  } 
For  Oort's  reading,  v.s.  —  They  are  like  a  burning  oven  whose 
baker}  These  words,  with  the  remainder  of  v.4,  are  a  gloss  to 
v.6.  §  This  is  the  beginning  of  a  new  sentence,  and  this  distri 
bution  of  letters  (v.s.)  avoids  the  serious  difficulty  of  treating 
as  feminine.  —  Ceased  to  stir  up  the  flame}  Using  TJ2£  for 
.  ||  —  From  the  kneading  of  the  dough  until  its  leavening}  i.e. 
during  the  period  in  which  fermentation  was  taking  place. 

Much  variation  has  arisen  in  the  interpretation  of  details  :  e.g.  Ew.,  as  the 
baker  rests  from  heating  only  a  short  time,  i.e.  while  he  is  compelled  so  to  do 
(viz.  during  the  few  hours  which  intervene  between  the  kneading  of  the 
dough  and  its  fermentation),  so  the  rulers  rest  from  inflaming  their  passions 
only  while  they  recuperate  their  strength  for  new  pleasures  (so  Ras.,  Hd.,  Pu.). 
Others  understand  that  the  greatest  heat  of  the  oven  is  from  the  kneading  of 
the  dough  to  its  leavening,  because  refuse,  not  wood,  is  used  for  fuel,  and 
some  hours  are  needed  to  secure  the  greatest  heat,  and  that  to  the  heat  of  this 
period  is  compared  their  passion  (Ki.,  Cal.,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Wii.,  Schm.). 
Some  desire  to  allegorize  the  statement  by  making  Israel  the  dough,  the  king 
the  baker  (cf.  Geb.,  Hi.)  ;  others  think  that  actual  persons  and  events  are 

*  Che.,  GAS.  t  Bauer,  Ros.,  Pu.,  Or. 

J  &,  Houtsma,  We.,  Oort  (vj.),  Val.,  Now. 

$  This  appears  from  (a)  the  repetitions  involved;  (3)  the  relation  tov.6;  (c)  the 
use  of  IDS  (v.i.).  ||  So  <E,  GAS.,  et  al. 


296  HOSEA 

referred  to,  but  that  these  are  now  unknown  to  us  (Reuss).  Some  make  the 
fire  represent  lust,  while  the  oven  is  the  heart;  thus:  "The  baker  ceases  from 
kindling  when  the  oven  has  reached  a  certain  heat,  and  then  he  leaves  the 
fire  to  smoulder,  till  the  fermentation  of  the  dough  is  complete,  and  a  fresh 
heating  is  necessary.  So  after  passion  has  once  been  gratified,  it  smoulders 
for  a  time,  but  is  afterward  kindled  to  a  greater  heat  than  before,  when  some 
attractive  object  comes  within  its  range"  (Che.;  so  Now.). 


5.  On  the  day  of  our  king  they  are  become  sick]  DV,  =  on 
the  day,  has  been  omitted  as  a  case  of  dittography  (v.s.)  ;  read  in 
the  plural ;  *  translated  by  day ;  f  interpreted  as  the  day  on  which 
the  king  was  chosen,  J  the  annual  coronation  day,  §  the  birthday  || 
(Gn.  4020;  cf.  Mat.  I46),  any  festival  day  appointed  by  the  king,^[ 
—  in  any  case  a  day  of  carousal.  UD^fc,  our  king,  has  been  read 
in  plural.**  l^nn,  they  are  become  sick,  or  have  made  themselves 
sick  is  to  be  taken  with  princes  as  the  subject ;  |f  others  treat  it  as 
a  causative  =  they  made  him  (i.e.  the  king)  sick;  \\  or  derive  it 
from  bbn,  to  profane,  §§  or  begin.  ||  ||  —  The  princes,  with  fever  from 
wine']  The  result  of  drunken  carousal.  Many  render  from  the 
heat  of  wine  ;  f  1"  but  it  is  perhaps  stronger;  cf.  Mi.  i9  210.***  Of 
no  value  is  the  suggestion,  nfcn  (cf.  Gn.  2i15)  =  bottles  full  of 
wine.ftt  —  He  stretched  forth  his  hand  with  loose  fellows'}  Very 
difficult,  perhaps  impossible,  to  understand.  |||  V.s.  for  suggested 
readings,  none  of  which  is  satisfactory,  except  perhaps  that  of 
Gardner,  who  reads  D'^n  for  D'^.  Some  kind  of  association 
or  familiarity  has  been  generally  understood,  either  with  drinking 


*®. 

f  So  Oort  (v.s.)  whose  translation  of  the  verse  is  :  "  By  day  the  princes  make  their 
king  sick;  he  is  inflamed  in  long  succession  with  wine,  and  holds  forth  with 
scorners  whenever  they  are  near  him."  This  joins  "JB>D  with  preceding  clause,  and 
connects  imp  ^  of  v.e  with  vA  Against  this  rendering  Now.  urges  the  meaning 
less  DDV  which  calls  for  a  contrasted  nS->S ;  the  difficulty  of  understanding  V?nn ; 
the  unusual  position  of  p>D  ncn  as  obj.  of  fPD ;  the  use  of  l^D  in  such  a  connec 
tion ;  the  meaningless  imp  13;  and  the  very  doubtful  use  of  the  phrase  *ui  V  to 
denote  the  idea  of  good  fellowship. 

t  Rashi,  AE.,  Ki.        §  Cal.,  Geb.,  Che.         ||  Bauer,  Wii.,  Schm.,  Ew.,  Che. 

H  Marck,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Sim.  **  ©»,  and  many  Heb.  Mss. 

•ft  Rashi,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Ew.,  Or.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.  %%  AE.,  Ki.,  Pu. 

§$  Geb.  HI!  &Vt  Hi.,  Wii.,  et  al.  (v.s.). 

H11  Rashi,  Geb.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Che.,  We.  ***  Ew.,  GAS. 

ftt  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal.  Jtt  Marti  om.  56  as  a  corrupt  gloss. 


VII.  5-6  297 

companions  (cf.  i  S.  2217  Ex.  231),*  or  with  conspirators  in  a  law 
less  project. y  Wellhausen  considers  this  a  reference  to  the  con 
spiracy  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  the  last  king  (or  perhaps 
the  last  legitimate  king).  The  occasion  for  the  murder  was  a  ban 
quet  given  by  the  king  to  his  princes,  and  the  conspirators  were, 
not  these  same  princes,  but  some  unmentioned  individuals. — 
6.  For  like  an  oven  their  hearts  burn  with  their  intriguing]  This 
translation  (reading  lim  on  basis  of  (d  for  "Dip)  furnishes  an  ex 
cellent  sense  ;  something  which  cannot  be  said  of  jjBC,  for  which 
there  have  been  proposed  several  interpretations  (e.g.  they  prepare 
beforehand,  j  bring  near  their  heart  to  evil  works,  §  turn,  ||  make 
nearly  like,^[  have  made  ready  ;  **  they  draw  near,  like  an  oven  is 
their  heart,  etc. ;  ft  tnev  draw  near  together,  i.e.  king  and  scoff 
ers  ;  \\  they  have  brought  their  heart  into  their  ambush  as  into 
the  oven,  cf.  Ju.  ig13  Ps.  9I10;§§  they  have  laid  their  cursing  to 
their  heart  as  to  an  oven  ;  ||  ||  they  have  made  their  hearts  like  an 
oven  with  their  intriguing^),  nor  of  most  of  the  emendations 
suggested  ;  e.g.  their  inward  part  is  like  an  oven,  their  heart  burns 
in  them;***  for  like  an  oven  is  their  heart  within  them;\\^ 
for  their  inward  part  is  like  an  oven,  their  heart  like  a  smoke- 
hole.  \\\  The  '3  does  not  carry  the  thought  back  to  v.4,  §§§  nor 
does  it  connect  v.6  with  D'an6,  ||  ||  ||  but  serves  as  an  asseverative 
particle.^  The  thought,  in  general,  is  that  of  conspiracy,  which 
is  kept  secret  while  it  is  maturing,  but  which  after  a  period  breaks 
out.  The  night  is  the  time  for  development ;  in  the  morning  it 
becomes  public.  There  seems  to  be  no  basis  for  the  attempts  of 
many  commentators  to  connect  this  language  with  specific  classes 
or  events  ;  f  f  f  the  reference  is  rather  to  the  many  conspiracies  and 
murders  following  Jeroboam  II.****  —  All  night  their  anger  sleeps'] 
With  DHBK,  or  DBK,  instead  of  DflBfc  (v.s.).  There  seems  no  neces 
sity  for  changing  the  text  to  read  smokes  fttt  (&•*•)  instead  of  sleeps. 
The  anger  is  that  of  the  conspirators  against  those  who  are  to  be 
their  victims  ;  this  sleeps  only  in  the  night.  —  /;/  the  morning  it 

*  Dathe,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or.          f  Che.,  We.         +  Rashi,  Cal.        §  Ki. 
||  Geb.       U  Evv.       **  Pu.      ft  Sim.       +|  Bottcher,  Schm.         §§  Ke.         ||||  Or. 
HU  GAS.        ***  Schorr,  (cited  by  We.),  et  al.  (vj.).        ftt  Ru.         +U  Oet 
$$$  Sim.,  Ke.  ||||||  Hi.,  Wii.,  et  al.  fUf  Hi.,  Ew.,  Or. 

****  Ros.,  Hd.,  Che.,  We.,  Marti,  et  al.        frtt  Sug.  by  WRS.,  adopted  by  Che. 


298  HOSEA 

blazes  like  a  flame  of  fire.  —  7.  All  of  them  glowing  like  an  oven\ 
This  is  either  an  unnecessary  repetition  from  v.4,  or  if  v.4  (beginning 
with  1E2)  *  is  a  gloss  (v.s.),  it  resumes  in  a  single  line  the  thought 
expressed  figuratively  in  v.6,  preparatory  to  the  presentation  of  the 
same  thought  in  literal  form.  The  order  of  words  shows  that  this 
clause  is  subordinate  ;  it  expresses  the  occasion  of  the  actions  next 
described.  The  entire  people  are  represented  as  filled  with  the 
passion  of  conspiracy,  and  consequently  —  they  devour  their  rulers'} 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  reigns  of  Zechariah,  Shallum,  Men- 
ahem,  Pekahiah  were  respectively  six  months,  one  month,  six 
years,  one  year.  These  were  followed  by  Pekah  (six  years)  and 
Hoshea  (eight  years).  In  the  period  of  about  twenty  years  six  kings 
sat  on  the  throne  ;  cf.  2  K.  15.1  The  term  D'EStP,  commonly  ren 
dered  judges,  here  means  rulers,  i.e.  the  nobles,  including  kings 
and  princes.  It  is  frequently  applied  to  kings,  cf.  Is.  4o23  Ps.  210. 
—  All  their  kings  have  fallen}  A  poetic  parallel  for  the  preceding 
line.  Some  fell  by  assassination,  others  by  the  hand  of  a  foreign 
enemy.  This  statement  could  not  have  been  written  earlier  than 
Menahem's  time.  —  No  one  among  them  calling  for  me~\  A  circum 
stantial  clause  added  to  give  a  prophetic  touch  to  the  historical 
statement  which  preceded.  Notwithstanding  the  serious  situation 
("four  regicides  within  forty  years")  none  among  the  people  J 
(cf.  vs.9-10-14'16),  rather  than  the  princes,  §  call  on  Yahweh  for  help. 


4.  D^D]  Suhj.  of  circ.  cl.  joined  with  prec.  —  IDS]  Poet,  for  2;  cf.  812  I37; 
T  is  another  form  of  nc,  what  ;  the  usage  is  a  pleonastic  one;  cf.  Arab.  \jO 
in  L*J.  —  -njn]  No  art.,  according  to  K6.  2997,  because  the  accompanying 
attribute  does  not  denote  a  permanent  characteristic.  —  HDXD  nnjna]  On  basis 
of  fft^T,  the  fem.  n_  without  accent  is  discussed,  GK.  80  k;  and  D  as  denot 
ing  agent,  Ko.  107.  —  Tunn]  1  is  subj.  —  5.  pn]  On  prep,  after  cstr.  H.  9, 
2b\  Ko.  336  w,  and  note  the  om.  of  jp  from  ncn,  where  it  is  syntactically 
required;  Ko.  330  w.  —  a-'XX1?]  Not  Qal  ptcp.,  but  Polel,  with  D  omitted. 
—  6.  "V?a  .  .  .  'SrrS:)]  Emph.  pos.;  ace.  of  time.  —  n?nS]  _,  instead  of  a  or  a 
before  n,  in  the  second  syl.  before  the  tone;  cf.  onrm;  GK.  27^.  —  7.  oSs] 
Subj.  introd.  circ.  cl.  —  iSriNi]  =  Impf.  frequent.,  describing  the  repeated  con 
spiracies  ;  Dr.  §113  (4),  a.  —  orvaSD'Ss]  Chiastic  order.  —  tnp-pj*]  The 


*So  Ru.  (v.s.). 

t  For  an  account  of  the  seditions  and  conspiracies  which  filled  this  period, 
v.  WRS.  Proph.  151  ff.;  Sta.  GVI.  I.  S75~6o2. 

J  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che.,  We.,  et  al.  §  Geb.,  Ros.,  Ew. 


VII.  7  299 

verse  closes  as  it  began  with  a  circ.  cl.,  the  two  intervening  lines  being 
arranged  chiastically. 

§  9.  The  confusion  of  the  nation.  78-83.  Israel  is  losing 
herself  among  the  nations,  and  yet  she  is  blind  to  the  fact. 
In  her  arrogance  she  is  turning  away  from  her  God,  thus  chal 
lenging  his  punishment.  Israel  is  a  silly  dove  turning  hither  and 
thither,  only  to  be  caught  in  the  net  ;  78"12.  Destruction  awaits 
her  ;  for  against  me,  though  ready  to  redeem  her,  she  has  lied. 
Instead  of  sincere  worship,  her  people  merely  howl  for  corn  and 
wine,  and  cut  themselves  and  rebel.  They  desire  evil;  they  are 
a  deceitful  bow  ;  their  princes  shall  perish  ;  y13"16.  Assyria  is 
about  to  attack  them  ;  they  may  cry  unto  me,  but  it  will  not  avail, 
for  they  have  spurned  the  good  ;  81"3. 

In  this  piece  we  may  note  :  (i)  a  change  of  measure,  the  lines  containing, 
for  the  most  part,  four  words  instead  of  three;  (2)  a  remarkable  use  of 
parallelism,  the  entire  piece  falling  into  couplets;  (3)  an  apparent  grouping 
of  these  couplets  in  pairs;  (4)  a  division  into  three  strophes,  the  first  having 
three  such  pairs  of  couplets,  i.e.  twelve  lines;  the  second  the  same;  while  the 
third,  which  forms  the  climax  to  the  whole  piece,  contains  one  such  pair,  or 
four  lines;  (5)  a  more  conspicuous  effort  than  has  heretofore  been  noted  to 
introduce  those  points  which  conduce  to  symmetry.  In  the  arrangement  here 
proposed  the  following  modifications  of  the  text  are  adopted:  (i)  the  clause 
ompS  j?£tz>D  OTDIN  in  12c  is  transferred  to  follow  immediately  upon  v.10.  (2)  It 
is  understood  that  the  line  now  consisting  of  DIDN  VJJNI  (v.13c)  is  incomplete, 
two  words  being  lost.  (3)  The  words  DJJ/'S  v  (y16)  are  treated  as  a  gloss. 
(4)  The  two  clauses  forming  the  second  half  of  81,  beginning  ]y,  are  treated 
as  a  later  interpolation. 


8.  D^Djn]    <JI  tv  TO?J  Xao?s   auroO  =  VDJ73.  — 
Syr.-Hex.  xin  toSnnc.     Get.  h'w  ton  (so  Marti,  Now.2)  ;  Gardner,  S'Sa  rvn.  — 
D^DN]  Gr.  om.  as  dittog.  —  njy]    (g   t-yKpvQlas  ;    so  U  subdnericius  panis  ; 

E'    us   tv  (TTrodia   ireo-o-6/j.evos   &OTOS.  —  roicn  ^3]    5   adds    i^i|Z|  ;    so    ®. 

t>  v  ? 

Hence  Ru.  S;*<n  roicn  N^a.  —  9.  S>  supplies  |.lsoi  at  beginning.  —  JTP] 
©  eyvu;  hence  Ru.  r?>  —  °J]  5?  sed  et.  —  13  np-u]  ©  ^vdrjffav  airy; 
E',  Tjdrj  Tvyxd-vuv,  &  cv^»  s^n^J;  d  pjrtoc;  TS  effusi  sunt  in  eo.  Ru. 
'^fn  3nn;  Gr.  12  nrnt  (so  BDB.(?));  Get.  13  n^r  (so  Marti,  Now.2).  — 
10.  njjn]  ©  /cat  Ta.iret.vwd-ficrtTa.1.;  so  S«  and  U;  cf.  56.  —  N^l]  Get.  om.  i.  — 
rs:  ^^~\  (5  tv  iravi  Toi^rots;  so  U  in  omnibus  his;  Sk  om.  —  12  c.  DI^D^N] 
Ru.  TD^N;  Get.  nyDN(?);  Gr.  27D"x  (so  Now.,  Get.,  Hal.,  et  al.}.  Marti, 
r-"]Ds  =  D^DNN.  —  anij;1?.  j?DB'3]  @  tv  TTJ  d/cor)  TTjs  dXtyeus  auruji/,  reading  onjnS 


300  HOSE  A 


(Cap.,  Vol.,  Now.),  or  omxS  (Cap.)  ;  ,&  ^coi^cwvtf?  ),SVi  4  ^]  =  onnj?S 
(Seb.);  S.  jj.apTvpias  [ai/rcDy]  ;  &  pnmj£  ijjDBn  Vy  =  onsjj1?  J?bi?3  (Sim., 
Seb.)  ;  U  and  'A.  =  i!H&.  Ru.  onnjre  Sfetosa;  Gr.  DmiyS  yDK>  or  onnrpS; 
Hal.  "ij?S  yptfs  or  yca'j?;  Get.  onjn  Sj?  oatf  (cf.  Marti);  Gardner,  paa»a 

V?    T- 

Dm*1?.       Miiller  (SA".  1904,  p.   125)  osn1?  'e>a.  —  11.  wnp]   &    oZl  =  la-ip 

P     V 

(Seb.).  —  nwN]  Gr.  rnv^N.  —  12.  na'Na]  j§  j^jj;  E  nnwa  =  IBNO.  —  on^y] 
E',  Koti'T?  •  6'ri  /ceil  Kotvfj  irdvres  ^rj/jLapTrjKairiv.  —  13.  anS  IIP]  <§  det\aiot  eicriv; 

7  y^     £          z 

£>  x~"*  -Vv   |£w*|  |^  ^  ***•;   'A.  Trpovo/j.7)  avTois  ;   E',  ^KTrop6^(rotrrai  ;    0.  raXai- 

irupia.     Gr.  anS  T»N.  —  ^JNI]    Ru.  om.  ).  —  14.    a^Sa]    @  at  Kapdlai.  O.VT&V,  as 

>•       .       *.  >      "* 
subj.  of  ip>i,  omitting  a;    ,S  ^pqi  nN   oiiNn    ^°-  —  Dniaat^D]    &  sg.   noun; 

'A.,  S.  ao-eX-yws;  Sm.  (/iW.1  125),  onnN^o;  Get.  Dninsete.  Read,  with  Gard 
ner,  Dn'^naT^.  —  muns]  Read,  with  @,  Karer^fj-vovTo,  mun^  (so  also  Houtsma, 
Seb.,  VolM  Che.,  Gr.,  We.,  Gu.,  Ru.,  RV.  m.,  Now.,  GAS.,  BDB.,  Oct.,  Marti, 
et  al.*}.  U  ruminabant  ;  &  _^^^£^>o;  'A.  Trepteo-TruJvro;  2. 

E'  om.  Hal.  nTur\  —  niD"]  S>  c?j^)O  ;  @  joins  with  foil,  verse, 
fMyvav  =  no>  (Cap.,  Vol.),  or  n^  (Gr.),  or  -nov  (Wu.);  2.  t&K\tvav;  E', 
a-n-foTTjcrav.  Ru.  -1170;  Gr.  -nc^  (so  Hal.)  Read,  with  Houtsma,  -n^Dj  (so 
Now.,  Oct.).  Marti,  TVD>  n'no,  using  T."ID>  of  v.15.  —  15.  \iprn  ^mo11  ^JNI] 
<S  Ka7clj  KaTia-xwa,  omitting  \-no^  (so  also  Ru.  and  Oct.,  who  also  om.  l 
from  before  '•JN);  S.  ^yu>  5^  tiraidevov  aurous.  Perles  (Analekten,  60),  ^nio^; 
Gr.  a-'n-iD1'.;  Hal.  wo«.  —  onpnr]  Gardner,  DPN  ij?w.  Ru.  om.  v.15  as  break 
ing  the  connection  and  repeating  v.18  in  form  and  thought.  —  16.  "aiC"]  Ru. 
•laitrM;  Get.  -iiy^a\  —  Sj?  xS]  ©  ets  odd^  =  sS  S^  (Vol.);  5>  ^Cjlo  |f  ^i; 
U  «/  essent  absque  jugo  ;  S.  eis  r6  /A^J  €X€lv  £vy6v;  E',  I'm  St^ao-tv  &vev  !-vyov. 
New.  S^>  «S;  Oort,  faf»  «S  (so  Val.,  Get.),  or  S^inS  xV;  Marti, 
147;  Ru.,  Now.;  but  cf.  Sellin,  Beitrage,  II.  306);  Gr.  S^v 
p]  Sellin  {Beitrage,  II.  306),  PU'X  —  n^nn]  ©  £vreTa.n.hov\  S. 
E',  dtd(TTpo(f>ov.  —  D>T]  @  and  6.  d7rcu5eu(r£aj'  =  ayin  (Gr.);  'A.  a7rd 
E',  5tA  /ta^av  ;  E  nicppn.  Ru.  ppgn.  Marti,  ^ppjD.  —  ojwS] 
Get.  lyi^S.  Marti,  on^ot'.  —  D^yS]  ©  0au\«r/u6j  aiirdv  =  DT>S^  (Gr.); 
5>  ^pai^J90^  =  aSry  (Ru.);  'A.  fivx^ifffjAs;  S.  6  t(p6{y£avro  ;  E',  ai)T?;»» 
^SXa(T0i}/«7<rai>  ;  E  pnnaj;  =  on^yn  (Ru.).  Gr.  Dr^j;  Get.  oSps.  Oort  om. 
DJjjS  IT  as  a  dittog.  —  onxD  r  >o]  Ru.  Dn^y^.  —  VIII.  1.  noir  pn  SN]  ©  ei's 
K6\Trov  O.VTUV  us  777  =  IDPJ  [o]p>n  SN  (Vol.),  or  noa'D  (Gr.);  ^  ^»]  -^n*** 
jLjj-o  =  notyo  IDP,  omitting  SN  (Seb.).  Ru.  S-inN}  omitting  nsipaa  as  dittog. 
of  I^'JD;  Oort,  nsj;  I3n*?%  to  be  joined  with  the  last  two  words  of  716  ; 
Houtsma,  ->oj?3  D3n  Sx;  Gr.  ^p  for  SN.  —  iwa]  Gr.  sugg.  it  may  be  dittog. 
from  -\DE>:);  Hal.  'nox'p;  Gardner,  i^ap.  Read  IB>J  >3  (so  We.,  GAS.).  — 
mni  rro]  Ru.  ^n>a.  Gr.  min>  r^a.  —  S;'i]  Gr.  Syci;  Now.  om.  1&  as  a  later 
addition.  Marti,  foil,  a  suggestion  of  Che.  (Exp.  1897,  P-  3^4)»  reads  la: 
"•  'a~Sy  t^Sip  onn  ^0^2  ^rnn'Sx  —  2.  ip>f  ]  5>  adds  cj^acjo.  —  ^T-J"]  OIL 
and  <S  om.  (so  Dathe,  Gr.,  Now.,  Get.,  Marti).  —  viSx]  @  6  ^e6s;  &  ist 


VII.  8  301 

p.  pi.  suff.;  hence  Oct.  and  Marti  DTI^N  or  imSx. —  Ru.  om.  v.2  as  in  part 
a  repetition  of  714  and  in  part  a  dittog.;  Marti  om.  vs.1-2  as  glosses.  —  3.  nji] 
(55  tin,  /c.r.X.;  hence  Gr.  m?  *o  (so  Ru.,  Now.).  —  IDTV  JMN]  ©  tx&P°v  Kare- 
dtu^av  (=  -iflTV  or  •tfl'n).  Ru.  DnS  urn  JIN,  joining  first  word  of  v.4  with 
v.3;  Hal.  IDTV  JIN. 

8.  Ephraim  —  among  the  nations  he  lets  himself  be  mixed~\ 
On  bbiarr,  #././  although  somewhat  uncertain,*  it  may  be  ac 
cepted  as  a  fairly  satisfactory  reading.  The  meaning  is  not 
is  kneaded,^  referring  to  the  loss  of  independent  existence  in 
exile ;  nor  does  it  refer  to  the  seeking  for  help  from  the  outside 
nations ;  J  but  rather  to  the  acceptance  of  the  foreign  fashions 
and  ideas  which  came  in  upon  Israel  in  connection  with  the 
opening  up  of  commercial  relations  with  the  outer  world.  §  This 
is  the  third  or  fourth  time  in  Israel's  history  when  the  nation 
is  brought  into  intimate  relations  with  the  outside  world.  From 
the  association  with  Assyria,  much  good  will  come ;  for  a  new 
and  larger  horizon  will  be  secured  and  important  steps  forward 
will  be  taken  toward  higher  conceptions  of  God  and  of  the 
world  :  but  with  this  good,  there  is  coming  also  much  that  is 
bad,  much  that  can  "  dissipate  and  confuse  "  the  weaker  of  the 
nation.  "The  tides  of  a  lavish  commerce  scattered  abroad  the 
faculties  of  the  people,  and  swept  back  upon  their  life  alien 
fashions  and  tempers,  to  subdue  which  there  was  neither  native 
strength  nor  definiteness  of  national  purpose."  || — Ephraim  — 
he  has  become  a  cake  not  turned^  As  a  result  of  mingling  with 
the  foreign  nations  and  accepting  their  ideas,  Israel  has  become 
an  unturned  cake  —  the  round,  flat  cake,  baked  on  hot  stones  ^ 
(cf.  i  K.  1 9s)  —  a  striking  figure,  which  describes  the  condition 
of  things  at  home  as  growing  out  of  that  abroad.  The  point  of 
emphasis  does  not  rest  on  the  fate  of  the  unturned  cake,  which, 
of  course,  is  destroyed ;  nor  on  the  fact  that,  such  a  cake  being 
half-ruined,  Israel,  likewise,  is  half-ruined ;  **  nor  on  any  specific 
reference  to  their  opinions  concerning  the  worship  of  idols ;  ft 
but  rather  upon  that  weakness  of  the  national  character  which 

*  We.  f  Ras.,  Bauer,  Or.  ||  GAS.  I.  271. 

J  AE.,  Eich.,  Mau.,  Che.,  Reuss.  H  Now.  Arch.  I.  in. 

$  Ki.,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hd.(  Wii.,  et  al.  **  Ch«.  ft  AE.,  Ki. 


302  HOSE  A 

was  exhibited,  in  the  inconsistencies  of  which  they  were  guilty, 
the  lack  of  thoroughness  with  which  their  plans  were  executed, 
the  wrong  direction  pursued  by  those  in  charge  of  the  national 
policy,  and  the  lack  of  proportion  in  national  effort.  "How 
better  describe  a  half-fed  people,  a  half-cultured  society,  a  half- 
lived  religion,  a  half-hearted  policy,  than  by  a  half-baked  scone?"  * 
—  9.  Strangers  have  devoured  his  strength  and  he  knows  it  not~\ 
The  strangers  are  the  foreign  nations  already  mentioned.  The 
reference  is  a  general  one,  taking  in  all  with  whom  Israel  had 
come  in  contact  in  these  times,  viz.  the  kings  of  Syria,  Hazael,  and 
Benhadad  in  the  times  of  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  812  io32  i37);  Tiglath- 
pileser,  the  king  of  Assyria,  called  Pul  (2  K.  I519'20),  who  exacted 
tribute  from  Menahem,  and  took  away  territory  from  Pekah 
(2  K.  1 5s9) ;  and  likewise  the  Philistines  (Is.  9"),  and  Egypt, 
with  whom  Israel  was  always  warring.  For  other  cases  of  ns, 
strength,  used  in  the  sense  of  property,  cf.  Pr.  510  Jb.  622.  ttT  vh 
(cf.  Is.  i3)  —  he  does  not  understand  the  meaning  of  the  punish 
ment  (27  515) ;  rather  than,  he  does  not  understand  anything,! 
i.e.  has  not  come  to  discretion,  or  does  not  know  Yahweh.  |  — 
Yea,  gray  hairs  are  sprinkled  upon  him  and  he  knows  it  not"] 
Cf.  711  Is.  46*  Ps.  7 19.  The  nation  is  represented  as  passing 
through  the  various  stages  of  human  life.  Israel  has  lost  his 
strength;  but  that  is  not  all,  he  has  reached  such  an  old  age, 
as  is  seen  from  the  appearance  here  and  there  of  gray  hairs, 
that  there  is  no  hope  of  regaining  the  strength  which  has  been 
lost.  The  inevitable  accompaniment  of  old  age  is  weakness. 
This  representation  of  the  state  as  an  individual,  called  personi 
fication,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  Hebrew  style ; 
cf.  the  suffering  servant  of  Is.  421"9  44* f>  5213~5312,  and  the  col 
lective  "  I "  of  the  Psalter.  — 10.  The  pride  (or  arrogance}  of 
Israel  has  witnessed  against  him}  See  on  55;  cf.  Am.  46>n. 
Yahweh  is  not  the  witness,  §  but  their  own  pride  of  heart  which 
blinds  them  to  the  sure  fate  that  is  rapidly  overwhelming  them. 
The  evidence  of  arrogance  has  been  very  clear  in  the  historical 
events  of  the  period,  especially  in  their  attempt  now  to  secure 


*  GAS.  I.  273  ;  so  We.,  Now.,  et  al.  J  2F,  TheocL,  Abarb. 

f  Hi.,  Pu.,  Wii.,  Or.  $  Hi.,  Ke.,  Che. 


VII.  8-1 1  303 

Assyria's  favor,  and  again,  that  of  Egypt.*  —  Yet  they  do  not  return 
to  Yahweh  their  God  and  seek  him  for  all  this']  Cf.  Is.  912' 17' 21. 
The  logical  relationship  of  the  verbs  in  this  verse  is  somewhat 
obscure  on  account  of  the  use  of  the  tenses.f  Some  treat  the 
three  clauses  as  coordinate ;  J  others  §  make  ,1317  the  predicate 
not  only  of  "  pfcU  but  also  of  the  two  following  clauses,  trans 
lating  :  Then  testifies  against  him  the  pride  of  Israel  and  that 
they  do  not  return  to  Yahweh,  etc.;  but  this  construction  is  cum 
bersome  and  unnecessary;  for  this  use  of  ,13171,  v.i.  — 12  c.  I  will 
chastise  them  by  the  abundance  of  their  afflictions^  This  trans 
lation  (reading  Dmxb  172193  (?•$•))  is  one  of  several  attempts  (v.s.) 
to  get  a  tolerable  meaning  out  of  the  clause.  JS2D  as  their  con 
gregation  has  heard,  if  accepted,  would  mean  in  a  general 
sense,  as  has  been  publicly  proclaimed,  either  through  the  prophets 
(cf.  Am.  2llf-  2  K.  i713),  ||  or  if  the  passage  is  late,  through  the 
reading  of  the  law  (Dt.  27  and  28).^  Of  considerable  interest 
is  the  interpretation  of  Rashi,  who  without  noticing  the  anach 
ronism  understands  this  of  Jeremiah  (373  423  3O8)  ;  that  of  Hitzig, 
who  reads  :  according  to  what  is  heard  of  (=  concerning)  their 
congregation,  i.e.  the  Assyrian  party  which  (note  12^)  relied 
especially  on  the  foreign  power ;  and  that  of  Ewald,  who  inter 
prets  :  like  a  prophetic  oracle  prophesying  this  very  thing  an 
nounced  to  their  congregation  by  a  former  prophet.  But  with 
<©&(£  most  commentators  have  found  this  peculiarly  difficult, 
only  U  and  'A.  supporting  it.  For  the  reading  proposed,  Ps.  i6n 
Jb.  I41  io15  furnish  analogies.  This  clause  is  detached  from 
v.126  and  placed  here  because  (i)  it  is  superfluous  in  v.12,  the 
thought  of  punishment  being  there  already  fully  expressed  ;  more 
over,  this  prosaic  statement  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  figurative 
language  of  vs.11- 12 ;  (2)  it  furnishes  just  the  required  conclusion 
for  the  thought  of  v.10.  — 11.  And  so  Ephraim  has  become  like  a 
foolish  dove  without  understanding^  The  dove,  celebrated  in  prov 
erbs**  for  its  simplicity  and  unsuspicious  nature,  flies  thought 
lessly  from  one  danger,  that  of  the  pursuing  hawk,  to  another, 

*  Cf.  especially  GAS.  I.  337.        J  GAS.,  et  al.  \\  Dathe,  Or.,  Wii. 

f  Marti  om.  10  as  a  gloss.  $  Ew.,  We.,  Now.         H  Bauer,  Pu.,  Ke.,  et  al. 

**  Cf.  the  Arabic  proverb,  "  There  is  nothing  more  simple  than  the  dove  " ;  a 
similar  proverb  was  current  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 


304  HOSEA 

the  fowler's  net ;  *  or  having  in  search  of  food  lost  its  home, 
flutters  hither  and  thither  without  purpose  or  plan.f  Such  has 
Israel  become  (cf.  Je.  521).  The  words  "  foolish  "  and  "  without 
understanding  "  are  here  connected  with  the  dove,  J  not  Ephraim.  § 
Cf.  the  parallel  phrase  &  noq  (Pr.  632  f  io13-21),  and  the  phrase 
of  opposite  meaning  nb  D2H  (Pr.  n29). —  To  Egypt  they  cry;  to 
Assyria  they  go~\  By  some  these  statements  are  supposed  to  be 
specific  allusions  to  certain  historical  events,  e.g.  the  former  to 
2  K.  if,  the  latter  to  2  K.  is19  (cf.  513  89-13  I21).  ||  But  it  is 
better  to  take  it  in  a  more  general  sense  as  referring  to  the 
foreign  policy,  controlled  now  by  the  Assyrian  party,  now  by 
the  Egyptian,  —  a  policy  of  hesitation  and  indecision  which 
marked  the  entire  period  of  the  monarchical  supremacy.^"  — 
12.  As  they  go,  I  will  spread  over  them  my  net~\  Cf.  Ez.  i21J 
j^so  j^s  ^23  jk  T^  1^83  __  not  wherever**  nor  the  more,^  but 
as  soon  as,\\  i.e.  as  soon  as  they  seek  the  help  of  other  nations, 
whether  Egypt  §§  or  Assyria.  ||  ||  The  spreading  over  them  of  the 
net  signifies  the  calamity  which  is  about  to  fall  upon  them,  viz. 
the  captivity.  —  Like  birds  of  the  air  I  will  bring  them  down] 
A  poetic  parallel  for  the  preceding  phrase,  expressing  destruc 
tion.  Yahweh  will  bring  them  down,  just  as  birds  of  the  air 
are  brought  down,  i.e.  by  a  bait  which  allures  them,^ffl  °r  by 
missile  weapons.***  — 13.  Alas  for  them  that  they  have  strayed 
from  me~\  This  wandering  away  from  Yahweh  does  not  refer  to 
their  acceptance  of  the  calves, ftt  nor  generally  to  their  lack  of 
obedience  (cf.  Ps.  2inf-)  ;  ||  but,  while  the  language  may  have 
been  drawn  from  the  figure  of  the  foolish  dove  wandering  away 
from  its  nest  J  J{  (cf.  Is.  i62  Pr.  27®),  the  special  sin  rebuked  is  that 
of  seeking  the  help  of  Assyria  and  Egypt.  For  other  cases  of 
•iK  cf.  912  Is.  65  Nu.  2 129  Je.  I327.  —  Destruction  to  them,  that  they 
have  rebelled  against  me  /]  Here  a  stronger  expression  is  em 
ployed,  viz.  that  of  rebellion,  apostasy,  which  means  (a)  the 

*  So  Hi.,  Hd.(  Che.,  Reuss.         f  Ew.,  Or.        1  Ros.,  Now.        §  Ke.         ||  Ros. 

U  Cf.  McC.  HPM.  \\  631-633,  650,  652  ff.,  677  if.,  etc. ;  Gu.  Gesch.  pp.  188,  206  f., 
210,  216,  222,  224,  and  art.  "  Israel,"  EB.  $§  30,  34,  36;  Barnes,  art.  "  Israel,  History 
of,"  DB.  II.  512 f. 

**  Pu.  t+  Wii.,  Che.,  GAS.,  Now.  ||||  Jer.,  Ros.  ***  Hd. 

ft  Ew.  §$  Ras.,  AE.  HH  Wii.,  Che.          ftt  Ki. 

JJJ  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che.,  Or.,  Now. 


vii.  ii-i4  305 

breaking  of  bonds  that  have  existed,  and  (<$)  the  claiming  of 
release  from  former  responsibility.  On  ntt,  v.s.  —  And  shall  I 
redeem  them  .  .  .]  Cf.  13".  The  imperfect  DISK  has  been 
treated  (i)  as  expressing  desire,*  I  have  desired  to  redeem  them, 
but,  etc.;  (2)  as  a  frequentative  of  past  time,|  /  have  often  re 
deemed  them,  but,  etc.;  (3)  as  conditional,!  if  I  should,  etc.,  they 
would  only,  etc. ;  but  it  is  simpler  to  understand  the  clause  as 
interrogative,  although  no  interrogative  particle  is  prefixed  §  (v.t.) ; 
or  as  exclamatory,  ||  /  redeem  them  when  they,  etc. !  This  ex 
plains  the  presence  of  ^33K  in  the  principal  clause,  although  it 
is  not  especially  emphatic.  There  had  been  frequent  instances 
of  redemption  in  the  past,  but  these  do  not  bear  upon  the 
present  situation. —  When  they  have  spoken  lies  about  me~\  i.e. 
represent  me  wrongly,  misunderstand  me,  and  think  evil  of  me; 
meaning  by  this  not  simply  that  they  were  acting  as  hypocrites 
in  their  worship,^  nor  that  they  thought  Yahweh  unable  to  help 
them  (Je.  14°  448),**  but  rather  that  their  entire  conception  of 
him  was  wrong,  —  in  other  words,  they  did  not  know  Yahweh. 
— 14.  And  they  have  never  cried  unto  me  with  their  heart~\ 
Cf.  Ps.  up10;  the  cry  which  has  gone  forth  has  not  been  honest 
and  sincere,  i.e.  from  the  heart,  or  with  (§,  their  hearts  have  not 
cried  unto  me.  Cf.  i  S.  i28-10  Is.  2Q13  Ps.  84*. —  But  they  keep 
howling  beside  their  altars  for  corn  and  new  wine']  i.e.  for 
material  blessings,  —  the  beastlike  cry  of  the  animal  for  food, 
etc.,  and  not  the  true  cry  of  a  soul  for  God.  fRC  on  their  beds 
cannot  stand,  for  it  must  mean  that  they  eat  the  meal  of  the 
sacrifice,  offered  to  secure  these  material  blessings,  while  reclining 
upon  divans,  or  couches ;  and  this  is  hardly  supposable.  The 
emendation  adopted  (y.s.)  is  quite  simple  and  natural,  and  better 
than  others  proposed,  e.g.  mxtPfc,  kneading-trough  (v.s.),  which 
Nowack  rightly  characterizes  as  affording  no  adequate  sense ; 
but  Nowack  is  wrong  in  supposing  that  bv  with  'ttfia  must  have 
the  same  meaning  as  bv  with  the  other  words.  For  an  example 
of  a  preposition  used  in  two  senses  in  the  same  verse  cf.  i  in 
43  55.  —  They  cut  themselves,  they  rebel  against  me]  This  ren- 

*  Ras.,  AE.,  Ki.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Wti.,  Or.,  Che.  §  Geb.,  Reuss,  Now. 

t  Theod.,  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Pu.  J  Eich.  ||  We.  H  Bauer,  Ros. 

**  Hi.,  Ke.,  Che.,  et.al. 
X 


306  HOSEA 

dering  of  an  emended  text  (iTtJJT,  v.s.)  represents  the  people 
as  engaged  in  the  well-known  mourning  custom,  forbidden  in 
Dt.  I41  Lv.  ig28  2  15,  but  kept  up  even  in  the  latest  times  (cf. 
i  K.  i828  Je.  i66  4i5  475  4837).*  M&  (man"),  in  which  -i  occurs 
instead  of  the  suggested  1,  has  been  translated:  (i)  they  collect 
themselves,  i.e.  to  rebel  f  or  to  eat  and  drink,  \  or  to  buy  wheat 
and  wine  offered  for  sale,  §  or  to  make  solemn  processions  to 
their  idols  (cf.  Jo.  i13ff>  21Cffi)  ;  ||  (2)  are  in  distress  /f  (3)  excite 
themselves  ;  **  (4)  howl,  roar  (cf.  Je.  3o23).|f  The  second  word 
also  needs  emendation,  for  TID  is  invariably  followed  by  Jfc  ; 
(v.s.),  cf.  416  915  Is.  i23,  gives  the  right  idea,  j  J  —  15.  Although 
it  was  I  who  trained  and  'strengthened  their  arms']  To  be  taken  with 
the  following  clause.  The  pronoun  is  emphatic,  and  the  circum 
stantial  clause  expresses  the  idea  of  concession.  The  usual  mean 
ing  of  "iD%  chasten,  punish,  §§  i.e.  strengthened  by  chastisement, 
gives  no  sense.  If  jjH(£  is  retained  it  must  mean  trained,  or  dis 
ciplined,  ||  ||  and  be  taken  with  their  arms  (cf.  Ps.  iS34  1441),  unless 
we  read  DTHD1',  /  trained  them  (v.s.).  For  the  phrase  strengthen 
their  arms,  cf.  Ez.  so24-25,  also  Ps.  io15  yi17  i  S.  231  2  Ch.  328 
Is.  48"  Zc.  1  117.  —  Yet  concerning  me  they  keep  thinking  (only)  evil~\ 
The  base  ingratitude  is  pictured  with  which  they  treat  the  very  one 
who  gave  them  strength  to  secure  their  victories.  This  puts  more 
strongly  the  thought  already  expressed  in  v.13.  That  they  do  think 
evil  of  him  is  evident  from  the  abandonment  of  him  involved  in 
going  after  Egypt  and  Assyria,  for  there  could  be  no  association 
with  these  nations  without  some  recognition  of  their  deities.  Such 
recognition  was  of  course  inconsistent  with  a  right  conception  of 
Yahweh.  There  is  probably  no  reference  to  the  calf-  worship.^  f 
—  16.  They  turn,  (but)  not  upwards"]  Cf.  n7.  This  is  the 
accepted  rendering  of  jjHdT,  but  is  unsatisfactory.  For  discussion 


*So  «5.  On  this  custom  cf.  WRS.  Sent.  321  f.;  We.  Reste*,  181  ;  C.  J.  Ball, 
art.  "Cuttings  of  the  Flesh,"  EB.  §§  i,  2;  Schwally,  Das  Leben  nach  dem  Tode, 
i6ff.  ;  Frey,  Tod,  Seelenglaube  und  Seelenkult  im  alt.  fsr.,  134  ff.;  Griineisen,  Der 
Ahnenkultus  u,  die  Urreligion  Isr.,  73  ;  Zapletal,  Der  Totemismus  u.  d.  Rel,  7sr.t 
106-112. 

f  Ras.  §  Ki.  II  S,  Bauer,  Schm.  ft  Hi. 

J  AE.,  Ke.  ||  Ros.,  Hd.,  Or.  **  Ew.  JJ  Now. 

§$  So  Ras.,  AE.,  Geb.,  Pu. 

Illl  Bau«r,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Now.,  Or.,  Che.,  Reuss,  et  al.  Iffl  Ros. 


VII.  i4-i6  307 

of  bv  as  a  substantive,  v.i.  Some  understand  bl?  as  used  for 
nbv  =  height,  here  the  highest;*  others,  as  =  jr1?!?,  the  high, 
exalted  one  =  God  ;  f  others,  simply  as  an  adverbial  accusative 
=  upwards ;  }  others  with  (§  and  &  turn  the  words  around  and 
read  xb  ^17  =  Kittr  btf,  /<?  /"/*«/  o/^VA  /.r  nothing  =  idols.  §  The 
suggestion  of  binb,  ^  Baal,  seems  to  relieve  the  difficulty  and 
is  probably  to  be  accepted ;  v.s.  for  other  suggestions.  —  They 
have  become  like  a  bow  which  swerves\  Ps.  T2o2f>.  The  com 
parison  (cf.  Ps.  y857)  is  not  to  a  bow  (i)  whose  string  has  lost 
its  elasticity,  and  consequently  the  arrow  fails  to  reach  its  mark,  || 
nor  (2)  one  which  cannot  be  used  because  it  is  relaxed,^]"  nor 

(3)  one  whose  string  breaks  without  shooting  the  arrow,**  nor 

(4)  one  which  strikes  and  wounds  the  bowman,!  t  but  rather  (5)  to 
a  bow  which  is  expected  to  shoot  in  one  direction  but  actually 
shoots  in  another,  thus  failing  to  accomplish  its   end.JJ      It  is 
thus  with  Israel.     Cf.  the  vineyard  which  was  expected  to  yield 
good  grapes,  but   actually  yielded  wild  grapes,  Is.  51"7.  —  Their 
princes  shall  fall  by  the  sword  because  of  the  insolence  of  their 
tongues']    For  are  not  the   princes  (i.e.  the   leaders)   everywhere 
represented  as  being  primarily  responsible?      Upon  them  espe 
cially  will  fall  the  doom  which  the  sword  of  Assyria  §§  will  execute. 
It  is  because  the  Egyptian  party  has  secured  the  supremacy  that 
this  evil  fate  is  announced.      The  leaders  who  have  persuaded 
their  followers  to  adopt  a  policy  hostile   to  Yahweh's   teachings 
and   threatenings  will  now  surfer  the   misery  which  must  surely 
follow.     But  what  was  the  character  of  their  tongue  or  language, 
which  has  led  to  this  result  ?     Was  it  its  roughness,  ||  ||  its  decep 
tive  tone,^[  its  haughty  boasting,***  its  pride,  depending  upon 
Egypt  as  protection,|tt   its   mockery  and  scepticism,   its   inso 
lence  as  displayed  toward  Yah weh,  JJJ  its  bitterness ?§§§     Why 
should  we  have  expected  "  falseness"?      Only  here  and  Je.  15" 
is   DIN   used   of  men;    elsewhere   (e.g.   Is.    io5>25   i35,   etc.,  v.i.) 


*  Mau.,  Hes.  t  Ki.,  Cal.,  Hd.,  Pu. 

J  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Che.,  Reuss.  §  Bauer. 

||  Ke.,  Reuss,  We.  f  Ew.  **  2.  (Vj.)t  Ros.  ft  Jer.,  Or. 

tt  Rashi,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Geb.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Wii.,  Now.,  Che.,  GAS. 

§§  Cf.  Meinhold's  view  that  Syria  is  alluded  to,  not  Assyria.  ||||  Rashi. 

UU  Ki.,  Ros.,  Pu.      ***  Cal.      ftt  Hd.      J+J  Wii.,  Now.,  Or.,  Che.       $§$  GAS 


3O8  HOSEA 

only  of  Yahweh ;  hence  the  suggestion  of  my  tongue  (i.e.  Yah- 
weh's)  ;  but  upon  the  whole  the  rendering  insolence  satisfies 
the  context.  This  insolence  of  tongues  has  been  exhibited  espe 
cially —  in  the  land  of  Egypt~\  Cf.  Isaiah's  sermons  at  this  same 
time  against  the  representatives  of  the  Egyptian  party.  The 
words  this  their  scorn  are  a  gloss  *  explaining  the  h  Din  (v.s.). 
While  they  are  depending  upon  Egypt,  boasting  of  their  strength, 
only  scorn  and  derision  will  Egypt  accord  them.f  For  other 
treatments  of  n;ub,  v.s.;  but  cf.  Ewald  —  that  is  their  scorn  with 
the  land  of  Egypt.  Nothing  now  may  interpose  to  stay  the  doom 
of  a  people  whose  apostasy  and  treachery  are  so  evident.  De 
struction  is  certain.  —  VIII.  1.  To  thy  mouth  with  the  trumpet!] 
The  text  is  difficult  and  perhaps  corrupt,  both  (§  and  <£  grouping 
the  consonants  so  as  to  make  words  different  from  those  in 
fftTO  (v.s.).  Nothing  is  to  be  said  for  the  emendations  pro 
posed  (v.s.)  ;  nor  is  the  case  quite  so  bad  as  is  thought  by 
Nowack,  who  leaves  the  clause  untranslated.  *?jn  =  mouth  (Pr.  53 
87  Jb.  3 130;  cf.  also  Ct.  516  f}.\  It  is  the  sounding  of  the  alarm 
uttered  to  the  prophets  by  Yahweh,  for  the  enemy  is  now  approach 
ing  (cf.  57  ff-  Am.  51  ff-  Is.  525  ff>  y17).  — For  an  eagle  (comes  down]  upon 
the  house  of  Yahweh']  For  text,  v.s.  The  Assyrian,  cf.  Dt.  2849 
(not  including  Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  Roman  armies  §),  will 
come  with  the  swiftness  of  the  eagle  (cf.  the  description  of  his 
march  in  Is.  526"30).  This  is  the  explanation  of  the  alarm  ;  ||  and 
not  a  further  command  to  the  prophet  to  fly  like  an  eagle  to 
Yahweh's  house.^f  The  attack  will  be  made  upon  Yahweh's 
house,  i.e.  not  the  temple  in  Jerusalem,**  nor  the  temple  in 
Samaria,tt  nor  the  people  of  Israel  JJ  (Nu.  i27),  but  rather  the 
land  of  Israel,  as  also  in  Q15  (cf.  93).  §§  Here  is  to  be  compared 
the  Assyrian  name  for  Palestine,  bit  Humrt,  j|  ||  and  for  a  king 
dom  in  North  Syria,  bit  Adini.  —  Because  they  have  transgressed 
my  covenant  ( =  ordinance}  and  trespassed  against  my  law~\ 
Clearly  a  later  addition.^  For  this  use  of  JVC,  cf.  2  K.  n* 


*  Oort  (v.s.)  ;  Marti  om.  166  as  a  gloss. 

t  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Now.,  Or.        J  Ki.,  Hd.,  GAS.,  BOB. 
§  Jer.,  Pu.         ||  Ros.,  Hd.,  Evv.,  et  al.        II  AE. ;  cf.  Hi.        **  Jer.,  Theod. 
ft  Ew.  +t  Cal.,  Bauer,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or.  §§  Hi.,  Now.,  Che. 

III!  Cf.  KA  T»  247.  HH  Cf.  Now.,  Oort  (v.s.). 


VII.  I6-VIII.  3  309 

Je.  ii6  341Sl13  Ps.  io510;*  but  these  ordinances  (consider  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant  or  Ordinances)  are  based  upon  the  con 
stitutional  agreement  which  was  understood  to  have  been  entered 
into  between  Israel  and  Yahweh  at  Sinai  (v.i.).  Tmn  here  (cf. 
also  46)  refers  to  a  written  law  which  was  "  more  ethical  and 
religious  than  ceremonial."  f  —  2.  To  me  they  will  (then)  cry, 
My  God,  we  know  thee,  we  Israel^  To  me  is  in  strong  contrast 
with  those  to  whom  they  have  turned  in  the  past.  This  will 
take  place  when  the  disaster  is  upon  them,  cf.  515  6lff-.  The 
cry  will  be  one  claiming  relationship  with  and  intimate  knowledge 
of  Yahweh,  which  is  urged  as  a  ground  for  deliverance.  Just 
so  Yahweh  is  represented  as  recognizing  Israel  in  Is.  431.  The 
utterance  is  intentionally  broken  and  rough.  The  singular  my 
God,  used  of  each  individual  \  (cf.  Is.  ^  i  S.  510),  passes  abruptly 
into  the  plural,  the  nation  as  a  whole.  It  is  interesting  that  (§ 
and  &  omit  Israel  (v.s.),  which  is  in  apposition  with  the  we  of 
the  preceding  verb.  §  This  is  simply  a  prediction  of  the  coming 
time  when  Israel  will  view  the  situation  in  a  different  manner 
from  that  employed  at  present.  It  is  not  a  question  of  astonish 
ment,  ||  nor  is  the  language  ironical,^  or  potential.**  Cf.  Well- 
hausen's  suggested  translation  :  "  to  me,  they  cry  :  '  My  God  '  ; 
but  I  know  thee,  O  Israel."  —  3.  For  Israel  hath  spurned  the 
good"]  Yahweh's  thought  —  hardly  an  answer,  as  most  com 
mentators  take  it.  "The  good"  thus  rejected  with  loathing  (v.i.) 
includes  everything  for  which  Yahweh  has  stood  —  as  opposed 
to  the  turning  to  Assyria  and  Egypt  —  as  well  as  Yahweh  him 
self;  ft  cf-  Am-  54'6-14.  Seek  me  =  seek  the  good,  ma  without 
the  article  is  especially  strong.  S3  found  in  @  is  to  be  restored. 
The  whole  case  has  been  stated  ;  again  goes  forth  the  proc 
lamation  :  let  the  foe  pursue  him~\  On  the  form,  v.i. 

8.  D-HDN]   Emph.  pos.;   to  drop  the  second  one  (v.s.')  leaves  the  COnStrUC- 

05^ 

tion  with   n>n    awkward.  —  SSnm]    Cf.  Ar.  Jo,   moisten;    Assyr.   balalu  = 


pour  out  ;  Syr.  ^  \*5   (in  derivatives)   mix.     This  is  only  occurrence  of 
Hithpo.;   Qal.  =  mix,  is  used  of  confusion  of  speech  in  Gn.  n7-9  (J),  but 

*  See  Che.       f  Now.  ;  cf.  Or.  on  8«.       J  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wu.,  McC.,  Now.,  Che. 
§  Geb.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Che.,  Now.,  et  al.          ||  Ew.          H  Hi. 
**  Hd.  ft  So  Jer.,  AE..  Ki. 


310  HOSEA 

chiefly  of  the  mixing  of  flour  with  oil  in  sacrifices,  eg.  Nu.  718  Lv.  25;  it  is 
distinctly  characteristic  of  P.  This  verb  is  used  intentionally  in  view  of  the 
figure  of  the  cake  in  the  next  clause.  The  derivation  from  *?*?:j  =  nSs  waste 
away  (so  Ew.,  BSZ.)  is  unnecessary  and  without  support,  and  renders  the 
significance  of  D>D^3  obscure,  while  no  sufficient  reason  for  the  use  of  Hithpo. 
appears  (Now.).  —  ^3]  Here  with  a  ptcp.,  more  frequently  with  nouns;  cf. 
2  S.  i21  Ps.  19*.  Note  the  perfect  symmetry  of  the  two  lines  and  the  recur 
rence  of  _  in  8b  (four  times).  —  9.  Nini]  Introducing  a  circ.  cl.  with  vb.  in 
pf.  —  nP"K]  This  is  the  only  case  where  this  vb.  is  used  intransitively  (Ki., 
Hi.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wu.,  Now.) ;  cf.  Ex.  246  2Q16-  20.  Its  regular  meaning  is  to 
throw,  scatter  copiously  (cf.  Assyr.  zariku),  and  it  is  most  commonly  used  of 
the  dashing  of  the  sacrificial  blood  against  the  altar,  e.g.  Lv.  72.  Perhaps  here 
used  in  a  middle  sense;  cf.  ySn,  56  (Or.).  —  10.  nxr  *733]  On  concessive  force 
of  3,  cf.  K6.  394  z;  BDB.  gob.  — 11.  sS  pN]  Circ.  cl. — nw«  . . .  nnsc]  Emph. 
pos.;  Nip  =  call  for  kelp  is  more  often  construed  with  a  prep,  than  with  ace.  as 
here.  IV.TN  =  ace.  of  end  of  motion;  on  omission  of  n_  directive,  cf.  K6.  330 <r. 

—  iNip]  Recession  of  tone  and  retention  of  vowel  are  due  apparently  to  a  desire 
to  secure  the  same  rhythm  in  'p  'xn  as  in  'Sn  'trx.     This  artistic  effort  reminds 
us  of  some  of  Isaiah's  uses  of  paronomasia;   cf.  Is.  318f- 22f-.  — 12.  ai'D'N]   For 
other  examples  of  retention  of  the  initial  >  in  Hiph.  of  v'o  verbs,  cf.  D^D>D 
(=OTCV:)   i  Ch.  I22;    ne^,  Pr.  425;   i^>?,  Ps.  59;    but  the  unusual  form 
and  the  fact  that  this  is  the  only  instance  of  the  Hiph.  of  this  vb.  make  it 
probable  that  this  is  an  error  for  BID^N;   cf.  Bo.  437 /;   GK.  24^  70  £;   K6. 
II.  i.,  p.  356</);  Ew.8i3i  c.  —  amy1?  yD^D]  jrru'  is  regularly  followed  by  a  gen., 
which  may  be  either  attributive  (Ex.  231),  subjective   or  objective;    in  the 
latter  case  it  =  report  concerning.     The  construction  here  with  a  following 
prep,  is  duplicated  only  in  Is.  235  =  anxnS  j?Dtt»  IC'N?,  where  the  translation 
•when  the  report  reaches  Egypt  is  required  by  the  context  (Gr.  and  Marti,  how 
ever,  declare  the  construction  in  Isaiah  ungrammatical  and  emend  to  yc^;). 
But  according  to  a  report  to  their  congregation  furnishes  no  sense  here;   and 
it  seems  necessary  to  regard  the  text  as  corrupt.  — 13.   iv  .  .  .  MN]  MN  ex 
presses  denunciation  here  rather  than  grief,  as  appears  from  the  parallel  IK*. 
This  is  the  only  instance  of  IIP  used  as  a  denunciatory  particle;   a  closely  re 
lated  usage  appears  in  Je.  2O8.  —  •ow]    Emph.  =  and  will  /,  the  contrast 
being  both  with  the  previous  and  the  following  clauses;    for  the  interrog. 
without  particle,  cf.  GK.  i^oa;  on  use  of  impf.,  cf.  GK.  107  n.  —  nsm]  Introd. 
circ.  clause  with  concessive  force  =  though  they,  or  while  they.  — 14.    V^S;?] 
Other  cases  of  this  formation  in  this  same  vb.  are  Is.  I52f-  i67  Je.  4831  and 
Is.   6514   (  =  iL'<lt?;ri);    cf.    a^tpy,   Jb.   2421.      For   explanation,   cf.   GK.   jod; 
K6.  I.  i.,  p.  421.  —  oma3te>D  Sj?j  The  various  emendations  proposed  (v.s.)  are 
due  to  a  feeling:    (i)  that  S>?  should  have  same  force  here  as  with  pi  and 
BMTn;  (2)  that  i1"1?"  and  'jrn  both  refer  to  sacrificial  customs;   cf.  i  K.  i828. 

—  munt]   Has  been  connected  with :    (i)  iu  =  to  sojourn  and  rendered  they 
assemble  themselves  (so  AE.,  Ki.,  Thes.,  Wii.,  AV.,  RV.)  ;    (2)   -nj  —  to  quarrel, 
and  rendered,  they  excite  themselves  (so  Ew.),  but,   (i)  is  inappropriate  here 


VII.  8-VIII.  3  311 

and  (2)  always  implies  a  stirring  up  of  strife  or  war;  moreover,  Hithpo.  of 
-nj  is  otherwise  not  found.  <§'s  reading,  which  involves  the  slight  change  from 
i  to  i,  is  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  context.  —  n;D^j  ->,D,  turn  aside,  depart, 
is  never  construed  with  i\  hence  it  seems  necessary  to  point  ITD>  from  -no 
=  rebel,  though  impf.  of  "no  does  not  elsewhere  occur.  Note  the  parallel 
phrase  in  v.13,  o  V;VB  -3. — 15.  ^i]  Emph.;  note  exactly  parallel  const. 
Am.  29;  cf.  v.13  of  this  chap.  —  ^Ni]  For  other  instances  of  3S>n,  followed 
by  VN  =  hy,  cf.  Je.  4920  5O45.  — 16.  hy  N1?]  Cf.  *?>•  X  ii7;  Sy  Ojan,  2  S.  231;  and 
the  reverse  idea,  nSjJD1?  ruo,  Is.  821.  If  |H3T  be  correct,  hy  is  here  a  subst. 
used  adverbially,  and  an  adversative  particle  =  but  must  be  supplied;  at  best 
the  construction  is  exceedingly  irregular.  In  both  cases  ^y  has  _  because 
of  strong  accent.  —  v]  Only  here  and  Ps.  I3212,  where  it  has  relative  force; 
but  in  Mishnah  it  is  the  regular  fern,  of  ni;  cf.  rir,  2  K.  619,  etc.,  and  v,  Ps.  6212, 
etc.;  cf.  GK.  34  b,  K6.  44.  According  to  Ki.,  Ros.,  and  Now.,  n  =  nsr; 
while  Ew.  (fol.  by  Ke.)  makes  it  =  ru  by  a  dialectical  difference  in  the  method 
of  pronunciation;  cf.  Ew.8  183 a.  —  3J>'S]  Suffix  in  view  of  m  i^  must  be 
taken  as  an  objective  gen.  =  scorn  over  them.  —  VIII.  1.  -pn  SN]  For  similar 
abrupt  utterances  see  58  Ju.  511  Is.  820  Ex.  2;19  Pr.  2O25;  cf.  K6.  355  /,  m. 

&          /^ 

in  is  derived  from  -pn  (of  unknown  meaning)  as  appears  from  Syriac  ]  -^1  n 

**\'  *~ 
Arab.  viJUL^..     It  regularly  denotes  palate,  gums,  etc.,  always  referring  to  the 

interior  of  the  mouth,  never  to  the  lips.  —  "v.rj3]  The  T^J  is  probably  to  be 
identified  with  the  griffon-vulture,  eagles  being  rare  in  Palestine;  cf.  Now. 
Arch.  I.  84;  Tristram,  NHB.  172$.;  Dr.  on  Dt.  I412.  This  vulture  was  an 
eater  of  carrion  (Jb.  3930  Pr.  3O17)  and  was  often  mentioned  in  Assyrian  in 
scriptions  (nasru).  For  other  references  to  its  swiftness,  2  S.  I23  Je.  4922. 
—  2.  i:n  TPN]  The  sg.  suff.  is  strange  in  view  of  foil.  pi.  vb.;  -riSx  occurs  also  in 
226  (a  late  passage),  98- 17.  Other  suff.  with  a-nSx  are  q_,  4°  91  I27  10  13*  I42; 
v_,  98;  n_,  14!;  cn_,  i?  36  412  54  710.  The  use  of  suff_  wjth  the  divine 
name  is  much  more  frequent  than  in  Amos,  where  it  occurs  only  in  28  (an_); 
41'2  81*  and  915  (l-);  526  (03_),  at  least  two  of  these  passages  being  late. — 
3.  IQ-IT]  On  unusual  form  of  suff.  cf.  GK.  60  d.  It  is  jussive,  not  indie.,  and 
this  is  thought  to  account  for  the  i  (Now.).  —  nirp  no]  Cf.  ol/coy  0eoC,  I  Tim. 
3«  Heb.  36  (cf.  32)  Zc.  96. 


§  10.   Israel's  kings  and  idols  displeasing  and  destructive. 

84"14.  —  Israel's  kings  are  of  no  divine  appointment ;  and  the  calf 
set  up  at  Samaria  will  be  utterly  destroyed,  S4"6.  The  storm  of 
destruction  will  overwhelm  the  entire  nation ;  the  fact  is,  Israel  is 
already  being  swallowed  up  among  the  nations,  87"10.  Israel's  zeal 
in  worship  is  only  zeal  in  sinning,  no  regard  being  paid  to  the 
divine  admonitions.  Yahweh,  instead  of  granting  acceptance  of 
his  sacrifices,  will  bring  visitation  and  exile,  811"13. 


312  HOSEA 

This  piece  has  been  greatly  modified  by  insertions.  These  are  as  follows : 
i)  ma^  1J7D1?  (v.4);  2)  jypj  V?av  N^  TO  iy  (v.5);  3)  13  yon  px  ^aa  (v.8); 
4)  the  whole  of  v.10  (zu.);  5)  the  whole  of  v.14  (z/.z.).  The  following  trans 
position  is  necessary :  2a  •'ax  mn  (v.5)  to  follow  a^axy  (v.4),  ncx  (v.7)  being 
treated  as  going  with  what  precedes.  With  these  modifications  of  the  text, 
the  piece  falls  simply  and  naturally  into  three  strophes  of  eight  lines  each, 
each  strophe  in  turn  including  two  halves  of  four  lines  each.  The  measure  is 
a  mixture  of  tetrameter  and  trimeter. 

4.  wz>n]  Hal.  wirn. —  injn']  <§  tyvdpurdv  /not.  —  wp]  Read  *ife^. — 
ma11]  Read  pi.  with  (SJz^&iL,  viz.  •irnr\  Ru.  >rnDn.  —  5.  "i^y  rur]  €1  d7r6- 
rpuj/at  rdi/  n6<rxov  <rov  =  \~ur  (Vol.;  so  also  Hal.),  or  rur  (Stek.,  Gr.),  or  nj; 

(K6.   Stil.   241).      Complut.    and    codd.   22,    36,  42  =  dtr6ppi\f/o)>;    cod.   86, 

p 
dTr6ppi\j/e;    jzjj  Q^^  =  in:r  (Seb.) ;   'A.,  air&driGav  /i6cr%ous  <rov  ;    S.,  air e^X^jdt) 

.  .  .;  6.,  airbp'pi^ai.;  E',  d7ro/3X?7T6s  trow  ^fl-riv  6  /i60-%os;  15 projectus  est  vitulus 
tuus ;  1&  N^JJ?  "ina  ^to;  5L  coniri,  etc.  Read,  with  Oort,  HJTN  {ThT.  and 
.£w.;  so  We.,  Val./Now.).  Wkl.  (Untersuch.  182),  >nn;r  (so  Marti). 
BSZ.  mjr.  — ^DN]  Umb.  ISN  (so  Wii.).  — oa]  Oort  (T^T1.  and  Em.},^.— 
V?av]  Hal.  -iSa-in.  One  cod.  of  de  R.  Va-v  (so  also  Oort,  T^T1.  and  £w.). 

—  t^pj]    ©   Kadapi(r6fjvai ;    'A.,  adywdijvai  5    S.,  Ka.da.pdi)vai ;    5J  emundari ; 

p 

5>  |«3pia^.  Wkl.  {Untersuch.  182),  ODjrpj,  using  D  o  from  beginning  of  v.6. 
Gardner,  pa,  the  j  of  'pj  being  a  dittog.  of  prec.  t,  and  the  p  an  error  for  a. 
Oort,  N'^pi  or  n^pn,  inf.  Niph.  of  xip.  —  6.  SNT^Q  ^a]  ©  lv  T$  'lo-pa^X, 
joining  with  v.6 ;  It  z'»  Istrahel.  Gr.  ''SMN  IDID.  Oort  om.  o  and  joins  'tt'-s 
to  v.5.  Meinhold,  ti»x  ^a  ^a.  Hal.  'w*  no,  joining  to  v.6.  Ru.  reconstructs 
•inb;y  '^^n  ^niSi'D  T,  to  follow  |nar  (v.6),  the  words  'ui  nnn  being  misplaced. 

—  torn]   6m.  \  with  &  (so  also  Scholz,  We.,  Gr.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Gardner, 
Marti).  —  xin   DTV?N   vb\\    Another  reading,  Nin  QinSs  sS  o\-iSNi.  —  D>aae»  ^a] 
O   SI&TI   Tr\avu>v  =  aa^  or   aa'ii^  (Vol.);    S.,   d/caTdcrraTos  ;    E', 

p     >       P 
U  *'«  aranearum  telas ;  &  ]'*  -^ ^  =  D^aar  (Seb.);   cod.  86, 

TV  TT)S  dpd%  1/775  to-ry.  Read,  with  Oort  and  Now.,  aoatya.  Gr. 
spider-webs.  Ru.  c'osg  npr,  or  DO-V  (cf.  Ju.  I26).  St.  onatf  o. — 
^nDf  Sjy]  ©  and  S>  =  '»  lSjj;,  as  in  v.5.  Wkl.  om.  as  gloss ;  Ru.  om.  as 
repetition.  —  7.  ijnr]  Ru.  i>'^.  —  nnflioi]  ©  KCU  r?  KaraeTpo^  avr&v  = 
onc^D',  Aramaicism  (Vol.);  S.,  Kal  ffv<ro-ei<T/j.6v ;  0.,  /cal  Karcu7/5a.  Gardner, 
nnoiDi  =  and  its  end.  —  nxp']  ©  ^S^erai  avrd  =  ^3^.  (Vol.).  — .  .  .  ncp 
HDp  n^>]  @  5pd7/ia  oi)/c  exov  Ivx^v  T°v  Troirjeai  &\evpov ;  S.,  o-Ta%i;es 
&Kapiroi,  (J.T)  TTotoOi/res  &\fvpov.  —  SS]  Read,  with  We.,  nS  (so  Marti).  Oort 
(ThT.  and  ^w.),  anS.  Gr.  i?A  — nr^'a]  Marti,  nry -a.  —  8.  vn]  Oct. 
and  Marti,  rv-<.  Ru.  n^n  (cf.  Je.  2228).  —  la  ^cn  ^N]  @  dxpr/o-roj/ ;  T5  int- 
mundum. — 9.  iSy  nnn]  Ru.  iSph  aan.  —  -n^x]  Oort  (Em.},  H-WN.  —  X-ID 
l1*  ma]  @  dvtdaXev  Kaff  tavrbv;  S.,  /cai  o^/c  d^^aXei'  ^  ^o^;  cod.  86,  ws 
tivaypos  /jLovdfav  KO.&  favrbv  SiatTti/ievos.  Gr.  iTu  's  (cf.  Is.  I481).  Marti 
transfers  this  phrase  to  follow  'W  pSaj  (v.8),  and  reads  'ui  onow  —  ones] 


VIII.  4-H  313 

(§,  'A.,  2.,  and  6.  join  with  preceding  context.  We.  onxn  (so  Val.,  Oct., 
Now.2,  Marti).  Oort  (Em.),  onxpS-i,  for  'x  iS.  —  oonx  unn]  @  5cD/oa 
—  ianx  D'Ujnx  (Vol.);  U  muncra  dederunt  amatoribus  suis ; 

p       ••     7 

soiai^  =  oanx  pris  (Seb.).  Gr.  ianx  pnx  (cf.  91).  We.  -urn  (so 
Val.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Ru.  oyua  unru.  Oort  (Em.},  oonx  unj.  — 10.  >a  DJ]  <§  3t<i 
ToCro;  cod.  86,  dXXd,  /cai  6Vav.  —  w^]  <§  irapa8o6ri<rovTai,  and  J5  ^v*VJv  AJ 
(=  -urr). —  nny]  <&  om.  —  osapx]  Oct.  DIPDX  (so  Meinhold)  or  DXSJN.  Ru. 
Dxap"1,  with  the  subject  nnp,  which  is  to  be  taken  as  the  name  of  some  Assyr. 
people.  —  iSm]  Read,  with  @,  /rai  KOTT drove ii>,  -V?-im  (so  also  We.,  Or.,  Ru., 
Now.,  Oort  (Em.);  cf.  GAS.).  'A.,  KCU  Xiravetio-ovo-tv ;  S.,  /cai  /j,evov<7iv ; 

>  ^ 

6.,  Kal  StaXe^ouo-i ;  U  <?/  quiescent;  «g>  ^o  M  >1ZAJo  =  imjM  (Seb.);  E  pnam. 
Gr.  IN^I  or  iSin^  (so  Val.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Oct.  inw)  or  -iSnnM.  Hal.  -iSn^. 
Ru.  -imi(?).  Gu.  -iSn^i.  —  OJ?D]  Ru.  ta^a,  toy  being  the  name  of  some  Assyrian 
province. —  NITSD]  Read,  with  @  and  0.,  TOV  XP^"*  ntroD  (so  Oort  (ThT. 
and  Em.),  Kue.  (Einl.),  Che.,  Gr.,  Val.,  Ru.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Hal.,  Marti)c 
'A.,  d-rrb  fi^aros ;  S.,  cbrd  06/3ou.— ^D]  SE  and  2.,  pi.;  ©SUE,  'A.,  Arab., 
and  many  codd.  of  Kennicott  and  de  R.  join  to  following  word  by  1  (so  also 
Oort  (TAT.  and  Em.),  We.,  Gr.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Hal.).  — nntr]  Linder 
(SK.  XXXIII.  (1860),  746),  anr.  — 11.  Nan1?]  @  joins  with  foil,  clause,  els 
d/xa/3Ti'as.  Omit  with  We.  (so  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Or.  NgnS  (so  Oct.;  cf.  Gu., 
Now.);  Oort  (7^T.  and  Em.),  NtpnS.  —  nirQTD]  Hal.  nia-xo.  —  NtanS]  @  om. 
(so  also  Gu.),  and  adds  jftarnifte'va.  from  v.13  (Vol.);  2.,  els  af^aprtav ;  H  m 

P  V       p    p         7 

delictum  ;  &  \£>i  ]aL§^±  =  Snj  NtanS,  or  an  'S  (Seb.).  Oort  and  Ru.  om.  last 
two  words  of  this  verse  as  a  repetition.  — 12.  iS'airox]  5>  adds  "and"  (so 
alsoGr.).  Zeydner  (TkSt.  VI.  249),  a^nps.  —  >nin  >3iJ  0  TrXijdos  nal  rA  j/6/xt/xd 
jtiou  (=  Tmm  3"^);  'A.,  Tr\r)dvvofji.£i>ovs  »/6^ous;  2.,  TrXiy^T/  i>6/j,(t)v  /uou ;  U  multi- 

7  >•    "     «,p    > 
//iV«  /^-«  »waj/   &  ^OoLoJ?  f|^0».     Gr.  (t7«^.  II.  1.469;  so  Oort,  T'AT'. 

and  £»*.),  ^n-\in  na^r.  Hi.  >nnin  an  (so  We., Val.,  Sm.  (fal.  283  f.),  Gu.,  Loft., 
Marti).  Zeydner  ( ThSt.  VI.  249),  >nn'm)  a\  Oct.  ^n^in  nian.  —  IDD]  Ru. 

i-,?:N2.  —  iatrn:]  ,S  -^^^^  r^*-3|  ^aA^»— at^n  with  obj.  (Seb.).  — 13.  Tiar 
••an^n]  ©  ev<ria<TT'/ipia  ra  riyairrj^va  =  aoviN  D^nai  (Vol.),  joined  to  v.12; 

2.,  6v<rtas  tira\\ri\ovs ;    0.,  dwias  fj,€Ta<j>opwv;   'A.,  ^u<r^a5  $fye  0^pe;    U  ^<?- 

P  p       /^       /?>     /t> 

jrfflj  afferent;  %  ]*  -  ^  ^  l-^^?-  Oort  and  Ru.  om.  Marti,  nnx  nar; 
Sim.  'n  inar.  —  ina?11]  5»,  'A.,  and  0.  join  to  prec.  context;  ©  5t6rt  ^cii'  6v<rwcri.p 
6vvlav.  Oort  (^w.)  inai>.  Marti,  inajo.  —  iSDN>i  ne»a]  @  /cai  (j)dyw<riv  Kpea. 
Oort  (Em.),  'a  -iS:3x>i.  Oort  and  Ru.  'a  iSatw  nar.  Oct.  iSps>  irai.  —  ipo'11] 
We.  om.  i.  Oort  ipoi  (cf.  ©).  —  iaitp>  onxn]  (5  adds  (so  also  Gu.)  ical  tv 
'Ao-ffvpLois  dKddapra  <t>dyovTai.  Hal.  transposes  'W>  "d  nnn  to  end  of  v.9. — 
14.  mSain]  <&  Tf/j.^vt].  Besredka  (Rev.  eludes  Juives,  1893),  nwSn. — 
iinjnnN]  @  rd  6efj.t\ia.  atruiv  (so  3L).  Ru.  vnjpnx  (so  Oort  (Em.),  Marti). 
Gr.  p>njDix.  Oort  treats  v.14  as  inserted  later  from  Amos  (so  Scholz,  We., 
Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Marti;  cf.  Seesemann). 


314  HOSEA 

4.  Since  they  have  made  kings,  but  not  from  me~\  This  is  not  a 
reference  to  (i)  a  contemporary  king,  e.g.  Menahem  (cf.  y16)  ;  * 
nor  to  (2)  the  godless  way  of  choosing  kings  referred  to  in  y3-5'7 ;  f 
nor  to  (3)  the  fact  of  frequent  choosing  and  deposition  of  kings 
in  the  time  of  the  prophet  (cf.  f-1  810  2  K.  15).  J  The  prophet 
has  in  mind  rather  the  circumstances  under  which  the  kingdom 
was  divided,  the  establishment  of  Jeroboam  I.,  and  the  history 
in  detail,  which  followed  these  events.  §  He  clearly  condemns 
the  schism,  although  this  had  come  about  in  part  as  the  result 
of  prophetic  work  (i  K.  n2931  i215-24).  This  contradiction  is 
one  which  is  to  be  expected  as  between  prophets  of  a  higher 
and  lower  rank,  and  between  those  of  an  earlier  and  later  period. 
"A  prophet  could  only  declare  the  will  of  God  with  regard  to 
the  particular  case  laid  before  him."  ||  The  contradiction  is 
not  reconciled  by  the  statement  that  while  Jeroboam  was  God's 
choice  the  people  did  not  consult  him  (God)  at  the  time,  or 
that  Jeroboam,  after  being  told  God's  purpose,  took  wrong  means 
to  accomplish  it.^f  The  two  accounts  proceed  from  different 
points  of  view.  In  one,  the  schism  is  a  punishment  upon  Reho- 
boam  and  his  followers ;  in  the  other,  it  is  the  source  of  the  evils 
in  existence  in  the  prophetic  times.  —  (And)  since  they  have  made 
princes,  but  I  knew  (them}  //#/]  This  is  only  the  poetical  repetition 
of  the  idea  contained  in  the  former  line,  referring  perhaps  to  the 
subordinate  officers  of  the  royal  administration  ;  **  cf.  34  f  810 1310. 
To  know  is  to  recognize,  i.e.  to  approve,  regard  as  one's  own,  cf. 
jb.  Q21  344  Ps.  i6.  Others,  without  sufficient  ground,  treat  iTtrn 
as  =  Tvon,  and  they  remove  them  ff  (#./.).  —  With  their  silver  and 
gold  made  by  them  into  idols']  Here  for  the  first  time  a  prophet 
speaks  against  making  images  of  Yahweh,  and  while  the  calves  of 
Jeroboam  are  included  (some  limit  the  reference  to  these  JJ),  the 
wider  reference  is  to  Israel's  religious  history.  §§  The  prophet 
desires  to  place  together  two  facts  in  Israel's  history,  and  to  show 
that  they  are  correlated.  These  are  the  kings  established  by  men, 
and  the  gods  manufactured  by  men ;  as  with  one,  so  with  the 

*  Hi.  f  Ros.  +  Bauer,  Wii.,  We.,  Marti. 

§  AE.,  Ki.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Che.,  Reu.,  Now.        ||  Che. ;  cf.  Reu.,  Now. 

IF  Ki.,  Cal.,  Pu.  ft  Ras.,  AE.  §$  Sim.,  We. 

**  Hi.,  Sim.  II  Now. 


VIII.  4-5  315 

other.* —  That  they  may  be  cut  off}  For  text  v.s.  The  subject  is 
either  the  silver  and  gold,  or  the  idols, f  but  not  the  people.  \  If 
;£H2E  is  retained,  the  verb  is  collective.  Destruction  was,  to  be 
sure,  the  result  of  their  idolatry  ;  but  since  Israel  "  knew  or  could 
have  known  "  the  result,  to  engage  in  idolatry  was  to  purpose  de 
struction.  Purpose  and  result  are  not  always  clearly  to  be  distin 
guished.  §  This  clause  breaks  the  continuity  of  thought,  anticipates 
the  idea  that  is  to  follow,  makes  an  incomplete  line,  and  spoils  the 
symmetry  of  the  strophic  division ;  it  is  better  to  regard  it  as  a 
gloss.  —  Mine  anger  is  kindled  against  them']  This  clause,  trans 
ferred  from  56,  fits  better  in  this  place,  furnishes  the  principal 
idea,  and  prepares  the  way  for  the  more  specific  statement  with 
which  v.5  begins.  Its  removal  from  between  5a  and  56  assists 
greatly  in  improving  the  thought  of  vs.5a'"d6||  (?'./.);  cf.  Nu.  n33 
2  K.  23*  Is.  s25.  —  5.  I  loathe  thy  calf,  O  Samaria'}  This  render 
ing  (based  upon  the  emendation  of  n;?X  for  n")  accords  with  the 
clause  which  precedes  (mine  anger,  etc.),  and  comes  appropriately 
into  close  connection  with  the  first  part  of  v.6  (cf.  io15).  Other 
renderings  based  on  slight  modifications  of  text  (v.s.)  are  :  (i)  he 
loathes  thy  calf,  etc. ;  f  (2)  he  has  rejected  thy  calf ;  **  (3)  thy  calf 
has  rejected  thee  ;  ft  (4)  tnY  ca^  is  loathsome  ;  J J  (5)  my  anger 
has  rejected  thy  calf. §§  "Calf"  is  diminutive  and  sarcastic  for 
bull ;  these  representations  of  Yahweh  were  placed  in  Dan  and 
Bethel,  perhaps  also  in  Samaria  and  Gilgal ;  but  it  is  possible  that 
Samaria  is  here  a  district;  cf.  y1  86  io5-7  i316.  On  56  v.s.  —  How 
long  will  they  be  incapable  of  punishment  ?~\  This  gloss  is  an  expres 
sion  of  the  feeling  of  some  later  reader,  ||  ||  being  entirely  paren 
thetical  in  its  tone ;  cf.  Je.  i327.  The  thought  is  not  clear.  Is  it 
interrogation^  or  exclamation?***  Is  it  incapacity  for  inno- 
cency,  i.e.  inability  to  clear  themselves  of  guilt,ftt  or  freedom  from 
punishment  l\\  which  is  despaired  of?  Although  the  former  mean- 

*  v.  GAS.  I.  277. 

t  Ki.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che.,  Reu.,  Now.,  Marti. 

I  Ros.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Or.  ||  Cf.  Dathe,  Bauer,  Ru.      **  Hi.,  Umb.,  RV, 

§  Ros.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Or.,  Now.       IF  GAS. ;  cf.  Ew.  ft  AV.,  Stuck. 

H  Ma.,  Dathe,  Hd.,  Wu.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Che.;  K6.  Stil.  241.          $$  Mau. 

Illl  So  Marti,  who  om.  also  6a;  but  v.  Now.2. 

Hf  Ros.,  Hd.,  Or.,  Che.,  GAS.,  et  al.  ***  Sim.,  We.,  Now. 

trf  Ros.,  Sim.,  Or.,  Che.,  GAS.,  et  al.  J+J  Hi.,  We.,  Now.,  BSZ.,  BOB. 


3l6  HOSEA 

ing  for  'pi  is  found  in  Gn.  2o5  Ps.  266  7313,  the  context  which  de 
scribes  the  anger  and  loathing  of  Yahweh  favors  the  latter,  and  this 
is  supported  by  Je.  25^  (cf.  Ex.  2I28).  The  presence  of  h£3  in  so 
many  cases  favors  the  former  view.  It  is  unnecessary  to  read  ye 
for  they  (v.s.).  For  other  unapproved  suggestions,  v.s.  —  6.  For  out 
of  Israel  is  tt~\  This  clause  states  the  ground  for  Yahweh's  loathing 
of  the  calf,  and,  with  56  transferred  and  5c  treated  as  a  gloss,  joins 
itself  directly  to  the  principal  clause.  The  images  of  Yahweh  have 
never  been  sanctioned  by  him.  The  fact  that  these  images  are  of 
entirely  human  origin  furnishes  the  basis  for  Yahweh's  scorn  (cf. 
13*  Is.  3719  4019-20  4 17).  The  1  of  Kirn  seems  to  be  superfluous. 
If  retained,  it  would  be  read  is  this  also,  referring  to  the  kings, 
who,  like  the  idols,  were  without  divine  approval.  This  calf  is 
something  which  has  its  origin  in  Israel.  The  phrase  in  contrast 
with  Israel  is  not  "  other  nations,"  as  if  the  prophet  was  meeting 
the  plea  that  this  custom  was  of  foreign  origin.*  The  next  clause 
finishes  and  amplifies  the  thought.  —  A  smith  made  it  and  it  is  not 
GoJ~\  Cf.  i32;  it  has  no  real  existence.  The  people  addressed 
have  evidently  come  to  believe  that  the  image  and  God  are 
identical.  The  prophet  assures  them  that  it  is  from  Israel  and  is 
not  God.f  —  Like  splinters  Samaria's  calf  shall  become^  Utter 
destruction  awaits  this  emblem  of  and  substitute  for  deity.  This 
reads  5  for  "O  (v.s.),  and  makes  the  clause  a  part  of  the  general 
sentence  beginning  with  this  verse.  On  D'SDtP  v.i. 

4.  an]  Not  emph.,  but  introducing  the  circ.  cl.,  GK.  142  a,  b.  It  is  possible 
to  omit  it  as  a  dittograph,  in  which  case  the  first  two  vbs.  would  be  coordinate 
with  \y*;;  but  v.i.  —  i-p:rn]  Cf.  won,  Dn.  n31;  so  here  one  cod.  of  Kenn. 
and  two  of  de  R.;  cf.  also  Dn.  911.  For  the  form,  cf.  GK.  677';  cf.  Ru.'s 
reading  (v.s^).  —  "ui  0203]  The  subj.  of  the  pass.  >!£>>,  which  in  the  act.  would 
take  double  obj.,  K6.  327  w.  This  makes  a  third  consec.  circ.  cl.  —  v#>]  To 
be  read  Miry  pass,  ptcp.,  followed  by  the  S  of  agent  (GK.  I2i/)  although  S 
might  also  mean  here  for.  —  j j?oS]  Here  points  to  an  end  inevitably  involved 
in  the  action  described  by  the  principal  vb.,  but  none  the  less  deplorable;  cf. 
K6.  396  e.  —  5.  PUTS]  Cf.  (5  imv.  It  is  not  to  be  connected  with  PUT  =  to  stink 
(cf.  Is.  IQ6),  but  with  rur  —  to  loathe,  reject  (cf.  v.3  Ps.  432) ;  cf.  Assyr.  zinft  =r 
to  be  angry  (BOB.) — iSnv]  Not  Hoph.,  but  an  old  Qal  pass.;  cf.  K6.  I.  i. 
p.  407;  GK.  69  r.  —  6.  Nini]  If  i  is  retained,  it  is  strengthening  and  = 
also,  K6.  375  £". —  ann]  Emph.  pos.  —  noa^]  This  has  been:  (i)  connected 

*  So  Jer.,  Gal.,  Hd.  f  Sim. 


VIII.  5-9  317 

with  tne  Arab.  <_  >JM,  to  kindle,  burn  (cf.  Schultens  on  Jb.  i85),  i.e.  the 
splinter  with  which  one  kindles  a  fire;  also  with  Arab.  Sebibah  =  slice,  little 
piece  (Ew.)  ;  (2)  corrected  to  onatf  (cf.  Is.  i28  30")  (St.)  ;  (3)  derived  from 

the  Aram.  331?  =  break;    cf.  xatf  fragment  {Thes.  ;    K6.  II.  i.  p.  71;   Now.), 

a  ^ 
and  ^**,  to   cut.      V.  No.   Mand.   Gram.   140;    Hoffm.  ZAW.   III.   121; 

We.  t»  loc.  —  ~v  SJJT]  Cf.  K6.  Hauptprobleme,  53ff. 


7.  /^r  M<?y  .r<?w  o//«</  tf#^/  /^<?y  r<?<z/  whirlwind~\  A  further 
statement  and  explanation  of  the  coming  destruction.  JF/W  rep 
resents  the  nothingness,  the  utter  failure,  of  their  present  policy  ; 
but  the  outcome  is  still  more  serious,  viz.  whirlwind,  that  which 
is  itself  destructive;  cf.  io13.  —  A  seed  which  has  no  stalk~]  "h  is 
difficult  (v.s.).  According  to  fft&,  it  has  no  stalk,  the  pronoun 
refers  to  Israel,  but  in  that  case  ittb  would  be  expected.  If  taken 
as  suggested,*  rb  would  be  expected  instead  of  "h,  for  nap  is 
feminine.  The  fact  of  the  symmetry  gained  by  this  reading  is, 
however,  convincing.  —  Which  yields  no  grant]  i.e.  is  utterly 
worthless.  —  If  perchance  it  were  to  yield,  strangers  would  devour 
it~]  All  that  Israel  might  hope  to  gain  will  pass  over  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy  .f  The  figure  continues  through  to  the  end,  }  and  does 
not  go  over  in  the  latter  half  to  a  description  of  actual  events.  §  — 
8.  Israel  is  swallowed  up]  The  nation  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
practically  ruined.  The  prophet  is  speaking  of  the  present,  not 
the  future,  ||  as  appears  from  the  tense  (cf.  \llte'  v.7),  and  from 
the  following  parallel  phrase  vn  nnu.^f  It  does  not  mean  that  the 
nation  as  well  as  the  fruit  shall  be  swallowed,  for  i?b23  is  not  a 
prophetic  perfect.**  —  Already  are  they  among  the  nations']  This 
is  the  simple  prose  interpretation  of  the  figures  which  have  been 
used  (cf.  78).  The  process  of  scattering,  i.e.  the  loss  of  indepen 
dence,  has  begun,  though  they  do  not  appreciate  it.  With  this 
clause  there  has  been  associated  the  gloss,  like  a  vessel  in  which 
is  no  pleasure^  This,  however,  is  entirely  foreign  to  the  thought  of 
the  context.  It  is  a  not  uncommon  simile,  denoting  something 
unserviceable  and  worthless;  cf.  Je.  2228  4S38.  —  9.  For  they  have 
gone  up  to  Assyria']  This  fact  is  cited,  not  as  a  punishment  to 

*  We.  f  Marti,  without  good  reason,  om.  this  sentence  as  a  gloss. 

J  Ros.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.  §  Marck,  Hi.,  Umb. 

||  So  Hi.  H  Now.  **  Marck. 


318  HOSEA 

be  inflicted  upon  them,  viz.  the  exile,  but  as  an  act  of  faithlessness 
and  guilt.  This  statement  presents  still  more  literally  and  specifi 
cally  the  exact  situation.  Note  (i)  Israel  is  swallowed  up; 
(2)  (the  more  prosaic  form  of  the  same  thought)  they  are  already 
among  the  nations;  and  now  (3)  (the  very  specific  expression) 
they  have  gone  up  to  Assyria.  The  going  up  to  Assyria  was  for 
assistance  and  marked  dependence  upon  a  foreign  power. — 
A  wild  ass  faking  his  way  by  himself^  This  is  not  Assyria,*  but 
Israel ;  |  for  (i)  it  is  to  Israel  that  the  application  of  the  figure  is 
appropriate,  viz.  wilfulness;  (2)  there  is  a  pun  on  the  words 
fcHB  and  D"tBK.  The  wild  ass  usually  moves  in  droves,  \  but  this 
representation  of  solitariness  marks  Israel's  case  as  all  the  more 
peculiar.  Perhaps  this  clause  should  go  with  the  following,  §  but 
it  is  more  natural  ||  to  take  KiS  as  figurative  of  wilfulness  than 
as  denoting  love  of  independence  (cf.  Gn.  i612  Jb.  39'5ff-),  as  the 
connection  with  the  following  would  involve.  —  Ephraim  gives 
love-gifts']  These  are  the  gifts  by  means  of  which  Israel  sought 
connection  with  Egypt  and  Assyria.  Wellhausen's  suggestion 
to  substitute  "  Egypt "  for  "  Ephraim,"  rendering,  to  Egypt  they 
give  love-gifts,  is  strongly  supported  by  the  parallelism  ;  cf.  $&.  — 
10.  Also  if  they  give  themselves  among  the  nations,  I  must  now 
gather  them  in]  This  verse  is  a  later  additional"  This  is  at  once 
apparent  if  D^-pK  is  taken  as  a  promise  to  gather  them  after  they 
have  been  scattered  among  the  nations  in  exile;  but  it  is  clear 
also  upon  the  other  interpretation.  As  Simson  has  pointed  out,  no 
single  word  of  this  entire  verse  is  of  certain  meaning.  In  10a  the 
thought  turns  on  the  interpretation  of  D¥2pK ;  the  suffix  refers  to 
Israel,**  not  to  the  nations.! t  The  verbal  idea  is  not  a  promise,  J  J 
but  a  threat.  §§  If  the  nations  were  to  have  been  gathered  against 
Israel,  something  indicating  this  would  have  been  inserted.  It  is 
Israel  that  is  to  be  gathered  in,  i.e.  brought  back  home,  put  under 
restraint,  imprisoned,  deprived  of  judgment,  taken  into  exile ;  cf. 


*  Dathe,  Bauer,  Eich.,  Schro.  §  Sim.,  et  al. 

f  Ma.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Or.  ||  So  Now. 

J  See  art.  "  Ass,"  EB.  U  Marti  om.  10«  as  a  gloss. 

**  AE.,  Cal.,  Ew.,  Wii.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  et  al. 

ft  Ki.,  Os.,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Or.,  et  al.  JJ  Umb.,  Hd.,  et  al. 

§§  Stuck,  Wii.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  et  al. 


vm. 

2i4f.  ^3f.  gis  9s  -phis  entering  into  relationship  with  outside  nations 
must  cease.  "  The  time  has  come  for  me  to  check  their  misplaced 
activity."  nD  DJ  means  therefore  even  if  (ci.  916  Is.  i15  Ps.  2$*}  rather 
than  yea  though.*  i:rv  is  treated,  of  course,  like  the  "urn  of  the  pre 
ceding  verse.  —  And  they  must  cease  for  a  while  from  the  anointing 
of  kings  andprinces\  Here  the  uncertainty  turns  first  upon  the  treat 
ment  of  ibm.  Three  principal  suggestions  may  be  considered  ac 
cording  as  the  word  is  taken  from  :  (i)  bbn,  to  begin,  i.e.  they  begin 
to  be  diminished  f  (BU&  =  inf.),  or  to  become  less  (tatftt  =  adv.)  \ 
on  account  of  the  burden,  etc. ;  (2)  bin,  to  be  in  pain,  to  grieve, 
and  pointed  without  the  Daghesh  iblTl  (so  10  Mss.  and  44  Edi 
tions  §),  i.e.  and  they  shall  suffer,  or  grieve  a  little  on  account  of, 
etc- }  II  (3)  ^"in'  tne  text  being  changed  to  ibnni  (v.s.),  i.e.  And 
they  will  cease  for  a  little  (or  soon),  etc.  Adopting  the  third,  it 
is  better  also  to  adopt  the  (&  text,  ntfiao,  from  anointing,  instead 
of  KtyE&  (v.s.).  The  latter  has  been  thought  to  refer  to  the 
tribute  imposed  by  the  king  of  Assyria,  d'ntp  "]bfc  being  taken  in 
annexion,  king  of  princes  *^  With  the  second  suggestion  made 
above,  this  would  fulfil  the  demands  of  the  context  in  yielding  a 
statement  having  the  force  of  a  threat.  The  &  text,  however, 
furnishes  an  easier  solution,  and  one  especially  appropriate.  There 
will  be  a  ceasing,  says  the  prophet,  from  this  continual  anointing 
of  kings  and  princes  (a  case  of  asyndeton).  In  this  interpretation, 
QI7&  may  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  soon  (cf.  Ps.  212  8i14)  or  for  a 
little  while.  The  latter  is  of  course  the  more  usual  and,  here,  the 
more  caustic. 

7.  o]  Cf.  vs.6-9-10.  — nPo>D]  On  the  final  n_  cf.  nnSip,  io13  Ez.  2815;  also 
nmr;,  Ps.4427;  qnSrj,  Ez/281*;  an  ace.  cf.  K6.  287  b;  GK.  90/5  Dr.  §182  Obs. 
Note  the  assonance  in  nop,  nss,  and  nap. —  ^3]  Cf.  K6.  352  c;  GK.  i$2t. — 
V?IN]  Cf.  K6.  3905;  BSZ.  18.  —  8.  "m  ^DD]  An  elliptical  rel.  cl,  GK.  155  »'; 
K6.  380  c.  —  9.  NIS]  On  gender,  K6.  24.7/5  Albrecht,  ZAW.  XVI.  (1896) 
68;  on  deriv.  Jensen,  Kosmologie,  no;  cf.  Assyr.  parft,  which,  however,  means 
miile,  wild  ass  being  purtmu;  for  other  figures,  cf.  Je.  224  Jb.  245.  —  unn]  PI. 
with  coll.  noun,  cf.  Ju.  514a.  —  DOHN]  PI.  of  psycholog.  experience;  cf.  also 
om,  Ct.  i2-4;  oo J?,  Ez.  3332;  cf.  K6.  262^.  — 10.  o  DJ]  K6.  339  t.  —  iSn^i] 
Cf.  GK.  in  iv,  N.  Impf.  continuing  a  historical  present,  K6.  366 g.  —  t3j£o] 

*  But  cf.  BOB.  169,  Dr.  143.        f  Ma.,  Ros.,  Ke.        t  Hi.        §  de  Rossi. 
||  Cal.,  Stuck,  New.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Wu. ;  cf.  Gu.  H  Eich.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  et  al. 


320  HOSEA 

On  dag.  cf.  GK.  20 g\  Ko.  I.  p.  54  b.     On  relation  to  vb.,  Ko.  412  a.  —  iVn 
Dn'r]   With  superlative  force,  according  to  Ko.  309  k. 

11.  For  Ephraim  has  made  many  altars~\  It  was  the  common 
notion  (Is.  i11)  that  the  more  sacrifices  offered  (or  altars  built) 
the  more  pleasing  was  it  to  the  national  deity.  The  Kfcnb,  if 
retained,  indicates  that  the  opposite  of  this  is  true,  viz.  that  this 
multiplication  of  altars  results  merely  in  sinning*  If  retained 
with  the  pointing  Kisr6  f  (the  inf.  absolute  being  used  for  the  sake 
of  the  rhythm),  the  meaning  would  be  that  Ephraim's  purpose 
in  all  this  was  to  make  atonement,  i.e.  to  secure  expiation  of  sin ;  a 
purpose  which  the  second  member  shows  to  have  been  futile  ;  but 
this  idea  is  scarcely  consistent  with  this  period.  It  seems  better, 
therefore,  to  omit  the  word  in  this  line  (v.s.).  —  They  are  to  him 
altars — for  sinning]  What  was  thought  to  be  action  deserving 
commendation  is  condemned.  The  more  altars,  the  greater  and 
deeper  is  Israel's  guilt.  Ktsnb  is  not  used  in  a  double  sense,  J  viz. 
the  sin  of  the  act  and  the  calamity  resulting  from  the  act,  since 
the  latter  idea  is  not  possible  in  this  connection.  §  To  retain  the 
KEnb  of  the  first  line  involves  a  repetition  amounting  to  tautology, 
and  greatly  weakens,  instead  of  strengthening,  the  sense.  ||  It  is 
not  enough  to  use  the  word  in  one  sense  in  the  first  line,  and  in 
another  in  the  second.  — 12.  Were  I  to  write  for  him  by  myriads 
my  laws']  Each  word  of  this  much-disputed  sentence  presents 
difficulties.  Is  (a}  the  Q?ri  ^3"}  to  be  accepted  with  the  render 
ing  the  multitudes  of  my  /aw(s),  or  my  many  laws,^  or  the  excel 
lencies  of  my  law**  or  the  great  things  of,  etc. ;  ft  or  (b}  the 
K*thibh  IS"!,  by  myriads,  j  j  or  the  ten  thousand  things  of,  etc.  ;  §  §  or 
(c}  Sh  ||  ||  or  ni21,f^[  multitudes  ;  or  (d)  nil.,***  the  words  of  my 
law(s}  ?  Is  (a)  the  sg.  'rnin,  my  /0o/,ttt  or  W  the  P1-  "tnvi  JJJ 
to  be  preferred?  Cf.  also  (f)  the  combination  ViTirn  S"i. §§§  Is 
SirOK  (a}  to  be  taken  as  Qal,  or  (£)  changed  to  Hiph.  —  cause 
to  write  ;  ||  ||  ||  and,  in  the  former  case,  is  it  (?)  an  historical  present 


*  Che.  J  Ma.,  Hi.  §§  RV.  1TO  Oct. 

fOr.  $  Hd.  HI]  We.  eial.(vj.). 

||  So  Now.  against  Ew.,  Hd.  ***  Gr.,  Oort.  (z/.j.).  ftt  Sim. 

H  Bauer,  Dathe.  ff  AV.  Jtt  ®^  and  niost  modern  comm. 

**  Ma.  ++  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Ke.  $§§  <E.  ||||||  Zeydner 


viii.  ii-i2  321 

indicating  that  what  had  occurred  was  continuing  still;  *  or  (d}  a 
future,  /  will  write ;  f  or  (e)  a  present  perfect,  I  have  written;  \ 
or  (/)  a  past,  I  wrote  ;  §  or  (g)  an  imperfect  of  customary  action, 
F  am  wont  to  write ;  \\  or  (h)  hypothetical,  were  I  to  write,  etc., 
though  I  wrote,  etc.\  The  importance  of  this  utterance  lies  in 
the  testimony  which  it  furnishes  to  the  existence  of  laws  or  a  code 
of  laws  in  Hosea's  time.  We  decide  first  in  favor  of  13"),  myriad 
(although  this  occurs  elsewhere  only  among  late  writers,  v.i.), 
because  :  (a)  ''SH  as  a  plural  occurs  nowhere  else ;  (&)  nothing  is 
gained  by  substituting  an  or  any  of  its  cognate  forms,  all  convey 
ing  the  same  idea,  that  of  multitude,  an  idea  which  itself  is  identical 
with  that  of  ia"%  ten  thousand ;  (c)  while  *nai  is  easy  and  plausible, 
it  is  impossible  to  imagine  how,  if  once  it  had  a  position  in  the 
text,  anything  could  have  been  allowed  to  take  its  place.  It 
follows,  almost  without  argument,  that  my  laws  (pi.)  (for  which 
no  consonantal  change  is  required)  combines  more  easily  with 
myriad  or  ten  thousand  than  does  my  law  (sg.)  ;  for  the  thought 
plainly  in  Hosea's  mind  was  the  multiplicity,  and  not  the  unity, 
of  the  laws.  Little  can  be  said  for  the  Hiph.,  /  cause  to  write ; 
it  only  remains  to  settle  the  tense  force  of  airOK.  If  the  writer 
had  intended  past  or  present  perfect,  i.e.  if  he  had  wished  to  mark 
it  as  a  definite  fact,  he  would  naturally  have  used  the  perfect 
tense.  The  present,  whether  historical  or  voluntative,  fails  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  context,  although  both  would  emphasize 
the  idea  that  the  laws  were  still  in  process  of  being  written  or 
collected,  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  collection  was  not  yet 
finished.  The  future  makes  no  sense  whatever.  Upon  the  whole 
the  hypothetical  force  seems  to  be  preferable,  Were  I  to  write  my 
laws  by  myriads,  i.e.  if  I  were  to  write  laws  so  many  that  they 
could  not  be  numbered ;  or,  if  the  laws  that  have  been  written 
should  be  increased  indefinitely  (to  ten  thousand),  —  a  statement 
which  presupposes  :  (a)  that  in  Hosea's  time  the  custom  was 
established  of  reducing  instruction  to  writing  ;  **  (b)  the  possibil 
ity  of  increasing  the  number,  i.e.  a  conception  that  the  list  was 
incomplete  ;  ft  (*)  tnat  the  laws  in  existence  were  not  being  ob- 

*  Ke.  f  ffitf.  +  S>&,  AV.  §  RV.  ||  Che. 

U  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ew.,  Or.  **  Cf.  Holzinger,  EM.  8. 

ft  Cf.  Kue.  The  Hexateuch,  178 :  "  With  the  prophets  then  the  torah  of  Yahweh 
Y 


322  HOSE A 

served,  although  the  prophets  were  defending  them  (cf.  4s"8)  ;  and 
consequently  (</)  that  they  were  not  the  ceremonial  laws  regulat 
ing  the  work  of  the  priests,  for  this  work  the  prophet  condemns 
because  he  does  not  regard  it  as  a  part  of  Yahweh's  instruction 
(cf.  Is.  i11'12),*  but  rather  prophetic  instructions,  laws  relating 
to  "  civil  justice  and  the  applications  of  a  plain  but  religiously 
sanctioned  morality  (cf.  the  so-called  Book  of  the  Covenant, 
Ex.  2o23-2333) ."  f  Among  the  prophets  tdrah  =  instruction,  and 
refers  to  the  admonition  of  the  prophets  (cf.  Is.  i10  23  816  Je.  i818 
264  5  Ez.  y26  Is.  424  Hg.  211  Zc.  f2.  In  Deuteronomy  statutes  and 
judgments  is  the  phrase  which  expresses  the  idea  of  law ;  while 
tdrah  is  still  used  of  oral  instruction.  \  It  is  urged  §  against  this 
interpretation  :  (i)  that  the  analogy  of  other  Semitic  religions,  in 
which,  from  the  first,  the  ceremonial  and  ethical  appear  together, 
is  against  the  position  that  the  instruction  referred  to  was  ethical 
rather  than  ceremonial ;  (2)  that  this  proposition  does  not  explain 
the  fundamental  significance  of  the  symbolism  of  ceremony  in 
ancient  religions  ;  and  (3)  the  existence  of  such  ceremonial  ele 
ments  in  the  Decalogue  and  Book  of  the  Covenant ;  while  (4)  there 
stands  against  it  the  presupposition  of  an  extensive  priestly  law  in 
Deuteronomy.  It  is  maintained,  still  further  ||  :  (i)  that  even 
granting  the  hypothetical  translation,  the  passage  proves  "  the 
existence  of  a  detailed  and  copious  law  embracing  the  subject 
of  sacrifice,  which  the  prophet  held  to  be  from  God,  and  charged 
both  priests  and  people  with  neglecting"  ;  (2)  that,  however,  the 
tense  (pf.)  of  laipro  renders  the  hypothetical  construction  impossi 
ble,  and  favors  the  treatment  of  mrOK  as  historical  (cf.  Ps.  iO37)  ; 
and  (3)  that  the  hypothetical  explanation  involves  certain  incon 
gruities  which  are  fatal,  e.g.  would  ten  thousand  requirements  be 
more  likely  to  secure  obedience  than  a  smaller  number  ?^[ —  As 
those  of  a  stranger  they  would  be  accounted^  and  therefore  of  no 

is  by  no  means  a  closed  and  completed  whole,  handed  down  from  antiquity,  but 
the  continuous  and  ever  renewed  indication  to  Israel  of  Yahweh's  will." 

*  We.  Pro/.  57. 

t  Che. ;  cf.  Briggs,  The  Hexateuch,  14 ;  Carpenter  and  Harford-Battersby,  The 
Hexateuch,  I.  19. 

\  Cf.  Addis,  The  Documents  of  the  Hexateuch,  II.  34,  N.  I.  §  Or. 

||  Green,  Moses  and  the  Prophets,  114. 

H  Cf.  Sm.  Moses  apud  Prophetas,  13 ;  NowA 


VIII.  12-13  323 

binding  force ;  for  how  could  the  laws  of  one  nation  be  regarded 
as  authoritative  by  another?  Cf.  Gn.  ig9.  The  matter  may  be 
summed  up  :  Hosea  condemns  those  of  his  time,  priests  and  peo 
ple,  who  are  observing  in  great  detail  a  sacrificial  cult  (v.11)  and 
accuses  them,  although  they  are  very  busy  in  the  observance  of 
this  cult,  of  having  forgotten  Yahweh  (4s"8).  These  people,  he  says, 
would  count  even  a  myriad  of  Yahweh's  laws,  if  they  were  written 
for  them,  as  the  prophecy  of  a  stranger  and  therefore  as  not  bind 
ing.  They  have  in  mind  nothing  but  offerings ;  they  forget  the 
divine  instructions  delivered  by  the  prophets.  — 13.  My  offerings 
of  .  .  .  they  sacrifice  flesh,  and  they  eat  it~]  The  easiest  disposi 
tion  of  the  words  "jsn  'rat,  and  the  one  most  common,  is  to  render 
my  sacrificial  gifts  (v.i.)  they  sacrifice,  etc.,  which  is  interpreted  to 
mean  that  sacrifice,  with  them,  is  merely  formal,  the  important 
thing  being  the  "luxury  of  a  dinner  of  flesh-meat";*  but  this 
is  almost  meaningless  in  this  connection.  The  same  thing  may 
be  said  of  the  slightly  varying  translations,  sacrifices  of  my  own 
gifts,-\  as  a  sacrifice  of  my  gifts,  %  etc.  Essentially  different  are 
the  interpretations  which  understand  "Oron  to  mean  raw  flesh 
(zu.),§  or  roast  sacrifices  (zu.).  ||  (H  (v.s.)  connects  the  first 
two  words  with  the  preceding,  viz.  "  and  my  laws  were  reckoned 
as  those  of  a  stranger,  the  beloved  sacrifices  "  ;  while  some  treat 
them  as  a  gloss  and  thus  secure  the  simple  reading,  they  sacrifice 
flesh  and  they  eat  it*^  There  is  not  very  great  choice  in  the 
midst  of  so  many  difficulties.  — Yahweh  having  no  delight  in  them} 
On  nan,  v.i.  This  is  the  important  point.**  Whatever  the  pre 
ceding  words  mean,  they  were  intended  to  describe  a  cultus,  a 
worship,  in  which  Yahweh  took  no  pleasure,  and  consequently 
Now  must  he  remember  their  guilt]  Now  =  at  last;  the  consum 
mation  has  been  reached.  Patience  is  exhausted;  he  must  re 
member,  i.e.  he  feels  himself  obliged  to  remember  and  to  take 
notice  of  their  guilt  (cf.  f  99  Je.  i410 ;  in  all  of  which,  as  here,  the 
verb  in  the  parallel  member  is  npB,  visit,  punish.) — And  visit 
their  sin]  The  usual  and  frequent  technical  term  for  punishment. 
—  Since  they  to  Egypt  shall  return]  Cf.  g3- 6  1 15.  This  is  either  a 

*Ki.,  Hd.,  Ke.,St.,  Che.,  BDB.  J  Sim.  ||  Or. 

t  Stuck,  Hes. ;  cf.  Bauer.  §  Ew.  U  Oort,  Ru. 

**  But  Marti  om.  this  phrase  as  a  gloss. 


324  HOSEA 

poetical  expression  for  captivity  in  general  ;  or  a  prediction  of  cap 
tivity  in  Egypt,  parallel  with  the  more  frequent  prediction  of  an 
Assyrian  captivity.  In  favor  of  the  second  supposition  may  be 
cited  (i)  the  repetition  of  the  threat  (v.s.),  (2)  the  threat  in 
Is.  718  of  a  double  invasion  from  Egypt  and  Assyria,  (3)  the  con 
stant  vacillation  between  the  two  political  parties,  one  of  which 
advocated  alliance  with  Egypt,  the  other  with  Assyria  ;  but  above 
all  (4)  the  predictions  of  restoration  from  Egypt  in  Is.  n11 
Mi.  712.  It  would  be  interesting  if  in  this  connection  it  could  be 
shown  that  (d's  addition  to  this  verse  (v.s.),  and  in  Assyria  they 
shall  eat  the  unclean  thing,  were  anything  but  a  gloss  borrowed 
from  93.*  —  14.  And  so  Israel  forgot  his  maker  and  built  palaces~\ 
This  verse  is  a  later  addition,!  for  (i)  the  reference  to  Judah  is 
uncalled  for;  (2)  the  style  resembles  that  of  Amos  rather  than 
Hosea  ;  (3)  the  natural  conclusion  of  the  discourse  is  in  v.13; 
v.14  only  weakens  the  climax  ;  (4)  the  thought  of  Yahweh  as 
Israel's  creator  is  unexpected  in  Hosea's  time;  (5)  the  verse  is 
superfluous  in  the  strophic  system.  The  abandonment  of  Yahweh 
in  the  opinion  of  the  prophet  is  contemporaneous  with  and  in 
proportion  to  the  steps  taken  to  exhibit  self-dependence.  Palaces 
(rather  than  the  more  common  rendering  of  m^DTi  temples}  must 
be  understood  (v.i.),  since  we  may  ascribe  neither  to  Hosea 
nor  to  a  later  author  the  opinion  that  the  building  of  the 
temple  was  a  wicked  thing.  —  And  Judah  multiplied  fenced 
cities^  The  poetic  parallel  for  the  preceding  statement.  —  And 
so  I  will  send  fire  upon  his  cities,  and  it  shall  devour  his  palaces'] 
Cf.  Am.  i4-25. 


11.  NttnS  '?£]  If  f$tf&  stands,  an  interesting  case  of  repetition  of  a  series 
of  words,  H.  39,  5  a,  rm.  (<?).  —  12.  DIHDN]  Qerl  shortens  the  longer  form  of 
Kethibh.  —  ni]  Qeri  changes  i  of  Kethibh  to  ",  thus  securing  a  pi.  cstr.  — 
nirn;]  For  pass,  used  with  ace.,  v.  Pr.  ly28;  also  frequently,  as  here,  with  n, 
d.  Is.  528  2916  Jb.  i83;  K6.  338  v,  y,  e.  On  d.  f.  in  v,  cf.  GK.  13  c.— 

13.  ipD^i  .  .  .  -DP]     Parallel   acts,  hence  i  rather   than  'fl'i.     Ko.   37O/  — 

14.  TriS;:'!]  Waw  consec.  with  pf.  =  impf.  of  threat,  as  seen  from  the  con 
text,  although  no  determining  word  precedes;   cf.  also  45a  io14;   K6.  367  y. 

*  Cf.,  however,  Gu.     Marti  treats  since  they  to  Egypt,  etc.,  also  as  a  gloss. 
f  So  Sta.  G  VI.  I.  577  ;  Scholz,  Oort,  We.  ;  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  XVII.  ff.  ;  GAS., 
Now.;   Marti,  EB.  2122;  et  al.  /but  cf.  Rue.  Einl.  \  67,  8-10;  Co.  Einl.  \  27,  3. 


VIII.  I3-I4  325 

§  11.  Israel's  exile  —  a  breaking  up  of  social  and  religious 
habits.  91"9.  Israel  should  not  rejoice  too  loudly  in  her  har 
vest  and  vintage  feasts,  since,  on  account  of  her  adultery,  the 
time  is  at  hand  when  there  will  be  no  threshing-floors  nor  wine- 
vats,  no  libations  nor  offerings  ;  for  all  food  will  be  unclean,  and 
all  who  eat  unclean  (vs.1-2-4).  Israel  is  to  be  carried  into  exile 
in  Assyria  or  Egypt,  where  it  will  be  impossible  to  celebrate 
feasts  and  festivals,  and  her  own  land  will  be  thorns  and  thistles 
(vs.3-5-6).  Israel's  days  of  visitation  are  coming,  —  days  of  bitter 
experience,  when  prophets  and  spiritual  guides  will  have  been 
driven  mad  because  of  Israel's  faithlessness,  and  because  of  the 
opposition  which  they  encounter,  —  days  of  dire  punishment 
(vs.7-8). 

This  piece  is  marked  by  a  peculiar  definiteness  and  clearness.  Perhaps 
v.8  forms  an  exception  to  this  statement.  It  consists  of  three  strophes,  each 
of  which  is  introduced  by  a  three-membered  clause,  after  which  come  perfectly 
regular  couplets:  strophe  I,  3  +  2+2  +  2  +  2;  strophe  2,  3  +  2+2  +  2; 
strophe  3,  3  +  2  +  2  +  2.  Strophe  I  warns  against  the  heathenish  joy  of  their 
celebrations,  for  soon  there  will  be  no  libations  nor  sacrifices.  Strophe  2 
announces  the  exile,  during  which  the  celebration  of  feast-days  and  festivals 
will  be  impossible.  Strophe  3  describes  days  of  visitation.  The  following 
modifications  are  to  be  adopted:  (i)  the  transfer  of  v.3  to  precede  v.6; 
(2)  the  treatment  of  v.9  as  a  gloss. 


1.  SM-SN]  <&  (UrjS^  efxppaivov;  so  j&F®,  all  reading  SN.  Om.  as  a  gloss 
repeating  nctrn  *?N.  Marti,  Sin  Sx.  —  D^nyo]  Some  codd.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R. 
D^cya  (so  also  Abarb.,  Ros.,  Gr.).  3L  adds  terrae.  —  VirSy]  &  ^s  _ias.  — 
p-fj  Om.  with  &  as  a  dittog.  of  pj  (v.2)  ;  this  yields  a  trimeter  line  and  permits 
pj)  (v.2)  to  follow  closely  upon  nuij,  a  construction  demanded  by  the  context. 
—  2.  oy-v]  Read,  with  <§,  eyvw  avroi/s,  ajn>  (so  Houtsma,  We.,  Oort  (ThT. 
and  Em.},  Gu.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  S>  ^v^^i  =  a-vv  (Seb.).  — 
na]  Read,  with  (S&FtE,  05;  so  Bab.  cod.  (so  also  Dathe,  Ew.,  Bauer,  We., 
Gr.,  Oort,  Loft.,  Ru.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oet,  Marti).  —  3.  iay]  ©  KaryK-rjo-av 
=  iat?\  —  a%i'i]  <§f  Ka.T(picr]<Tev  =  atr^;  U  om.  ).  —  4.  i:n>">]  Read  my>  (so  Kue. 
Hibb.  \ect.  1882,  pp.  312  f.;  Oort,  ThT.  and  Em.;  Val.,  We.,  Gu.,  Loft.,  Ru., 
GAS.,  Now.,  Marti).  Gr.  anp\  Gardner,  naj?>  (cf.  Ex.  I312  Lv.  i821).— 
D.-fnar]  Join,  contrary  to  accents,  with  what  precedes;  so  5;  but  ©"F  join 
with  following.  —  onSa]  Gardner,  cnS  13.  —  D^JIN]  ^  ^1  V^|  —  anS]  5L  ejus. 
Read  orn1:  (so  Kue.  Hibb.  Lect.  1882,  pp.  312  f.;  Oort,  ThT.  and  Em.;  We., 
Val.,  Gu.,  Ru.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  Nia->]  GAS.  INO;.  —  5.  ov1?] 


326  HOSEA 

©  pi.  (so  also  GAS.).  — 6.  laSn  njn]  Gr.  inSn  p  =  #  etc.;  Marti,  D'aSn.  'n. 
Read,  with  We.,  Val.,  and  Now.,  -va^.  —  nis>o]  &  1^1-^^  =  i^s.  Read,  with 
We.,  -HITS  (so  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Ru.  om.  as  a  double  of  [o^isr, 
and  supplies  the  town-name  onjsnn  before  axapn. — tcnn]  ©  Ma%/xds  (  = 
a>cnc),  due  to  confusion  of  n  with  foil.  S  and  consequent  resemblance  to 
familiar  irsas  (Vol.).  2.  rd,  IviOv^fMra.  Gr.  pnas.  Marti,  an-npnp.  Read, 
with  Hi.,  Hcnn  for  S  'nn  (so  We.;  Oort,  £>w./  Val.,  Oct.,  Hal.).  —  aso^J 
Gardner,  ama1?.  Hal.  arnna.  Some  codd.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R.  DiyfljS  (so 
Ru.).  Marti  om.  as  gloss.  — a>iDp]  @  6\edpos  =  irpin  (Vol.).  j 
Ban"]  (g  K\7)povoiJ.ricrei  aur6  =  ich^  (so  also  Ru.).  —  7.  VP] 
fferai  =  jn\  Now.  and  We.3  >'T. —  Sana"]  Ru.  adds  •'sx  and  transfers  here 
from  v.8,  vnSx  ayr  anas',  the  text  being  changed.  —  ncto^D  nail  "piy  ^n  ^J 
©  yTrd  TOU  Tr\rjdovs  r&v  ddiKiujv  <rov  ^TrX^dvvdrj  fj,avia  crov  =  r\3~\  "VJ.1J?  3"\  Sy 
navi3a>D  (Vol.);  S»  om.  conj.  with  ©,  and  derives  nDBa>!2  from  rwfiu  •=. forsake 
(Seb.) ;  U  renders  last  clause  et  multitudinem  amentias.  Read  nNtorn  a^i 
(so  Ru.,  Now.;  z/.z'.),  and,  with  Now.,  transfer  nctOi'D  to  beginning  of  v.8. 
Gr.  nDaPDn  2ii  (so  We.,  Oort  (Em.}}.  Oort,  nstafc'D  nan,  omitting  i  with  @. 
Hal.  "iTD  na.-v.  Ru.  om.  nax  ncta^D  as  a  correction  of  the  foil.  nct32>D. — 

8.  ncx]    Gr.    nn>.     Che.  and   Hal.  no^.      Oct.    no  nxb.  —  oy]    Grotius,  ap 
(so  Mich.,  Gr.).     Che.  DJ?D.     Get.  S>\     Ru.  and  Hal.  a>7.     Oort  om.  —  ^nSv] 
@  om.  suff.     Some  codd.  vn*?N  (so  also  Oort,  7^7'.  and  ^/w./   Ru.,  Hal.). 
Oct.  om.  as  dittograph  of  last  word  in  verse.     ^nSx  ay  is  to  be  omitted,  with 
Now.,  as  a  gloss.  —  irifv]  Oort,  u^.  —  notatrD]   Om.  as  dittog.  of  'c  in  v.7  — 

9.  ip>D?n]  ©  joins  with  v.8  (so  also  Oort,  Gr.,  We.,  GAS.).     Oort,  p>cyn. — 
innjp]   6  t(t>6&pT}<rav  —  inn^  (Vol.).    Read,  with  We.  and  Now.  "ontf.  —  ^c^a] 
Hal.  <ip<|D.  —  nyajn]   ©  roO  (3ovvov  ;   so  5. — -nap]  ^  inserts  nnj?  before  'T11  (so 
also  Ru.).    IL  adds  dabitur  after  T. 


IX.  1.  Z>^  not  rejoice,  Israel,  like  the  peoples}  The  words  are 
addressed  to  Israel  at  a  time  when  the  nation  is  engaged  in 
the  midst  of  the  wild  and  exuberant  celebration  of  a  harvest 
feast.  It  is,  perhaps,  also  a  time  when  Assyria's  hand,  for  a 
moment,  seems  to  have  been  lifted,  and  Israel  permitted  to 
breathe  more  freely  (cf.  2  K.  i519).  Instead  of  (i)  retaining 
=  unto  exultation  =  too  loudly,  cf.  Jb.  322  ;*  or  (2)  reading 
(#••*•)>  which  is  irregular  in  that  an  imperfect  would  have 
been  expected ;  it  is  better  (3)  to  omit  the  phrase  as  a  gloss 
on  n&ttTi  btf.t  This  harvest-rejoicing  places  Israel  on  a  plane 


*  So  Hd.,  RV.,  et  al. 

f  Cf.  Hal.'s  sug.  that  S>j  here  =  produce  of  the  soil,  being  allied  to  Aram. 
(stalk),  Arab.  Jue^  (tribe),  and  Ethiop.  egy&l  (child) ;  cf.  Dn.  i™  Ps.  65". 


IX.  I,  2  327 

with  other  nations,  i.e.  makes  her  like  the  peoples,  the  heathen. 
What,  in  the  prophet's  mind,  constituted  the  difference  ?  The 
people  in  their  celebration  acknowledge  the  harvest  to  be  a 
gift  of  the  god  of  the  land  in  return  for  their  sedulous  worship, 
thus  making  material  gain  the  goal  and  the  reward  of  worship ; 
while  it  is  the  prophet's  contention  that  divine  blessings  are 
bestowed  for  real  worth  and  character  (Dt.  281"6).  Here  is 
opposition  between  the  folk-religion  and  the  true  Yahweh-religion 
as  preached  by  the  prophet.  It  is  here  that  D'&U  is  first  used 
in  the  sense  of  heathen*  —  That  thou  hast  played  the  harlot 
from  thy  God~\  Is  this  the  ground  of  the  command  not  to 
rejoice,!  or  is  that  ground  to  be  found  later  in  the  statement 
that  threshing-floor  aud  wine-vat  will  not  know  them  (v.2).]:  In 
the  latter  case,  "3  =  that,  in  that,  and  the  following  clauses 
furnish  the  substance  of  the  rejoicing,  not  the  reason  or  occasion. § 
—  Thou  hast  loved  a  harlot 's  hire  upon  all  threshing- floors^ 
Accepting  the  harvest-fruits  as  from  the  Baalim  commits  Israel 
to  the  service  of  the  Baalim.  Every  celebration  of  a  local 
festival  is,  therefore,  an  act  of  harlotry,  in  which  the  harlot 
acknowledges  her  paramour  and  accepts  his  gift,  i.e.  the  harlot's 
hire.  The  sin  here  is  not  worshipping  on  the  high  places,  but  ob 
serving  a  cult  in  which  debasing  tendencies  are  at  work,  instead 
of  those  which  would  elevate  and  ennoble.  It  is,  in  other  words, 
a  case  of  the  material  vs.  the  spiritual  (cf.  Zc.  i41(M9).  |n  is 
unnecessary  and  may  be  omitted.  —  2.  Threshing-floor  and  wine- 
vat  shall  not  know  them']  Feed  them  \\  (cf.  416)  is  not  an  easy 
expression  with  the  subject  here  indicated.  The  reading  DlTT 
is  very  natural  and  is  supported  by  the  parallel  phrase  $Pp\  The 
floor  and  the  vat  (the  place  within  the  press  into  which  oil  or 
wine  flowed,  cf.  Jo.  224)  stand,  concretely,  for  the  grain  and  oil 
and  wine,  these  henceforth  will  not  know,  i.e.  be  known  to, 
Israel,  not  because  a  failure  of  crops  is  to  be  expected,  ^[  but 
because  they  are  to  be  carried  into  exile.**  —  And  the  new  wine 
shall  play  them  false~\  Cf.  Hb.  317.  The  reading  her,  if  correct, 
is  due  to  Israel's  representation  as  a  harlot;  but  (i)  the  versions 

*  We.  $  Now.,  Marti.  U  Dathe,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Ew.(  et  al. 

t  Ke.,  Or.,  et  al.  \\  So  £«(![.  **  Marck,  Stuck,  Umb. 

J  Hi.,  Ew.,  Now. 


328  HOSEA 

(v.s.)  read  them;  (2)  everywhere  else  in  chaps.  4-14,  Israel  is 
spoken  of  as  he  (thou)  or  they  (ye)  (even  in  416  ion,  in  com 
parison  with  feminine  animals).* — 4.  They  shall  not  pour  liba 
tions  to  Yahweh]  f  In  eating  and  drinking  at  sacrificial  meals 
a  portion  of  the  wine  was  devoted  to  the  deity  and  poured  out 
as  a  libation,  the  rest  was  drunk  in  connection  with  the  offering 
(cf.  Am.  28  i  S.  i24  io3).  If  this  custom  be  interfered  with  in 
the  exile,  the  whole  of  the  wine  in  general  will  become  unclean, 
and  therefore  unpleasing  to  Yahweh.  —  Nor  prepare  for  him 
their  sacrifices'}  This  is  the  simplest  treatment,  although  it  re 
quires  the  change  of  "C-ilT  to  "Oiir  (v.s.)  and  the  connection 
of  D.TrOT  with  this  verb  as  object  contrary  to  the  accents. J 
To  represent  the  sacrifices  as  unpleasing  to  Yahweh  §  (cf.  Je.  620 
Mai.  34)  is  inconsistent  with  v.4a  and  with  chap.  3,  which  say 
that  there  shall  be  no  sacrifice  at  all.  The  word  -py,  used 
of  laying  in  order  the  parts  of  the  sacrifice,  is  common  (Lv.  i7t-12 
65  Ex.  4o4-23;  cf.  Ps.  23<5).  It  must  be  remembered  that  sacrifice 
and  feasting  upon  animal  food  were  inseparable.  ||  —  Their  bread 
shall  be  like  the  bread  of  mourning}  i.e.  D&rfc  for  drib.  Just 
as  the  wine  they  drink  and  the  flesh  they  eat  will  be  taken 
without  giving  thereof  a  due  portion  to  Yahweh,  and  conse 
quently  will  be  unconsecrated  and  unclean,  and  without  "  the 
joy  of  the  sense  of  the  divine  favor,"  so  the  bread  which  they 
eat  will  be  unclean ;  it  will  be,  in  fact,  like  the  bread  of 
mourning,  i.e.  the  bread  eaten  during  the  days  of  mourning 
for  the  dead  (Nti.  19"),  or,  better,  the  bread  used  at  the 
funeral  feasts  and  broken  for  the  dead  (cf.  Je.  i67  Dt.  2614).^[ 
No  stronger  impression  for  impurity  could  have  been  found ; 
and  yet  all  bread  eaten  in  exile  will  be  thus  impure.  —  All  who 

*Ew. 

t  Cf.  Oort,  ThT.  XXIV.  491  f.,  who  rejects  vs.4  and  5  as  a  later  addition  for  the 
following  reasons;  (i)  the  difficulty  of  explaining  mrv  p-o  (v.4)  as  coming  from 
Hosea,  since  it  cannot  denote  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  there  was  more  than 
one  temple  in  North  Israel;  (2)  these  verses  break  the  connection;  (3)  they 
do  not  reflect  the  sentiment  of  Hosea's  time,  but  that  of  the  Deuteronomic 
period;  (4)  they  are  inconsistent  with  vs>3.  Marti  makes  46-5  late. 

t  Cf.  RV.,  which  takes  this  word  with  what  follows.  §  So 

||  WRS.  Sem.  222  f. ;  Sm.  Rel.  140  f. 

H  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Now.,  Marti. 


IX.  4,  3  329 

eat  shall  defile  themselves]  The  idea  of  cleanness  and  unclean- 
ness  is  very  old;  it  is  to  be  connected  closely  with  the  ideas 
of  ancestor  worship  and  totemism,  and  is,  in  fact,  only  another 
name  for  taboo ;  *  and  there  is,  therefore,  nothing  in  this  to 
prove  the  observance  at  this  time  of  the  Levitical  cult.  —  For 
their  bread  shall  be  only  for  their  hunger}  Instead  of  the  double 
purpose  involved  in  eating  as  heretofore,  viz.  worship  of,  or 
communion  with,  the  deity,  and  satisfaction  of  desire  for  food, 
only  the  latter  shall  now  exist.  All  that  was  holy  and  sacred, 
all  that  was  spiritual,  will  have  disappeared.  This  is  the  idea 
whether  we  render  DtPB3b  for  themselves^  or  for  their  belly,  \  or 
for  their  desire  or  hunger  §  (cf.  also  Is.  2Q8  32®  Ps.  6$5  loy9). — 
//  shall  not  come  into  Yahweh  s  house]  i.e.  any  place  consecrated 
to  Yahweh,  e.g.  the  temple,  or  a  high  place.  —  3.  They  shall  not 
dwell  in  the  land  of  Yahweh]  This  is  the  explanation  of  the 
dire  threat  contained  in  vs.1-2-4;  they  will  be  compelled  to 
abandon  their  home  land,  the  land  of  Yahweh.  This  expression 
furnishes  the  key  to  an  understanding  of  the  O.  T.  religion  down 
to  the  exile.  The  old  Arabic  tribal  conception  of  God,  involv 
ing  on  the  one  hand  a  belief  in  the  personality  of  God  which 
opposes  a  tendency  toward  pantheism,  and  on  the  other,  a  belief 
in  the  deity  as  an  abstract  representation  of  irresistible  power 
and  force,  which  was  opposed  to  polytheism,  developed  into 
henotheism  or  monolatry,  according  to  which  each  nation  had 
its  own  god  (Chemosh,  the  god  of  Moab ;  Milcom,  the  god  of 
Ammon).  In  this  way  Yahweh  was  the  god  of  Israel  (Ju.  u24). 
This  was  a  worship  of  one  god,  but  also  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  existence  of  other  gods  for  other  lands  and  peoples.  || 
As  clear  cases  of  this  belief,  cf.  Naaman  the  Syrian,  who  takes 
home  earth  from  Palestine  on  which  to  worship  Yahweh,  who 
had  cured  him  (2  K.  517)  ;  the  flight  of  Jonah,  who  thought  he 
could  thus  escape  the  presence  of  Yahweh  (Jon.  i1)  ;  and  the 
feeling  of  David  that  in  being  driven  out  of  Israel  into  another 

*Cf.  Sta.  GVI.  I.  481-487;  WRS.  Sem.  446  ff. ;  Now.  Arch.  II.  275  f. ;  Benz. 
Arch.  478-484;  G.  A.  Simcox,  EB.  I.  842  f. ;  Matthes,  Th  T.  XXXIII.  293-318; 
and  other  literature  cited  in  my  Priestly  Element,  etc.,  126  ff. 

t  Ma.,  Umb.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  et  al.  +  Ew.  §  Hi.,  Che.,  Now. 

II  WRS.  Proph.  54  f. ;  Sm.  Rel.  113  f. ;  Schultz,  Theol.  I.  176  ff. 


330  HOSEA 

land  he  was  being  forced  to  transfer  his  worship  to  other  gods 
(i  S.  2619).  —  But  Ephraim  shall  return  to  Egypt'}  Cf.  on  813. 
This  reference  is  not  simply  a  "  type  of  the  land  of  captivity," 
Assyria  being  intended  and  designated  thus  as  a  new  Egypt.* 
The  fact  is,  that  at  this  time  Israel  was  between  two  great 
threatening  powers.  It  is  not  yet  certain  in  the  prophet's  mind 
whether  Egypt  or  Assyria,  or  both,  shall  be  the  agent  of  Israel's 
exile.  Both  are  tyrannizing  over  her.  Toward  both  Israel  leans 
(cf.  513  y11).  Time  will  determine  the  issue  more  definitely. — 
And  in  Assyria  they  shall  eat  what  is  unclean}  Cf.  Ez.  413. 
Living  in  a  foreign  land  and  eating  that  which  is  unclean  are 
synonymous  terms.  The  situation  is  now  squarely  before  them. 
Perhaps  they  will  consider  (cf.  (§'s  addition  to  813).  —  5.  What 
will  ye  do  on  the  day  of  a  festival?'}  How  will  the  Sabbath  and 
the  day  of  the  new  moon  be  properly  celebrated  ?  How,  indeed, 
will  they  be  celebrated  at  all  in  a  foreign  land,  where  Yahweh's 
sanctuaries  do  not  exist  ?  These  days  were  the  great  days  of 
rejoicing,  recurring  weekly  and  monthly.^  —  Or  on  the  day  of 
feasting  to  Yahweh}  The  3H  was  the  great  harvest  feast  J  (cf. 
i  K.  82  i232  Ju.  2 119  Ez.  4525  2  Ch.  53),  and  not  a  general  term 
for  all  feasts  and  synonymous  with  Tiflia.  § — 6.  For  behold  they 
will  go  to  Assyria}  This  reading  ||  (v.s.)  relieves  two  difficulties  : 
(i)  the  absence  of  a  reference  to  Assyria  in  connection  with 
the  mention  of  Egypt;  (2)  the  confusion  involved  in  the 
rendering  of  the  present  text,  they  will  go  from  the  devastation, 
i.e.  they  will  leave  their  wasted  land  ;  *|[  or  they  will  die  of  hunger ;  ** 
or  yea,  if  they  are  gone  from  the  ruins,  ff  a  protasis,  —  all  of  which 
describe  a  departure  on  account  of  devastation,  rather  than  a 
deportation.||  —  Egypt  gathering  them,  Memphis  burying  them} 
Rapid  strokes  in  a  picture,  intentionally  left  somewhat  indefinite. §§ 
In  this  description  reference  is  made  to  the  numerous  and  vast 
burial  grounds  of  Egypt,  one  of  the  largest  being  at  Memphis. 
Memphis  occupied  an  important  position  on  the  Nile,  a  short 
distance  south  of  Cairo,  whence  it  commanded  the  whole  of 
Egypt,  of  which  it  was  the  most  important  city  during  the 

*  Ke.  f  See  my  Priestly  Element  in  the  O.  T.,  p.  96.  J  Sim.,  Now. 

§  Ke.  ||  We.,  Now.      H  Cal.,  Bauer.      **  Ki.,  Dathe.         ft  Ew.,  $  357  A 

tt  Or.  §$  Marti  om.  'pn  'XD  as  a  doublet  of  'pn  «}D. 


IX.  3-7  331 

greater  part  of  its  existence.*  —  Nettles  inheriting  their  precious 
things  of  silver]  Another  side  of  the  picture  ;  cf.  916.  The  plural 
•H&nfc  is  probably  to  be  read.f  This  has  been  taken  :  (i)  as  a 
reference  to  idols  of  silver ;  J  (2)  as  meaning  treasure-houses 
or  palaces  ;§  (3)  as  a  proper  name ;  ||  (4)  as  connected  with 
D"Gpn,  and  meaning  "on  account  of  longing  for  their  silver."^" 

—  Thorns  coming  up  in  their  tents~\   Cf.  Is.  3413.     Their  dwellings, 
not  tabernacles,  or  places  of  worship  (cf.  Ez.  i616).  —  7.    The  days 
of  visitation  will  come~]  The  perfect  is  prophetic.     This  and  the 
following  line  tell  what  it  is  that  Israel  shall  know,  or  experience. 

—  The  days  of  recompense  will  come~\   o'pitf  (cf.  similar  formation 
in  bias,  blflfi)  is  an  abstract  noun,  parallel  in  thought  to  visitation 
(mpB),**  and  is  hardly  a  play  on  the  proper  name  Shallum.tf — 
Israel  shall  know}    It  is  better  thus  to  connect  this  clause  with 
the   preceding,}!   than    to  make   it  a  parenthetical   clause   and 
connect  it  with  what  follows,  "O  being  understood.  §§ — A  fool, 
the  prophet;    mad,  the  man   of  spirit~\    Two  uncertainties  exist 
here:   (i)   Is  this  phrase  (a)  the  direct  object  of  1UT,  i.e.  Israel 
shall  know  (that)  the  prophet  is  a   fool,  etc.,  this  entire  clause, 
rmn  .  .  .  lirp,  being  parenthetical,  and  the  following  i:n  m'bu 
depending  upon  1K2  ;  ||  ||   or  (b)  is  the  phrase  independent  of  what 
precedes  and  to  be  taken  only  with  what  follows?^     (2)  The 
other  question  concerns   the   sense   in  which   K^3  and  rmn  t^X 
are  taken,  whether  (a)  of  the  false  prophets,  who  have  deluded 
the  people  by  their  prediction   of  prosperity  and  are  now  con 
victed  of  folly  and   made   insane   by  the   divine  judgment ;  *** 
or  (£)  of  true  prophets  ?ftt     Against  the  interpretation  of  false 
prophets  it  may  be  urged  that  the  terms  "  fool,"  "  madman,"  are 
not  likely  to  have  been  used  by  the  people  of  false  prophets  who 
had  led  them  astray  (Orelli),  that  mnn  t&PK  must  be  used  of  a 
truly  inspired  prophet,  notwithstanding  Mi.  211,  and  that  v.8  sup- 

*  See  arts.  "  Memphis,"  DB.,  and  "  Noph,"  EB.,  by  W.  M.  Miiller. 

f  Hi.,  We.,  Now.  ||  <g.  ft  We.,  Marti. 

t  Hess.,  Hi.,  We.  H  Marck,  Ros.     JJ  We.,  Or.,  GAS.,  Now.,  et  al 

5  C,  Jer.,  Ra.,  Ki.,  Wfi.,  et  al.      **  Ki.,  Wii.          $§  5C,  Marck,  Hi. 

(HI  ft,  Jer.,  Ki.,  Ra.,  Marck,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Wii. 

HH  Umb.,  Sim.,  Che.,  Or.,  Now. 

***  Ki.,  Abarb.,  Marck,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke. 

ttt  Ew.,  Umb.,  Sim.,  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  Marti. 


332  HOSEA 

ports  strongly  this  interpretation  as  a  whole.  The  sentence  is 
to  be  taken  with  Nowack  as  a  quotation  from  the  mouth  of  the 
people  (cf.  61  Is.  289-10).*  The  prophet  seems  to  say:  You, 
the  people,  maintain,  do  you,  that  the  prophet,  has  become  a 
fool,  and  the  man  of  spirit  a  madman  ?  It  is  true,  just  as  you 
say,  but  learn  that  this  great  calamity  has  come  upon  them 
because  of  the  greatness  of  thine  iniquity  and  the  greatness  of  thy 
sin]  It  is  Israel's  iniquity  and  sin  (adopting  Ruben's  suggestion 
to  substitute  PiKDn,  sin,  for  natstra)  that  have  driven  mad  the 
inspired  messengers  of  Yahweh.  This  same  thought  is  ampli 
fied  in  the  following  verses.  —  8.  This  verse  is  almost  hope 
lessly  confused.  The  more  important  solutions  proposed  are 
the  following:  (i)  Ephraim' s  watchman,  appointed  by  my  God, 
even  the  prophet —  a  fowler's  snare  is  in  all  his  ways ;  f  this 
interpretation  involves  the  reading  of  DUD  for  D17,  a  D  having 
dropped  out  after  D*HBK ;  and  uses  the  word  "  watchman  "  as  in 
Je.  617.  The  result  is  a  sentence  giving  an  appropriate  thought, 
but  so  involved  in  expression  as  to  make  it  very  doubtful. 
(2)  Ephraim  acts  the  spy  with  my  God;  the  prophet  is  a 
fowler's  snare  upon  all  his  (Israel's]  ways.  \  Variations  of 
this  interpretation  are  three  :  (a)  Ephraim  lays  ambush  against 
the  people  (Dtf  instead  of  Dp)  of  my  God  ;  §  (ff)  Ephraim  looks 
round  about  outside  of  (away  from)  my  God  (for  foreign  help)  ;  || 
(<r)  Ephraim  looks  after  prophecies  in  addition  to  those  from 
my  God.^f  (3)  Ephraim  expects  help  from  my  God**  treating 
flBX  as  in  Ps.  53  Mi.  f  La.  417,  and  Dl?  as  for  D17£  (cf.  Jb.  2713). 
(4)  There  is  hostility  to  the  watchman  in  the  house  of  his  God ; 
the  prophet  (finds]  the  snares  of  the  fowler  on  all  his  ways.^ 
This  interpretation  involves  considerable  change  in  the  text,  viz. 
(a)  the  transfer  of  natsra  from  the  end  of  v.7  to  the  beginning  of 
v.8;  (ft)  the  omission  of  r6«  Dl?  D'lBK  (cf.  Ruben's  suggestion 
that  these  words  stood  originally  in  connection  with  b*ntr  itfT 
(v.7)  in  this  form :  rn^K  BIN  BnBK  "BK  bfcntr  1UT,  the  *BK  having 
dropped  out,  BIN  being  for  Bl?)  ;  (c)  the  omission  of  nBBtpa  in  85 
as  useless  repetition ;  (d)  the  transfer  of  'K  rrsa  to  follow  HBX, 

*  Cf.  Ew.,  Oort,  We.,  Che.  §  Mich.  **  Hd. 

t  Che.  ||  Struensee,  Sim.  ft  Now. 

t  GAS. ;  cf.  Ew.,  Umb.,  Ke.,  Or.  U  Dathe,  Hi. 


ix.  7-9  333 

—  all  this  disorder  being  due  to  efforts  to  restore  the  meaning, 
when  by  mistake  naatPfi  was  placed  at  the  end  of  v.7,  instead 
of  the  beginning  of  v.8.  The  parallelism  is  perfect,  and  the 
sense  excellent.*  I  desire,  however,  to  suggest  the  following 
arrangement,  which  renders  unnecessary  certain  omissions  and 
changes  involved  in  Nowack's  interpretation  :  Enmity  exists  tow 
ards  Ephraim's  watchman  ;  the  prophet  {finds}  the  snares  of  the 
fowler  in  all  his  ways  ;  in  the  (very)  house  of  his  God  they  dig 
for  him  a  deep  pit~\  This  interpretation  follows  Nowack  only  in 
transferring  naattflD  from  the  end  of  v.7  to  the  beginning  of  v.8, 
and  in  the  omission  of  n^K  D».  A  preposition,  b  or  bv,  must 
be  inserted.  It  adopts  Wellhausen's  suggestion  to  place  the 
first  two  words  of  v.9,  irintP  ip^fcin,  at  the  end  of  v.8,  giving  them 
another  pointing.  With  this  interpretation  v.8  supplements  v.7, 
adding  three  expressions,  of  which  the  first  is  the  simple  state 
ment,  the  second  and  third  poetical  pictures  and  illustrations. 
The  watchman  (cf.  Ez.  317ff)  of  Ephraim  meets  persecution  on 
every  side  ;  fowler's  snares  compass  about  the  prophet  ;  a  deep 
pit  is  digged  for  him  even  in  the  house  of  his  God.  House 
here,  as  in  v.15,  means  Canaan.  —  9.  As  in  the  days  of  Gibeah\ 
A  gloss  from  io9;f  nere  inconsistent  because  the  thought  has 
to  do  only  with  Ephraim's  persecution  of  Yahweh's  prophets; 
cf.  Ju.  ip22'30  2O46"48.  —  He  will  remember  their  iniquity,  he  will 
visit  their  sin\  An  insertion  from  813.  \ 

1.  SvH?N]  If  retained  =  inf.  abs.  or  cogn.  ace.  with  nctpn,  although  of 
different  stem;  K6.  329  h.  For  similar  cases  of  combination  of  different 
stems,  z/.f  e.g.,  Jb.  322  2  S.  ig5  Zc.  82  —  pns]  Deriv.  from  run  (BDB;  cf. 
89-io;  but  cf  We.  who  regards  these  forms  as  corrupt  and  from  jnj)  with  N 
prosthetic  and  affix  j_  ;  or  from  fro  (BSZ.)  for  pnjs;  cf.  Ko.  II.  i.  p.  96.  — 
2.  pj]  Position  of  words  chiastic  with  prec.  verse  and  emphatic.  —  4.  arprar] 
The  objection  of  Oct.  and  Hal.  to  the  reading  'T  *py  on  the  ground  that  it  is 

*  Marti  reconstructs  vs.7-  8  as  follows  :  — 

toujn  V^IN  (76)  mpon  ^  1*0  (7a) 

nnn  E»N  jjjtrn  oSipn  •'D'1  INS 

•piy  3-\  hy  (or  ^SN)  ^sxp  Sme"  yv 

nan  ^D^T  onox  yv  (8«) 
^  no  (86) 


t  So  Now.  J  So  Now.,  Marti. 


334  HOSEA 

not  good  Hebrew,  cannot  be  maintained  in  view  of  the  occurrence  of  nmj?  -pp 
Lv.  65.  In  any  case  the  poetic  and  prophetic  use  of  ~p>  must  not  be  meas 
ured  by  the  later  strict  and  ceremonial  usage.  —  D>JIN]  The  phrase  D>JIN  en1? 
occurs  only  here  according  to  fH2T  ;  but  cf.  Ez.  2417- 2-,  where  D^JIN  is  probably 
to  be  read  for  D>£>JN.  On  this  and  similar  practices  see  Sta.  GVI.  I.  387  ff.; 
Schwally,  Leben  nach  d.  Tode  ;  Frey,  Tod  Seelenglaube  u.  Seelenkult. — iNDts^] 
On  assim.  of  n,  cf.  GK.  54  c,  and  cf.  the  HotJbp.  Dt.  24*;  the  Hithp.  is  not  pass, 
but  reflex.  —  Dtt'iJjS]  If  rendered  for  themselves,  it  is  emphatic  in  contrast  with 
their  gods ;  Ko.  40.  —  3.  3^1  .  .  .  Utt"]  Intentional  similarity  of  sound. — 
5.  DV?]  *?  is  rarely  used  of  time  to  express  concurrence  (at  or  on)  rather  than 
duration  in;  cf.  Is.  io3  Je.  581;  v.  BDB.  517;  Ko.  33 1/ — 6.  wSn]  Ace.  to 
f$l3T,  proph.  pf.;  cf.  also  1N3,  v.7.  —  D~opn  .  .  .  ansD]  The  rhythm  and  pictu- 
resqueness  of  these  circ.  clauses  is  to  be  noted;  the  nouns  beginning  with  E, 
the  first  and  second  radicals  of  both  vbs.  being  ap;  each  word  closing  with 
D_  ;  cf.  similar  change  in  one  consonant  of  a  word  in  Is.  57.  —  ^D]  Is  elsewhere 
(Is.  I913  Je.  216  441  4614-19  Ez.  3O13- 16)  *p;  B  here  is  perhaps  due  to  influence 
of  preceding  2.  The  ancient  Egyptian  name  was  Men-nofer  (=  the  good 
abode)  which  was  shortened  into  Mennefe  and  Menfe,  which  forms  were  trans 
ferred  to  other  languages,  e.g.  Assyrian  Mimpi.  —  lonrs]  On  the  cstr.  fol.  by 
prep.  H.  9,  2  b\  GK.  130  a;  Ko.  336  w,  cf.  also  Ko.  280  n,  on  the  expression 
of  indeterminateness  by  cstr.  with  \  —  B>lDp]  On  form  cf.  Ko.  II.  i.  pp.  147, 
461;  Earth,  NB.  45;  Lag.  BN.  117  f.,  181  f.;  Baer,  in  loc.  In  some  Mss., 
enn^p. —  aim1''1]  On  pi.  suf.  used  as  collective,  v.  Ko.  346^. — mn]  cf.  Assyr. 
hahin,  "a  thorny  growth"  (Dl.  HWB^).  Used  as  here  parallel  to  tSMDp, 
Is.  3413.  Later  with  meaning  hook,  2Ch.  3311;  cf.  TD  which  also  has  both  mean 
ings.  Che.  (EB.}  emends  this  verse  freely  and  finds  here  the  names  of  four 
North  Arabian  districts.  —  7.  mpon]  On  d.  f.  in  3rd  radical,  cf.  A.  Miiller, 
ZDMG.  1891,  p.  234;  Ko.  II.  i.  pp.  199,  461.  —  oStrn]  On  art.  with  nouns  of 
this  form,  Ko.  241  /;  cf.  261  e.  —  7.  noo^n]  a.X.  from  DBB»,  a  by-form  of  jots',  to 
oppose,  be  hostile;  cf.  Gn.  2741  Jb.  i69.  Cf.  the  sugg.  of  BSZ.  to  connect  it 
with  the  Syr.  >a^OO,  Pa.  =  bind  with  cords,  the  word  being  omitted  from  v.7 

—  8.   anp>  no]  ir'ip^  only  here;    cf.  cnp^  with  same  meaning,  Ps.  gi3  Pr.  65 
Je.  526.    For  the  phrase  snare  of  the  fowler,  cf.  Ps.  9i3  I247.     On  no,  v.  Am.  35. 

—  9.    vnyn]  Vb.  appos.;    11.36,2;  GK.  120 £•;  a  case  of  asyndetic  appos. — 
•"D^J  D  =  as  in,  used  pregnantly;   cf.  Is.  517  93  Jb.  292 ;   cf.  BDB.  p.  453,  on 
original  force  of  3  as  subst.;   Ko.  319^  on  the  adv.  force  of  preposition. — 
nj?3j>n]  Art.  with  this  proper  noun  sometimes  used,  at   others   omitted;    cf. 
Jos.  15"  i828;   Ko.  295  b. 

§  12.  Israel  is  corrupt ;  the  life  of  old  as  well  as  young  licen 
tious.  910"17.  Israel  started  out  with  freshness  and  purity  of 
youth  ;  but  contamination  came  at  Baal-peor,  and  the  abominable 
thing  took  hold  of  them  (910).  Ephraim's  glory  is  gone;  no 
children,  no  mothers;  no  fruit  (vs.1L16a>6).  Even  when  children 


ix.  10-17  335 

are  born  they  are  slain  before  maturity  ;  they  are  destined  only 
for  slaughter  (Uc-W"-*-™).  Give  them,  O  Yahweh,  barrenness  ;  in 
Gilgal  they  have  shown  their  wickedness,  and  for  it  I  will  drive 
them  forth  (14-15a  •*•).  I  will  cease  to  love  them,  because  of  their 
rebellion;  woe  upon  them.  My  God  will  make  them  vagabonds 
for  their  disobedience  (15  c'12c-17). 

This  piece  is  commonly  recognized  as  complete  in  itself;  so  Mich.,  Dathe, 
Stuck,  Mau.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Che.,  Or.,  Val.,  Now.,  GAS.,  et  aL;  cf.  however 
Hd.,  Sim.  It  consists  of  five  four-line  strophes,  in  a  movement  essentially 
tetrameter.  Strophes  I  and  2  might  be  united  ;  so  also  strophes  3  and  4  ; 
with  this  combination  the  order  would  be  8  +  8  +  4.  Strophes  I  and  2  describe 
the  immoral  life  of  the  people  and  their  consequent  decay  —  no  fruit.  Strophes 
3  and  4  assert  that  even  those  born  are  destined  to  captivity  and  slaughter 
before  they  are  grown,  for  they  will  be  cast  off  —  because  of  wickedness  in 
Gilgal.  Strophe  5  declares  that  Yahweh,  instead  of  loving  them,  will  make 
them  wanderers  in  the  earth  —  on  account  of  their  rebellion.  This  arrange 
ment  involves  the  following  transpositions:  (i)  v.16  to  follow  v.11  (W.)  ; 
(2)  v.12c,  ana  mira  onS  MN-QJTVJ,  to  follow  v.15  (».*.).  Gr.  arranges  as  follows: 

10.  11  a.  14.  116.  12.13.15.16 


10.  o^  a  r:]  (5  sg.  —  rniaaa]  (5  ws  vKoirbv.  —  nn-'trxia]  Om.,  with  J5,  as  a 
gloss;  (§  irpbi^ov;  U  in  cacumine  ejus.  —  aaMiax]  (SJ5U  3  pi.  suff.  (so  also 
Ru.).  —  n~n]  &&  =  nsni  (so  Ru.).  —  nc»aS]  Read,  with  We.,  Now.,  and 
Marti,  SpaS.  —  3'XiP'.?]  ©,  S.  ol  ipdc\vyp£voi  =  D'fiptf  (Vol.)  ;  so  U;  'A.  fi8e\v- 
7/mra.  —  02.1x3]  (&  a>s  ol  rj^airri^voL  =  DO1X3  (Vol.);  'A.  ws  ^ydirt]<rav  ; 
2.  6<r(f}  r)ycur'r]6r}<rav;  IS  sicut  ea  quae  dilexerunt  ;  %  aLo^*55  ^].  Gr.  Dnonxps. 
Gardner,  an^nxa  or  a^nxa.  —  11.  o^ar]  @  and  "E  join  with  foil,  clause. 
<S  renders  this  and  three  foil,  nouns  as  plurals.  —  pan]  BSZ.  and  Marti, 
faap.  —  16.  njn]  ©  tirbveaev  =  nSn  (Stek.).  Gr.  n3D?:.  —  DB'itt']  ©  ras  plfas 
aurou;  'A.,  S.  ij  plfa  aurou;  5>  connects  with  13.1  as  ace.  of  specification. 

—  ITD^]  Gr.  c;3\  —  ^3]   Read,  with  Qeri,  S3;   so  40  codd.  of  Kenn.  (so  also 
Gr.,  Ru.,  Oct.).  —  12.    DT^-M]  <&  a.TfKvwdri<TovTa.i.;   Ru.  o>nirri.     Gr.  opSrc'i. 

—  DIXD]  @  ^  &i>6ptt)ir(i)v;   U  in  hominibus.     Gr.   onisix.      Oort,   nnixn.  — 
onV   iix]    Ru.  and  Hal.  DrnS^p.  —  3^3  nv^o]   ©,  0.  <rdpi-  /J.QV  (=  nc'3)  ^| 

«S  |j)  ^|-sA!o  which  Seb.  corrects  to  v_B^M^  (from  "no),  or 
.  Read,  with  Hi.,  nvjh  (so  Ew.,  Sim.,  Gu.).  Ru.  ana  v^xr.  Gr. 
onij3  ifc'ac.  Hal.  on  n^B's.  Bauer,  niD3  (so  Oort  {Em.}  ).  —  13.  1*^x3  onox 
\n-»xi]  @  'E0.  8i>  Tpbirov;  @AQ  add  e?5oi'.  Omit  'i  '3  (z/.z.).  Gr.  om.  *cx 
as  dittog.  from  13J>.  Ew.  irx"  for  ir-s-.  Hal.  (or  rvxi)  n»xi  irji  Diq\  —  iixS] 
Read,  with  @,  ets  ^Tjpai',  i-sV  or  nxS  (so  also  Houtsma,  We.,  Ru.,  GAS.,  Oort 
(Em.},  Oct.,  Marti);  'A.,  S.  wj  aicpdro/Mv;  0.  ei's  irtTpav;  U  om.  "7  and  treats 
tix  as  the  subj.  of  nSintf.  «S  takes  'i  as  2  p.  sg.  with  -nxS,  treated  as  proper 
name,  as  its  obj.  Hal.  i-isa.  —  nSinc*]  @  Trapt<rTT)<rav  =  iSnir  (so  also  Hal.), 


336  HOSEA 

or  PN  IPB>  (Houtsma).  Read  -iru:.  Gr.  n^'f-  Oct.  nS  -iptf.  Scholz,  S  ptf, 
Ru.  p^n1?.  —  mj3]  Read,  with  (H,  TO,  r^twi  aurcDi/,  an^s  (so  also  Scholz,  Ru., 
Hal.),  or  better  vja  (so  also  Houtsma,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Oort  (£>#.),  Oct., 
Marti);  similarly  Q.  Gr.  n'j3.  &  01  *1  *1  n*n,  reading  rnj3,  as  pi.  (Seb.). 
—  3ns  NI]  Oort  suggests  that  this  represents  some  vb.  —  Jin  *?N]  Read,  with 
(H,  eis  a.TroK£vTT)<riv,  .nn  SN  (Vol.),  or  better  njnn1?  (so  also  We.,  Now.,  GAS., 
Oort  (Em.),  Marti);  similarly  S>.  Ru.  jnn|\  — 14.  Om.,  with  @,  the  second 
anS  p  (so  also  Bauer).  —  D'pss]  Another  reading  pipni. — 15.  Ss]  Gardner, 
S#  or  Ss  *?>\  —  anjn]  ©  /ca/a'cu  aurcDj/.  —  jn]  (§  rds  /ca/c/as.  —  PJDIN]  Oct.  f|p'iN. 
— 17.  TiSkx]  (§  6  ^e6s;  so  Arabic  and  one  cod.  of  Kenn. 

10.  Like  grapes  in  the  wilderness  I  found  Israel~\  i.e.  with  the 
same  satisfaction  and  pleasure  with  which  one  finds  grapes  in 
a  wilderness,  I  found  Israel ;  this  connects  "Qn&:i  closely  with 
D'23U3,*  and  not  with  TiKMD  t  ( =  I  found  Israel  in  the  wilderness 
like  wild  grapes  belonging  to  no  one,  and  under  no  one's  protec 
tion,  i.e.  poor  and  helpless),  nor  with  both  nmas  and  D'n;U3  % 
(=  like  grapes  which  have  no  place  in  the  wilderness,  and  are 
not  expected  to  be  found  there,  so  was  Israel ;  and  the  discovery 
of  Israel  in  this  unexpected  place  brought  with  it  surprise  and 
joy).  This  interpretation  is  supported  by  the  position  of  the 
words,  and  by  the  parallel  thought  of  the  next  line ;  cf.  Je.  22, 
also  Ho.  215  13*.  This  expression  is  an  allusion  to  the  dwelling 
of  Israel  in  the  wilderness.  —  Like  the  first-fruit  on  a  fig  tree  I  saw 
your  fathers^  The  first  ripe  fig,  on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the 
fig  harvest  in  Palestine,  §  was  always  a  great  delicacy  (cf.  Is.  28* 
Mi.  71).  In  Je.  242-5  the  better  class  of  people  are  compared  to 
the  first  ripe  figs.  In  its  first  time,  i.e.  when  it  begins  to  ripen, 
is  evidently  a  gloss,  intended  to  make  the  statement  still  more 
explicit.  It  is  shown  to  be  superfluous  by  the  rhythm  and  the  par 
allelism.  &  omits  it.  —  (But)  they  came  to  Baal-peor\  The  whole 
of  106  is  clearly  in  contrast  with  10a,  although  no  conjunction  ex 
presses  this  contrast.  Although  Israel  was  so  favorably  regarded 
and  so  tenderly  treated  by  Yahweh,  yet  in  the  very  beginning  of 
her  history  she  showed  her  ingratitude  and  her  faithlessness  by 
the  episode  of  Beth-peor  ||  (cf.  Nu.  253-5  2328  3i16  Dt.  ^  4")  for 

*  Theod.,  Rashi,  Mich.,  Stuck,  Hd.,Sim.,  Wu.,  Or.,  Che.,  Sharpe,  Now.,  Marti. 

t  Hi.,  Ew.  §  Cf.  G.  E.  Post,  art.  "  Figs,"  DB. 

1  AE.,  Ki.,  Umb.,  Ke.,  Schm.          ||  Creuzer,  Symbolik  und  Mythologie,  II.  411. 


ix.  to-ii,  16  337 

which  Baal-peor  (perhaps  an  abbreviation  of  Beth  Baal-peor*) 
here  stands.  Peor  was  situated  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
hill  of  Pisgah  f  (Nu.  2314-28  Jos.  I320)  ;  cf.  Wellhausen's  sugges 
tion  I  that  it  was  identical  with  Pisgah.  — And  separated  themselves 
to  Baal]  fH&  =  shame,  is  of  later  origin  than  Hosea,  and  by  a 
later  copyist  has  here  been  substituted  for  the  original  "Baal."  § 
Yahweh  is  called  Baal  in  218.  ||  Ttt  in  the  Niph'al  refers  to  that 
formal  separation  of  oneself  which  may  be  called  consecration. 
—  And  they  became  abominations  like  the  object  of  their  love] 
It  may  be  questioned,  with  Wellhausen,  whether  D"2flptP  is  not 
also  an  insertion,  used  perhaps  instead  of  the  word  which  stood 
here  originally.  D3HXS  may  be  taken  as  here,  i.e.  an  infinitive 
construct ;  ^[  or  as  active  participle  or  noun,  like  their  lover** 
or  loved  object,  j-f-  i.e.  the  thing  loved  at  Baal-peor.  — 11.  Eph- 
raim  —  his  glory  flies  away  like  a  bird']  With  the  swiftness  of 
the  bird's  flight  will  Ephraim's  glory  depart.  The  construc 
tion  places  special  emphasis  upon  Ephraim,  to  bring  the  former 
fruitfulness  (the  idea  contained  in  the  name)  into  contrast  with 
the  coming  calamity,  which  shall  consist  in  lack  of  everything 
which  made  up  Ephraim's  glory,  i.e.  prosperity,  honor  among 
the  nations,  and,  as  a  prominent  element,  children.  —  There 
shall  be  no  more  birth,  no  more  motherhood,  no  more  con 
ception]  This,  the  greatest  possible  curse,  was  the  punishment 
threatened  for  their  lack  of  chastity.  The  construction  is  singu 
larly  terse  and  strong.  The  order  is  climactic  :  women  will  not 
conceive ;  if  they  do,  the  child  will  die  in  the  womb ;  if  it  should 
survive  the  embryonic  period,  it  will  die  at  birth.  Cf.  4™.  Does 
not  their  sin  against  chastity  deserve  this  ?  Cf.  Hale" vy's  interpre 
tation  of  these  words,  in  which  he  reverses  the  order  of  the  climax. 
— 16.  Ephraim  is  smitten,  their  root  withered]  This  verse  inter 
rupts  the  thought  in  its  present  position,  but  fits  in  perfectly 
between  vs.11  and  12 ;  it  is,  therefore,  to  be  transferred. }  }  This  change 

*  EB.  406.  i  J.  d.  Th.  XXI.  580;  cf.  Di.  on  Nu.  2328. 

t  Cf.  Dr.,  art.  "  Beth-peor,"  EB.        §  We.,  Che.,  Gu.(  Now. 

||  On  the  use  of  rso  as  a  substitute  or  nickname  for  S>'3,  cf.  Dr.  on  2  S.  4*; 
Di.  in  Monatsberichte  der  Kon-Preuss.  Academic  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Berlin,  1881, 
June  16  ;  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr.,  in  JBL.  XIII.  19-30. 

II  K6.  I.  p.  395.  **  BSZ.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Now.  ft  Hi.,  BDB. 

&  So  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Get. ;  Marti  transfers  only  1". 
z 


338  HOSEA 

also  relieves  an  important  difficulty  in  the  strophic  structure.  The 
figure  of  the  tree  is  adopted  ;  Ephraim  is  like  a  tree  smitten  by 
worms  (Jon.  47)  or  by  heat  (  Je.  i  y8)  ;  and,  worst  of  all,  the  very 
root  is  destroyed,  thus  leaving  no  hope  of  further  growth  (cf. 
Am.  2°  Mai.  41,  and  for  the  opposite  idea,  Is.  n1  Ps.  i3).  —  Fruit 
they  cannot  produce}  This  is  the  sum  and  substance  of  the  whole 
thing.  —  Yea,  though  they  beget  children,  I  will  slay  the  darlings  of 
their  womb]  This  means  practically  that  they  will  bear  no  fruit.  — 
12.  Yea,  though  they  bring  up  their  sons,  I  will  bereave  them  that 
there  be  not  a  man']  Cf.  i  S.  i  s33.  This  statement  follows  natu 
rally  upon  166,  and  is  in  strict  accord  with  the  Hebrew  method  of 
statement,  viz.  to  make  a  general  and  absolute  statement,  and 
then  to  add  the  exception  or  modification  (cf.  Jb.  3123  Pr.  74f). 
V.12c  should  follow  v.15  (v.i.).  —  13.  Ephraim  —  for  a  prey  are 
his  sons  destined]  This  rendering  *  is  based  upon  (§  (v.s.)  ;  in 
addition,  it  involves  the  omission  of  TPtn  "HTfcO  as  unnecessary, 
and  inconsistent  with  the  rhythm.  The  old  rendering,  Ephraim, 
as  I  saw  Tyrus,  is  planted  in  a  pleasant  place,  f  means  nothing, 

(1)  for  Tyre   ("lit,   not  as   here  mac)   is   entirely  out    of  place; 

(2)  nbintP  =  planted,  does  not  fit  as  predicate  to  Ephraim  ;   (3)  D 
would  have  been  used  with  Tyre,  not  h.     Other  renderings  of  "flat 
are  :    the  palm  ;  J  like  pleasure  groves  of  Tynans,  reading  "itPK  as 
a  noun  (v.s.}  ;  §   Ephraim  as  I  selected  it  for  a   Tyre,  etc.  ;  ||    a 
rock  ,-^T  as  I  saw  is  like  a  tree  planted  in  Tyre;**  if  I  look  as  far 
as  Tyre,-\-\  or  toward  Tyre.  H  —  Ephraim  must  lead  forth  his 
sons  to  slaughter]    Hosea  still  continues  his  description  of  the 
coming  judgment.      @'s  nnnb   (v.s.),  the  abstract,  slaughter,  is 
to    be    preferred    to    the    JH&    m   ^K  =  unto   the   slayer.  §  §  - 
14.     Give   them,   O  Yahweh  —  what  wilt  thou  give  ?~\    This   is 
imprecation,  ||  ||  not  deprecation.  1ft[     The  entire  context  pictures 

*  Cf.  Houtsma,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.    Marti  reads  13  as  follows  :  — 

VJD  riS  ntf  "vxS  >niN-\  B^ND  ones 


f  AV.  ;  cf.  RV.  ||  Ke.  ft  De  Wette. 

6«^ 
J  Cf.  Arab.  )+&,  palm;  Hi.         f  0.,  Bauer,  Bockel.        JJ  Mau. 

§  Ew.  **  Cal.  §  §  Ew.,  AV.,  Or.,  Gu.(  et  al. 

\\  ||  Mau.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Ke.     H1I  Cal.,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Or.,  Che.,  Now.,  Marti. 


ix.  i6, 12-15  339 

Ephraim's  ruin ;  and  this  is  an  appeal  for  that  absolute  ruin 
which  is  involved  in  the  failure  of  a  tribe  or  nation  to  propagate 
itself.  To  understand  that  this  ejaculation  is  born  of  a  sympathy 
which  asks  for  the  prevention  of  births  that  those  born  may  not  be 
compelled  to  suffer  is  far-fetched.  The  imperative,  give,  implies 
the  opposite.  The  question  is  rhetorical,  indicating  excitement, 
and  is  intended  not  merely  to  furnish  a  basis  for  the  repetition 
of  v.11,  nor  to  ascertain  the  divine  mind,*  but  =  what  would 
I  have  thee  give  ?  i.e.  the  prophet's  own  wish  and  prayer.  —  A 
miscarrying  womb  and  dry  breasts^  The  give  them  found  in  fH2T 
is  superfluous  and  spoils  the  line.  It  is  omitted  in  (§.  Unfruitful- 
ness  was  regarded  as  a  special  and  definite  punishment  from  the 
deity;  cf.  Gn.  2521  3OL2.  This  punishment  stands  related  as  a 
climax  to  that  which  has  before  been  uttered  ;  it  also  bears  upon 
one  of  the  chief  sins  of  Jeroboam's  time,  the  pride  taken  by  the 
people  in  their  numbers  and  prosperity;  cf.  Am.  61-4"6  Ho.  28  IO1 
i28.t  — 15.  All  their  evil  being  in  Gilgal~\  A  circumstantial  clause 
=  since  the  consummation  of  their  mischief  (or  calamity  J)  is  in 
Gilgal ;  this  use  of  ^3  (cf.  EC.  i213)  §  is  strained  in  order  to  secure 
paronomasia  in  connection  with  blbl.  Gilgal  was  the  seat  of 
Baalistic  practices  (cf.  415  I211  Am.  4*  55)  ;  but  there  is  no  evi 
dence  of  its  being  the  headquarters  of  human  sacrifice ;  ||  cf.  i32. 

—  Yea,  there   I  conceived  hatred  for  them~\    "O   is    resumptive, 
yea  or  therefore;   the  verb  is  inchoative,  =  not  I  hated,   nor  / 
learned  to  hate,  \  but  I  formed  or  conceived  hatred.  —  For  the  evil 
of  their  doings  I  will  drive  them  out  of  my  house~\  The  house  here 
is  not  the  temple,  but  Palestine,  the  land  of  Israel ;    cf.  81.     On 
the  use  of  unji  cf.  Gn.  324  2i10  (but  there  is  no  reference  here  to 
the  Abraham  episode).^"     The  figure  of  the  husband  and  wife  is 
again  the  basis  of  the  expression  (Nowack)  ;   cf.  Lv.  2i7-14  2213. 

—  I  will  no  more  love  them,  all  their  nobles  being  rebels']  A  strong 
anthropomorphic    expression    for    the   decision    to    withdraw    all 
favor  and  mercy  from  Israel.     The  reason  assigned,  one  of  the 
most  important  in  the  whole  list  of  causes  of  the  coming  destruc 
tion,  is  the  apostasy  of  the  leaders.     The  same  phrase  with  its 


*  Umb.  t  Oort.  ||  Hi. 

t  Marti  om.  "•  160/3, 17  as  glosses.  §  Ma.  U  On  the  contrary,  Ke. 


340  HOSEA 

paronomasia  is  cited  in  Is.  i23.  The  court  power  is  plainly  in 
large  measure  responsible;  cf.  y5ff-  — 12  c.  Yea,  even  woe  upon 
them,  when  I  look  away  from  them~\  For  text,  v.s.  This  clause  is 
out  of  place  in  JK3E,  in  which  it  not  only  has  no  logical  connec 
tion  with  what  precedes,  but  actually  interrupts  a  closely  con 
nected  passage.*  Here  it  forms  a  fitting  climax  to  a  series  of 
strong  assertions,  the  idea  of  all  of  which  is  the  abandonment  of 
Israel  by  Yahweh.  "O,  here  asseverative,  is  tautological  if  joined 
with  126,  which  also  is  introduced  by  an  asseverative  "O.  The  DJ, 
here  indicating  the  climax,  is  impossible  after  12fc,  as  is  seen  by  the 
effort  of  interpreters  to  make  it  refer  to  Qrh  rather  than  to|  "HX. 
The  strophic  structure  is  disturbed  by  its  position  in  v.12,  but 
entirely  satisfied  by  the  order  here  proposed.  — 17.  My  God  will 
cast  them  away,  for  they  have  not  hearkened  to  him~\  The  prophet 
now  speaks,  summing  up  the  thought  of  Yahweh  as  it  has  been 
given  in  vs.15-12c.  Yahweh  had  said,  "  I  will  drive  them  out  of  my 
house ;  I  will  no  more  love  them  ;  yea,  even  woe  upon  them  !  " 
The  prophet  says,  My  God  (for  since  they  will  no  longer  listen  to 
him  he  may  no  longer  be  called  Israel's  God)  will  cast  them  away. 
They  had  been  chosen  ("in-)  from  among  all  the  nations ;  cf. 
Dt.  328  Ez.  5s  Am.  61  Mai.  312.  —  And  they  shall  become  wanderers 
among  the  nations^  They  will  become  (not  be)  wanderers,  or  fugi 
tives,  Je.  41 ;  cf.  use  of  TI3,  of  birds  who  have  been  cast  out  of  their 
nest  and  fly  hither  and  thither  (Is.  i62  Pr.  2y8)  ;  cf.  the  use  of1 
Cain,  Gn.  412.  In  y13  it  is  used  figuratively  of  wandering  away 
from  Yahweh. 

10.  ooj"]  Hebrew  is  particularly  rich  in  different  words  for  the  grape 
(cf.  Che.  EB.  I9i6f.).  Among  these  ar;  (the  usual  term,  being  found  also 
in  Aram.,  Arab.,  and  Assyr.)  is  the  true  word  for  the  berry,  ^'x  being  used 
for  the  cluster  (Gn.  40™  Nu.  I323). —  wa  ncn]  On  circ.  cl.  with  pf.,  H.  45, 
I  a;  GK.  142  £;  Dr.  §  163.  —  ~n>o  ^/o]  For  'o  'a  n>a;  for  discussions  on  site, 
cf.  also  (v.s.)  Conder,  Heth  and  Moab,  142  f.;  PEF.  1882,  pp.  85  f.;  Buhl, 
Geogr.  d.  alt.  Pal.  123. —  nao]  Cf.  Je.  324  n13;  the  substitution  of  nte»a  for 
S>J3  is  especially  frequent  in  proper  names,  e.g.  nira'v,  2  S.  II21  =  Sya'v,  Ju.  632. 
—  Lrxiptr]  On  form,  Earth,  NB.  102  d\  GK.  84^,1.  Its  use  is  always  late, 
Je.  41  being  apparently  the  earliest  passage  aside  from  this.  As  used  for  idols, 

*  Marti  therefore  makes  it  a  gloss. 

f  Mau.,  Hi.,  We.,  Or.,  Gm.,  GAS.,  Now.,  et  al. 


IX.  i2, 17  341 

cf.  also  2  K.  2324  Je.  730  Ez.  2O7-8  Dn.  927;  v.  Gunkel,  Schopfung  u.  Chaos, 
141.  —  oarwa]  On  form,  BSZ.  and  BDB. ;  only  here  and  Pr.  718.  —  11.  i^rn] 
Hithpolel,  only  here;  cf.  Polel,  Gn.  I20  Is.  62  I429  3o6.  — p]  Three  times 
with  the  force  of  negative,  H.  41,4^;  GK.  119*;  K6.  406^.  —  nV?]  Rare 
formation  =  rn.S,  GK.  69*72. — 16.  oanty  nncx]  Chiastic  order.  —  DJ]  On  force, 
K6.  394 c.  —  i^]  K'lhtbh,  but  •>  is  prob.  dittog.;  so  Sa  (Qerl)  is  better;  V?a 
is  rarely  used  with  finite  vb.,  K6.  352  c,  d.  —  par]  On  \\  GK.  47  m. — 
12  c.  mi^a]  For  various  readings  v.s.  In  favor  of  n-itfa  is  the  appropriateness 
of  the  meaning  thus  obtained,  the  slightness  of  the  change  involved,  and  the 
fact  that  DJ  is  thus  given  its  proper  force.  Against  the  interpretation  of 
nifra  =  moa  (so  'A.,  F®,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Ke.,  We.,  Or.,  Now.,  et  <*/.)  is  the  fact 
that  Hosea  regularly  writes  D;  so  24- 19  714. — 16.  Ticm]  i  marks  apodosis; 
H.  48,  2b\  GK.  I59/;  on  form  of  i  "y  vb.  without  inserted  6,  GK.  72^. — 
^DPIE]  Cf.  96;  also  La.  2*  Jo.  45;  on  form,  Earth,  NB.  174.  — 12.  DN]  =  -1% 
GK.  15977*;  cf.  Ko.  372^. — 13.  JoxinS]  On  %  H.  29,  3^;  Ko.  3992.— 
14.  |nn*nc]  On  optative  force,  GK.  151  0;  K6.  354^.  — 15.  ^ETN]  One  of 
the  few  jussives  of  ist  pers.  used  for  cohort.;  GK.  109^;  cf.  Ko.  191  c, g\ 
also  197. 

§  13.  Israel  is  wicked  iu  proportion  to  her  prosperity :  but  an 
end  is  coming  of  all  that  she  has  falsely  trusted.  lo1"8.  Israel  was 
a  luxuriant  vine,  but  in  proportion  to  her  prosperity  she  multiplied 
altars  and  pillars ;  however,  she  will  now  be  declared  guilty,  and 
her  altars  and  pillars  will  be  destroyed  (io1-2).  On  account  of  the 
idol-calf,  people  and  priest  shall  mourn ;  for  it  shall  be  carried  to 
Assyria,  a  token  of  Ephraim's  shame  (io5  6).  The  high  places 
shall  be  destroyed,  thorns  and  thistles  growing  over  them ;  the 
king  of  Samaria  shall  be  cut  off;  and  the  people  shall  even  pray 
to  the  mountains  and  hills  to  fall  upon  them  (io8a  7-86). 

This  piece  consists  of  six  four-line,  or  perhaps  better,  of  three  eight-line 
strophes.  Removing  the  glosses  in  vs.6-8a  (z>.z.),  the  arrangement  becomes 
8+7  +  7-  The  movement  is  trimeter,  although  dimeters  are  occasionally 
employed,  and  in  the  last  strophe  the  elegiac  movement  is  used.  Strophe  I 
(vs.1- 2)  pictures  Israel  as  a  fruitful  vine,  and  with  the  increase  of  fruitfulness, 
has  come  also  an  increase  of  idol-serving;  but  now  that  she  has  been  found 
guilty  these  emblems  of  idolatry  shall  be  destroyed.  Strophe  2  (vs.5-6) 
describes  the  carrying  away  to  Assyria  of  the  idol-calf  in  which  she  has  taken 
such  pleasure,  which,  therefore,  has  been  her  shame.  Strophe  3  (vs.80-7-86) 
declares  that  the  high  places  shall  be  destroyed,  the  altars  grown  over  with 
thorns  and  thistles,  while  even  the  king  shall  be  cut  off,  and  men  in  the  con 
fusion  of  the  judgment  will  call  upon  the  mountains  and  the  hills  to  fall 
upon  and  cover  them  up. 


342  HOSEA 

This  arrangement  involves  the  following  modifications:  (i)  vs.3-4  are  to 
be  taken  as  a  later  insertion  (V.zY);  (2)  v.7  is  to  be  transferred  to  stand 
between  8a.and8&  (  £/.;.). 

1.  ppa]  <§  evK\TjfjLaTovffa  ;  F  frondosa ;  'A.  evvdpos  ;  S.  v\ofjLavov<ra  ; 
£  (LoGuaj^  =  Pl^  (Seb.;  so  also  Gr.) ;  ^  xria.  Get.  nppa. —  SNIB"]  Ru. 
°^?*- —  ni!iM]  ®  (o  Kap-rrbs)  evdyvuv  =  nS^i  or  V?B>  (Vol.);  'A.,  S.  t£i<r6d-r)  ; 
F  adaequatus.  Oort  and  Gu.  '^  iS*^  'ms,  or  merely  iSir  mo.  Gr.  iS  nis»>  me. 
Marti,  nito.  Gardner,  sir.  Read,  with  Oct.,  N^C*:  (cf.  Jb.  I223  3624),  an  Ara- 
maicism.  —  maS]  We.  om.  S  (so  Now.,  Oct.).  —  'D1?  nain]  Gr.  'D  '*h  'n. — 
la-'OTi]  ©  y/co56/u?7<rej' ;  'A.  &r7rotf5aore  (rrept  ffTTJKuv). —  2.  DaS  pSn]  <§  fy.fyt- 
(rai'  KapdLas  avr&v  =  '*?  -ipVn  (Vol.);  'A.,  2.,  £fjL€pl<r6i>)  Kapdia.  Read  p?n  (so 
Oort,  Val.,  Now.).  Get.  pSn.  Ru.  c^^  pSn,  'n  being  the  name  of  some  hostile 
tribe.  Briill  ("  Beitrage  zur  Erkl.  d.  Buches  Ho.,"  Jahrb.  /  Jud.  Gesch.  tt.  Lit., 
v.-vi.  (1883)  1-62;  so  Gr.),  na^D  ifl^Snn.  —  nny]  Ru.  takes  it  here  and  in  810 
as  the  name  of  some  hostile  tribe.  —  icrx11]  @  d^cma-tf^a-ojTcu  (cf.  515) ;  A.,  S., 
0.  tr\rj/uLfji€\ria-ova-L  ;  3J  interibunt.  Gr.  IDB".  Ru.  CDr\  —  l^'"1]  ^  Karaa/cd- 
^ei  =  n-i^  or  ~^}ny<l  (Vol.).  —  -\TUM]  @  Ta\anrupri(rov<rt.v  =  Ti^  (Vol.). — 
3.  N*?  13]  5>  om.  ^a.  —  4.  na^]  ©  XaXwi',  =  nai,  agreeing  with  I^D  of  v.3; 
U  loquimini.  Oort,  nana  or  151  (so  Val.).  Read,  with  We.,  nai  (so  Gu., 
Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.),  Get.).  —  nnan]  Gr.  c^ara  (cf.  y13).  Ru.  nan. 

—  m^N]  ©  Trpfxpao-ets  =  m^,  an  Aramaicism  (Vol.);  U  visionis.    Ru.  VJTD. — 
Nitr]    Ru.  N^n.  —  ma]  ©  Sta^o-ercu.    Oort  and  Val.  mr.     Gr.   n^Da.     Hal 
nra.      Ru.  nia\  —  B»XI]     @    Aypaia-ris  —  Xw;l    (Vol.) ;     S.  and   6.   Xdxawv 
(sc.  -x\<>}pbv) ;    «S  if-^-*-     Some  Heb.  codd.  t^Nia.      Loft.  rn.  —  tDfltTD]    Ru. 
•v?pt»a  irnr.     Get.  nrj'ip  or  nau1^  (cf.  n7  I45).     Hal.  nnrr.  —  nip  ^oSn  S>] 

<S  ]^-  ^^  i^'l?  ]^"^ ;  ©  tni  x^P(rov  «7poO.  —  5.  rnSjj;1']  Read,  with 
(5,  O.,  and  S,  S.igS  (so  New.,  Oort,  TAT.  and  £»/.;  We.,  Gu.,  Loft.,  Ru., 
GAS.,  Now.,  BDB.,  Oct.,  Marti).  Dathe,  Val.  and  Che.  (CB.)  nSjpS.  Gr. 
Sj;'  S>.  —  |1N  no]  @  roG  O?KOU  *i7v  ;  'A.  rou  of/cou  fis;  0.  roG  otnov  &v.  Oort  and 
Marti,  VN  no.  —  mj)11]  ©J5,  S.  render  dwell;  TS  and  @T  worship  ;  'A.,  O.  /i?ar. 
Gr.  HU>  or  mjn\  Ru.  "^1Jri\  Che.  imr.  —  pr]  Read,  with  ©,  /caroi/coGj/res, 
\jac«  (so  New.,  Oort,  TAT.  and  £w.;  We.,  Val.,  Loft.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Oct., 
Marti).  —  o]  Ru.  *vfT3  or  asr.  —  Sax]  We.  SaN;  (so  Gr.,  Val.,  Now.,  Oct., 
Marti).  —  inca]  ©  Kadws  TrapeirlKpavav  avrbv  =  innca  (Vol.);  j$  joins  with 
preceding.  —  vSp]  S»  =  vS;'i;  ©  om.  —  iS^]  Read  iS^n^  (so  Oort,  Gr.).  We. 
y?^:_  (so  Val.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.),  Oct.,  Hal.,  Marti).  Ru.  -iS^^.  — -a'S;']  Gr. 
'^-Sj7\ — 6.  mis]  (§  takes  as  obj.  of  an  inserted  5 770-0 vres,  which  GAS.  accepts 
as  belonging  to  original  text.  —  Sav]  @  aTnJj/eYKaj/  =  iS-av  (so  SSr  and 
Arabic;  so  also  We.,  Loft.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  nmc]  <S&  pi.  —  a-\>  I^D] 
@  r£  /SacriXe?  'lapeip. ;  U  r<?£?'  ultori ;  'A.,  6.  St/cdfovrt  ;  S.  virep/j-axovvri. 
For  other  readings  see  on  513.  —  njtso]  ©  ^y  56/xan  =  njna  (Vol.);  F  con 
strues  as  subj.  Gr.  nj.nc.  Gu.  and  Marti,  nra.  Hal.  noS.p.  Mich.  nj^Ja. 

—  inx^D]  We.  iax^D  (so  Val.,  Now.,  Marti).     Oort  (Em.),  loxyn.  —  7.   nm:] 


X.  i  343 


t> 


=  noi  (Voi.;;  F  tr  amir  e  fecit  ;  &  ^.^  =  nnn  (Seb.);  some 
codd.  of  de  R.  nrpj  (so  Oct.).  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  ,i£n\  Cappellus, 
jnoir]  Hal.  'tfc.  Che.  (,£.5.  II.  2125,  note),  «nf?».  —  fjXpD]  (g  d>s 
so  <&.  Gr.  I*-?!?.?'  We.  axpo.  Che.  (/^.  «/.),  om.  as  corrupt  dittog.  of  pre 
ceding  ttnpD  (z/.s.).  —  D^D  ^0  Sj?]  Che.  (/#<:.  «V.),  onsN  JINJ.  —  8.  PNtan] 
<g{£  =  pi.;  so  some  codd.  of  de  R.  We.  om.  'n  JIN  as  gloss  (so  Ru.,  Now., 
Marti),  while  Che.  (C#.)  om.  Smtpi  nNDn.  Gr.  suggests  that  no  has  been  lost 
from  before  JIN,  because  of  likeness  to  nin.  —  wVp]  J53T  have  suff.  in  3d  p. 

X.  1.  A  luxuriant  vine  is  Israel"]  i.e.  a  vine  running  luxuri 
antly,  sending  out  shoots,  a  fruitful  vine,  prosperous.*  With  this 
may  be  compared  the  view  f  that  makes  Israel  a  pillaged  vine,  i.e. 
stripped  of  its  fruit,  which,  however,  after  the  robbing  will  lay  up 
fruit  for  itself;  and  the  very  common  view  J  which  renders  ppn 
empty,  i.e.  one  which  pours  out  into  leaves,  but  has  no  fruit. 
This  statement  is  an  extension  of  910-  16  ;  cf.  the  vine  nmo,  Ez.  i  y6. 
Hale"  vy  makes  ppa  predicate  with  the  meaning  lay  waste,  destroy 
(cf.  Is.  241  Na.  22)  =  Israel  lays  waste  the  vine  which  has  fur 
nished  him  its  fruit  ;  but  this  is  not  supported  by  the  history  of 
interpretation,  nor  by  analogy  (v.s.).  —  He  multiplies  fruit  for  him- 
se/f]  The  thought  here  is  obscure.  The  following  have  been 
suggested  :  (i)  Which  yields  fruit  for  itself,  referring  to  the  vine  ;  § 
(2)  Who  yields  fruit  for  himself,  referring  to  Israel  ;  ||  (3)  He 
putteth  forth  his  fruit  \^  (4)  And  the  fruit  is  like  him;**  (5) 
Her  (the  vine's}  fruit  flourishing  (so  (§  using  perhaps  ibttf  or 
rbttr;  cf.  Zc.  f  Jb.  2i23  Ps.  7312  i226  Ez.  i649.)  But  none  of 
these  gives  an  adequate  sense.  Perhaps  the  rendering  given 
above  ft  (reading  inter),  which  furnishes  an  idea  corresponding  to 
ppn  of  the  preceding  line,  may  be  adopted.  G.  A.  Smith  (using 
mttf  or  ,TtP)  renders,  "  he  lavishes  his  fruit,"  while  Gardner's  read 
ing  gives  just  the  opposite,  "  an  evil  fruit  is  his."  —  In  proportion 
to  the  increase  of  his  fruit  he  multiplied  altars  ;  in  proportion  to 
the  prosperity  of  his  land,  he  made  beautiful  the  pillars~\  i.e.  the 
more  fruit,  the  more  altars  did  he  build  ;  the  more  prosperous  the 
land,  the  more  beautiful  were  the  pillars  (or  statues)  which  he 

*  ffiU,  Theod.,  Bauer,  Ma.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Schm.,  Or.,  Che.,  GAS.,  BDB., 
Now.  t  Cal.  t  8T,  AE.,  Schmidt,  Os.,  Ros.,  Pu.,  Sharpe. 

$  Ma.,  Hi.,  Ke.,  Or.,  RV.  IT  Hd.  ft  Get. 

||  Ew.,  Pu.  **  U,  Mich. 


344  HOSEA 

erected.*  This  points  to  a  recognition  by  the  prophet  of  the 
influence  exerted  on  Israel  by  the  agricultural  life  which  Israel 
had  come  to  adopt,  for  with  this  life  there  came  the  influence  of 
the  Baal-cult.  On  the  pillars,  or  massebahs,  v.  on  34.  —  2.  Their 
heart  is  false~\  Was  their  heart  "  divided,"  resting  now  on  Baal, 
and  now  on  Yahweh  ?  |  Or  was  it  not  rather  "  slippery,  false, 
deceitful"!  (v.s.  for  text),  since  Hosea  particularly  inveighed 
against  a  certain  kind  of  Yahweh-worship?  Cf.  the  use  of  the 
word  with  reference  to  tongue,  lip,  mouth,  throat,  and  speech 
(Ps.  59  i23  5521  Pr.  53  and  in  Ez.  i224,  where  in  parallelism 
stands  pbn  DDpfc  .  .  .  Kittf  pn). — Now  must  they  bear  punishment 
for  //§]  Other  renderings  are:  be  guilty,  ||  deserve  punish 
ment,^  suffer,**  be  punished,  ft  Ruben's  hostile  tribes  (v.s.) 
seem  to  be  the  offspring  of  a  fertile  imagination.  Now  is  logical 
=  consequently.  —  (But)  he  will  break  the  neck  of  their  altars  ;  he 
will  ruin  their  pillars']  "  Breaking  the  neck  "  is  a  strong  figure  in 
this  connection.  It  is  unnecessary  to  suppose  there  is  any  refer 
ence  to  the  striking  off  of  horns  (Am.  314)  ;  H  the  word  used 
elsewhere  only  of  animals  is  here  used  metaphorically.  The  par 
allelism  of  order  between  these  lines  and  the  first  of  the  strophe 
is  to  be  noted.  This  representation  of  punishment  is  in  contrast 
with  the  picture  of  prosperity  just  presented.  —  3.  For  soon 
they  will  say :  we  have  no  king]  This  confession  is  clearly  incon 
sistent  with  the  context  and  dates  from  a  later  period,  probably 
the  exile.  The  inconsistencies  of  vs.3and4,  as  pointed  out  by 
Nowack  and  Marti,  §§  are  :  (i)  they  furnish  an  entirely  different 
explanation  for  the  coming  judgment,  as  compared  with  vs.5  to8; 
(2)  the  lack  of  fear  of  Yahweh  is  not  a  true  charge  against  the 
Israel  of  Hosea's  time ;  (3)  nni?  in  v.2  refers  to  the  present  or 
immediate  future,  but  in  v.3  to  a  more  remote  future ;  (4)  they 
break  the  connection  of  thought  between  vs.2and5,  which  are  both 
concerned  with  the  destruction  of  Israel's  high  places.  If  from 
the  exile,  the  phrase  we  have  no  king  means  what  it  says ;  if  from 

*  So  E\v.,  Ke.,  Or.,  et  al.  IF  Bauer. 

t  Mich.,  Bauer,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Or.,  RV.  **  Ew. 

J  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  GAS.,  Marti.  ft  Hd. 

§  Hi.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  We.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.  JJ  We.,  Che.,  Marti. 

(I  Cal.  §§  Rel.  168  and  Dodekapropheton  ;  so  also  Ru. ;  but  cf.  Now.5 


x.  1-4  345 

an  earlier  period,  it  means,  we  have  no  king  worthy  of  the  name 
or  from  whom  help  can  come,  i.e.  an  expression  of  despair.*  Cf. 
( i )  the  view  which  places  the  sermon  in  the  interregnum  follow 
ing  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II. ;  t  (2)  the  view  that  makes  the 
basis  of  this  statement,  the  fact  that  all  of  Israel's  kings  were 
established  in  opposition  to  Yahweh ;  \  and  (3)  the  view  that 
makes  the  statement  interrogative,  Have  we  not  a  king?  i.e.  the 
king  of  Egypt.  §  — For  Yahweh  we  have  not  feared^  This  is  the 
evident  point  of  inconsistency  with  the  context.  No  Israelite  of 
Hosea's  time  could  have  acknowledged  that  he  did  not  fear 
Yahweh ;  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  was  engaged  most  assiduously  in 
a  worship  every  part  of  which  pointed  in  this  direction.  The 
expression  is  not  one  of  Hosea's  time,  but  comes  from  that  later 
age  when  rightly  it  might  have  been  uttered.  —  And  the  king, 
what  could  he  do  for  us  ?~\  For  nttftf,  cf.  EC.  22.  If  3a  means,  we 
have  no  king,  this  means,  if  we  had  a  king,  what  could  he  do ;  if  3a 
means,  we  have  no  king  worthy  of  the  name,  36  means,  what  can 
the  king  we  have  do  for  us  ?  In  either  case  the  answer  is  nothing. 
—  4.  Speaking  words,  swearing  false  oaths,  making  bargains^ 
With  "D1!  the  infinitive  absolute  (v.s. ;  cf.  42 ;  (d  =  "Ql)  we  have 
speaking  words,  i.e.  mere  words,  words  from  the  lips  (Is.  365  5813) 
in  which  there  is  no  truth,  —  falsehoods  (Is.  2p21).  On  swearing 
false  oaths, \  cf.  42;  on  making  bargains,  i.e.  making  covenants, 
cf.  513  y11 ;  not  in  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life ;  If  nor  with  the 
sanction  of  idols;**  but  rather  with  the  great  powers,  Assyria 
(or  Babylon)  and  Egypt ;  ft  cf.  io6  I21.  —  And  law  springs 
forth  like  weeds  in  the  furrows  of  the  field  ~\  We  expect  here 
the  punishment  which  is  to  be  inflicted  for  the  conduct  de 
scribed  in  the  preceding  clause;  but,  as  Nowack  has  pointed 
out,  J4  (i)  tsstPtt  does  not  mean  judgment  in  the  sense  of  in 
fliction,  execution,  but  right  (cf.  511,  also  Am.  57-15-24  612),  an 
indefinite  term  without  special  application;  (2)  the  comparison 
»K"O  is  hardly  clear  or  satisfactory;  (3)  while  on  the  furrows 
of  the  field  fits  in  well  in  i212,  it  is  here  awkward,  being  sep- 

*  Mau.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Or.  §  Dathe;  cf.  Schmidt. 

t  Mich.,  et  al.  ||  See  Coffin,  JBL.,  1900,  p.  107. 

JHi.,  Pu.,  Ke.,Che.,*/a/.  U  Pu. 

**Ros.       ft  Mau.,  Hd.,Ke.,Che.,Or.,Schm.;  Val.Z^H/'.XIII.  247.       JfCf.Ke. 


346  HOSEA 


arated  from  ttffcn,  to  which  it  belongs.  Perhaps  this  is  a  con 
tinuation  of  the  preceding  picture  of  wickedness,  and  in  this 
case  (i)  law  may  be  used  in  the  sense  of  lawsuit;*  or  (2)  law 
may  be  used  ironically  in  the  sense  of  legal  injustice,^  cf.  Am.  612  ; 
or  (3),  after  all,  punishment,  which  shall  be  as  bitter  (cf.  Dt.  29™ 
La.  319  Je.  915),  and  as  plenteous  as  twn.  \  Cf.  (§'s  interpre 
tation  =  grass.  It  has  been  suggested  by  Nowack  that  either 
another  word  be  substituted  for  taBtpa,  which  shall  mean  "  evil," 
or  that  VX~b  "OBn  be  read  after  Am.  612  (cf.  Ho.  42),  i.e.  and 
judgment  they  turn  to  poppy  ;  but  (3)  above  seems  satisfactory. 
Cheyne  suggests  that  this  judgment  began  with  the  man  who  was 
foremost  in  those  illegitimate  covenants  —  the  prophet's  royal  name 
sake,  Hoshea  (2  K.  iy4).  VVT\  has  been  rendered  bitterness,  § 
poppy,  \\  weeds  ^  poison,  or  wormwood,**  hemlock;^  and  tsBttfla 
has  been  emended  (v.s.)  to  murder  or  backsliding,  \\  falsehood, 
like  thistles,^  destruction.  ||  ||  —  5.  For  the  calf  of  Beth-aven  the 
inhabitants  of  Samaria  shall  tremble^  We  come  back  now  to  the 
original  utterance,  and  to  the  beginning  of  the  second  8-line 
strophe.  The  occasion  of  the  approaching  punishment  is  here 
stated  to  be  the  worship  of  the  calf  (cf.  the  different  representa 
tion  in  v.4a).  The  connection  with  v.26  is  very  close.  While  now 
Israel  identifies  the  calf-image  with  Yahweh,  the  prophet  sees  no 
relationship  between  them.  There  are  no  words  too  scornful  for 
him  to  use  of  the  calf.  Calf  (ci.  (g)  is  to  be  preferred  to  calves, 
because  of  the  singular  suffix  in  Vfctf  and  VIM  and  because  prob 
ably  only  one  image  was  set  up  in  each  place.  For  explana 
tions  of  this  feminine  plural,  see  p.  348.  Beth-aven  is  probably 
ironical  and  contemptuous  for  bx  n*S,  cf.  415  Am.  7l4.1ffl"  On 
ptr,  v.i.  Cheyne's  bemoan  instead  of  tremble  for  is  interesting  in 
view  of  the  parallelism.  For  other  readings,  v.s.  —  Yea,  his  people 
shall  mourn  for  him~\  The  perfect,  if  retained,  is  prophetic  ; 
perhaps  the  imperfect  should  be  read  (v.s).  —  And  his  priestlings 
shall  writhe  for  him]  l^PP  for  l^T,  v.s.  The  word  n&3  is  used 
only  of  idol-priests;  cf.  2  K.  235  Zp.  i4.  In  Syriac  and  Aramaic 


*GAS. 

||  Thes.t  Hd.,  Che. 

it  oet. 

fKe. 

IT  Ew.,  Or.,  GAS. 

^  Ru. 

J  Ew.,  Hd.,  Che. 

**Ki. 

||  l|  Hal. 

§17. 

ttAV. 

HH  K6.  Stil.  297  f. 

x.  s-8  347 

it  is  used  of  priests  in  general  without  discrimination  between 
those  of  the  true  God  and  those  serving  idols.  It  is  perhaps  to 
be  connected  with  the  Assyr.  kamdru,  to  lay  prostrate,  the  priest 
being  one  who  prostrated  himself.*  It  is  evidently  used  here  as  a 
term  of  contempt.  The  interpretation  rejoice  is  impossible. —  On 
account  of  his  glory,  that  it  is  banished  from  him}  Cf.  i  S.  4^. 
This  is  an  insertion  from  a  later  hand,  as  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  the  suffix  cannot  possibly  go  back  to  hso,  although  this  is 
intended,  and  the  connection  with  what  follows  is  impossible.! 
—  6.  Yea,  this  they  will  carry  to  Assyria]  The  emphatic  word 
this  (imx)  refers  to  the  image.  —  As  a  present  to  king  Jareb] 
Probably  a  gloss  based  on  513,  v.s.  It  was  not  uncommon  to  carry 
presents  of  gold  and  silver  from  the  temple  to  a  foreign  king ; 
cf.  2  K.  i218  i68  i815f.  —  Ephraim  shall  take  disgrace,  and  Israel 
shall  be  ashamed  because  of  his  counsel]  The  reading  '"QSlJia  = 
because  of  his  idol  (v.s.)  is  good,  but  not  necessary.  Shame  and 
reproach  will  rest  upon  Israel  for  the  counsel  which  has  been 
adopted  as  the  basis  of  the  national  policy.  —  8a.  The  high 
places  of  Aven  shall  be  destroyed,  the  sin  of  Israel^  This  arrange 
ment  of  the  verses  prevents  the  interruption  of  the  thought,  and 
preserves  the  climax.  Perhaps  the  reading,  the  high  places  of 
Israel  shall  be  destroyed,  both  |1K  and  riKtfln  being  taken  as  glosses 
(v.s.),  is  better.  —  Thorn  and  thistle  shall  come  up  on  their  altars'} 
Cf.  96.  —  7.  As  for  Samaria,  her  king  is  cut  off]  This  is  better 
than  to  put  king  with  the  following  clauses,  j  The  perfect  is  pro 
phetic  ;  cf.  88.  No  particular  king  is  intended ;  nor  is  the  refer 
ence  to  an  idol-god.  §  —  Like  a  chip  on  the  face  of  the  waters]  i.e. 
tossed  about,  without  ability  to  move  in  a  definite  path.  B]2Cp 
means  chip,  \\  rather  thanfoam.^  —  8  b.  And  they  shall  say  to  the 
mountains  cover  us ;  and  to  the  hills,  fall  on  us]  This  petition 
goes  up  in  order  that  they  may  not  fall  into  the  power  of  their 
enemies  (cf.  Lk.  23®  Rev.  616  916). 

1.   pro]  But  for  the  context  and  the  general  usage  in  this  figure  (v.s.),  it 
would  be  unjustifiable  to  adopt  here  a  meaning  found  nowhere  else;    and 

*  Cf.  BDB. ;   Dl.  Hebr.  Lang.,  40  ff. ;  Che.          +  Wii.,  We.,  Gu.,  Now.,  GAS. 

t  We.,  Now.,  Get.  §  Hess. 

I!  ffiS,  Ki.,  Theod.,  Ma.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Che.,  Now.,  Marti. 

U  U£,  2.,  Rashi,  Marck,  Umb. 


348  HOSEA 

c- 

yet  the  Arabic  /Jj  =  to  be  abundant  (v.  Lane),  furnishes  good  ground  for 

this  interpretation.  BSZ.  treats  this  case  as  an  intrans.  of  the  same  pp2 
(found  in  Is.  24*-  and  elsewhere,  to  empty'}  —  to  pour  oneself  out,  to  spread  out. 
From  this  root  Jabbok,  the  river,  is  probably  named.  —  niiy]  Cf.  GAS.  I.  286, 
note;  Earth,  ES.  p.  66.  —  D]  On  the  more  .  .  .  the  more,  Ko.  371  o.  —  :n] 
Is  inf.  cstr.  fol.  by  •?,  indicating  dative  of  advantage  (cf.  Dt.  I6  23  326,  etc.) ; 
K6.  286  d,  402 1,  407  c\  and  not  subst.  in  cstr.  before  a  gen.  with  S,  cf. 
Ew.8  295  a.  —  aiB]  Inf.  cstr.  like  31  (z>.j.).  —  urt^n]  PI.,  while  nann  is  sg.; 

K6.  346  ^.  —  2.  pVn]  This  is  not  the  Pu'al  (&F&,  Hi.)  of  pSn  =  loJLS., 
measure  off;  cf.  Assyr.  eklu,  field,  cf.  Is.  3323  Zc.  14!  (Jager,  A4S.  II.  296); 

nor  Qal  of  pSn  =  ^JjJ^.,  #/£/£<?  smooth,  lie  (Ke.,  Wu.,  We.,  RVm.) ;  but 
probably  an  adj.  from  latter,  viz.  pSn;  cf.  Pr.  53.  —  nny]  Lit.,  at  the  time, 

an  ace.  of  ny;  cf.  ^iJMi  at  the  time,  now.  Here  without  \  used  of  present 
or  immediate  future,  a  favorite  construction  of  Hosea;  cf.  416  57  88- 13.  —  icti'N'J 
On  _,  GK.  63  e.  On  the  dagh.  in  tr,  GK.  13  c.  On  impf.  of  obligation, 
H.  22,  3^;  Dr.  §39.  D^N  —  to  do  a  wrong  (Ez.  2512);  then  A?  be  guilty 
(cf.  415  I31);  then  to  be  treated  as  guilty,  to  receive  punishment  (cf.  5]5  I41). 
Here  in  this  third  sense.  The  word  seems  to  be  a  favorite  with  Hosea, — 
*pjr]  A  denom.  vb.  from  rpj?,  neck ;  on  the  privative  force  of  denom.  vbs. 
(cf.  Pi'el)  GK.  $2  A.  The  other  cases,  Ex.  I313  342°  Dt.  2i4-6  Is.  663,  all 
refer  to  the  breaking  of  the  neck  of  an  animal,  e.g.  calf,  clog.  —  N%n]  Emph. 

—  3.    nnj?  -o]  The  ordinary  meaning,  for  then,  does  not  fit  here;  it  refers  to  an 
action  in  the  future  and  =  at  that  time  —  soon  (v.s.~). — 4.    onai]  Cogn.  ace. 
=  emph.  —  niSx]   For  nSs,  the  usual  form  of  inf.  abs.;   here  with  n  under 
influence  of  m?,  cf.  Is.  2213;   GK.  75  «;   K6.  402  e.     On  this  use  of  inf.  abs., 
H.  28,  5  a\   GK.  113^".  —  moi]    Pf.  with  waw  cons.,  continuing  inf.  abs.,  K6. 
367^  —  002'?:]  Cf.  Sellin,  Beitrage,  II.  252;  Sm.  Rel.  389  f.;  Duhm,  Theol.  1 14 f. 

—  irN-\]  See  on  Am.  612.  —  ne»]  Art.  omitted,  Ko.  293^;   cf.  this  form  with 
mir.  —  nSj>]    Read  ^jy  (^.^.)>    the  only  case  of  the  fern,  used  of  the  calf- 
idols  in  North  Israel.     The  fern.  pi.  of  fJlC  (cf.  the  masc.  suff.  of  the  vs.) 
has  been  explained  (i)  as  heifers  for  calves  used  contemptuously  (Jer.,  Cal., 
Bauer,  Pu.) ;    (2)  because  the  images  were  those  of  young  animals  in  which 
sex  was  not  prominent  (Sim.) ;     (3)   because  they  were   lifeless,  man-made 
things,  cf.  GK.  122  u  (Ki.)  ;    (4)  as  an  expression  of  indefinite  generality,  the 
fem.  being  the  proper  form  for  the  abstract  (Ke.).  —  p-'J   Sg.  with  preceding 
predicate  pi.,  Ko.  349/  —  v-co]    Suf.  collective,  K6.  348^  —  6.    IPIN]   On 
ace.  with  pass,  according  to  fH&  (cf.  Zc.  I36),  GK.  121  b\   Ko.  110;   as  obj. 
of  S^  (<&),  its  position  is  emphatic.  —  n;^a]    From  tt'O  with  affix  f  short 
ened  from  an  ;   Ew.8  163/5   cf.  Earth,  NB.  210  c ;   Ko.  II.  i.  p.  185.     Perhaps 
n^3    should  be  read   (y.s.}.  —  7.    nnij]    Ptcp.,  perhaps  to   be    read,    nsiji; 
Ko.  349 p.     This  same  word  occurs  also  in  46  io15.  —  mSs  pi^r]  The  order 
of  words  is  difficult  unless  with  Ko.  349 /  (cf.  33O/)  we  suppose   i  to  have 
dropped  out  before  the  labial  D  and   read    (z/.-r.)    Samaria  and  her  king: 


x.  9-is  349 

nt  Ex.  8206  Dt.  3286,  etc.  —  iW]   Masc.  for  fern.,  the  obj.  added  being  fern., 

K6.  205  c. 

§  14.  Israel's  history  consists  of  sin,  guilt;  the  fruit  of 
such  seed  is  a  sad  harvest,  desolation,  destruction,  and  death, 
—  even  of  the  king.  lo^15.  From  the  days  of  Gibeah,  Israel  has 
sinned  :  Ephraim  is  a  heifer  desiring  to  tread  the  corn,  but  I  will 
spoil  her  beauty  with  a  yoke  upon  her  neck,  and  she  shall  be  made 
to  draw,  to  plough,  and  to  harrow  (9-11).  Sow  in  righteousness 
and  reap  in  love ;  break  off  evil  habits ;  there  is  still  time  to  seek 
Yahweh  and  obtain  his  favor ;  (I  exhort  you  thus)  for  hitherto  you 
have  sowed  wickedness  and  reaped  punishment ;  you  have  made 
it  your  policy  to  lie,  and  to  trust  in  chariots  and  warriors  (12<  13a). 
But  for  this  reason  ruin  is  coming,  tumult,  the  destruction  of 
fortune  ;  and  in  a  morning  your  king  shall  be  cut  off  (136-14-15). 

This  piece  consists  of  three  strophes,  each  having  seven  lines  of  the  trime 
ter  movement.  The  strophic  structure  and  measure  prove  conclusively  that 
the  piece  is  entirely  distinct  from  lo1'8,  although  treating  of  the  same  subject. 
For  that  matter,  all  of  the  chapters  now  treat  of  the  same  subject.  Strophe  I 
brings  up  out  of  the  past  "days  of  Gibeah,"  when  Israel  sinned;  however 
beautiful  and  prosperous  she  may  be,  hard  burdens  are  before  her  —  burdens 
which  will  prove  very  heavy  (vs.9-lla).  Strophe  2  recites  the  fact  that  it  is 
not  too  late  to  secure  Yahweh's  favor,  if  the  right  methods  are  followed,  if 
old  habits  are  broken  off;  but  to  this  end  an  entire  change  of  policy  will  be 
demanded  in  comparison  with  that  of  the  past,  in  which  deceit  and  faithless 
ness  to  Yahweh  have  been  the  principal  elements  (vs.12-  13a).  Strophe  3 
pictures  the  ruin  which  for  this  reason  is  coming  quickly  and  surely  —  a  ruin 
that  will  involve  land,  city,  and  king  (vs.136- 14°- 15).  In  this  arrangement, 
vs>io.  146  are  regarded  as  later  additions  (v.i.\ 

9.  ^^]  Gr.  TO  (so  Marti,  Rel.  168).  —  nyajn]  ©  ot  povvol  =  rnyajn; 
£  l£Ja099.  — rx-jn]  &&  take  as  2d  p.  of  vb;  @F  =  3d  p.  Gr.  xan  (so  Oort 
(£/#.)).  Ru.  PX3n.  Read  nx^n  (We.,  Now.). —  VIEJ?]  We.  nja.  Gr.  -HJ?C. 
Hal.  ITX.  Oet.  i-o~.  Gardner,  nrr'.  —  xs]  Oort  (.£;;/.),  xSi. —  artm]  Linder 
(SJf.  XXXIII.  747),  or  on.  Gr.  and  Hal.  UJMPP.  Gardner,  njpfrn. —  npaja] 
Gr.  nj,'3jr.  Oort  (£;«.)  om.  Marti  om.  npaja  . . .  nion  as  a  gloss.  — Sy]  Read, 
with  Gr.,  Ru.,  Now.,  ^y.  Gardner,  ^x.  —  mSp  ^a  S>']  Transfer  to  follow  nnj; 
(so  Ru.,  Now.).  Ru.  inserts  after  this  phrase,  SN  noa  Sr;  in^i  (cf.  i  K.  I229). 
Dathe  joins  to  v.10  (so  Oort,  Oct.).  — 10.  DIDXI  T1X3J  @  TrcuSeOcrcu  aurotfs, 
omitting  'xa  and  joining  'xi  =  antpi  (Vol.)  to  v.9.  @x  and  some  codd.  render 
-xa  by  ^X0e  =  >nxa;  &  ^oJ]  (99)  v»4-as  =  onpw  >mpa;  probably  %  should 
be  corrected  to  ^A^]^  =  \-naya  (Seb.;  so 'also  Gr.,  Ru^  Now.).  Oort 


350  HOSEA 


{Em.},  qbNM  onDW  ^nN3  (so  Marti;  Dathe  and  Get.  also  read  »n>a).  HaL 
'3.  Read  cn^N  'rnaja  (so  Or.,  Now.)-  —  anoxa]  <g  ev  r$  TrcuSetfecrtfcu 
=  2-13*3  ;  cf.  Ps.  I321,  Tnjj7  (Vol.);  &  ^59^io)  j^s  =  aioina  (Seb.; 
so  also  Oct.).  Oort  om.  as  dittog.  We.  onp^?  (so  Oort  {Em.}}.  Hal.  0^0x3 
(=  a^pxna).  —  anrj?  ->n&>S]  Qerl,  nnj^/s  (so  also  Scholz,  Gr.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Oct., 
et  at.};  so  <&.  Hal.  'JMNC'?.  Oort,  ornjyu-.  BSZ.  or^y  -^  (cf.  2T).  Marti 
om.  71?  'DN3.  —  11.  DnsNi]  @  om.  i  (so  also  Now.).  —  mnSn]  Om.  as  a  gloss 
(so  We.,  Now.).  Hal.  '*?D  *6.  —  CMT?]  @  »>et/cos  =  pi  (Vol.).  —  imaj?]  Hal. 
>rnaj  (cf.  i  K.  621).  Ru.  om.  as  dittog.  from  v.10  (&).  Marti,  Sy  hy  ^rciavn. 

—  aw]    <S  om.  —  3>3-\N]    Insert   nryi   before  '-us.      Oort  (TkT.}   and  VaL 
na^-jsi  ;   but,  in  Em.,  ainx.     Ru.  substitutes  'IN  for  preceding  'a>,  and  inserts 
Sy  as  its  obj.  —  D'HDN]    Ru.  om.  —  B>i*w]    @  TrapaaiwTr^o'o/iai  =  ;j>'nnN;   'A., 
6.  dXo^cret;    &  ^-»|Jo  =  ^w(?)  (Seb.).  —  min--]    Read,  with  Now.,  Sana". 

—  -n^]    @  ^fitrx^Vei  =  ma'^  (Vol.);    &   lo^J.  —  iV]    5>    om.      Gr.   "h.  — 
12.    np-tsS]    5>  renders  as  an  accusative.  —  nDn  >fiS]    (§  et's  Kaptrbv  fays  =  >-isS 
D"n.     Read  non  na^.  —  T1:  DD1?  n^j]    ©  0wr/o-are  eaurots  0ws;   so  5;   1?  in 
novate  vobis  novale.  —  njn]    ©  yvdbaeus  =  n>H  (so  also  Oort,  7"AT.  and  Em.; 
Val.,  Oct.).     Ru.  IPJJI  (cf.  Dt.  9'21)-  —  ^n^]  (5  ^T^are.     Ru.  Kh-t.  —  iy] 
Gr.  Tiy.  —  mvi]   Read,  with  (5,  yev^/jLara,  ^13  (so  also  Oort,  We.,  Val.,  Now.). 
U  quidocebit;  similarly,  52T-     Ru.  -iT"i  (cf.  Jo.  223).  —  pix]    <S  =  ipnx  (so 
also  Ru.).  —  CDS]  ©  T^uV.    Oort,  nnS  (cf.  ®),  joining  it  to  v.13.  —  13.  oncnn] 
@  iW  rL  Trapea-iuTrrjo-aTf  =  'ui  naS,  perhaps  dittog.  from  DD1?.  —  nnSi;*]  ^  con 
nects  with  preceding.  —  onSoN]    Ru.  DnSpNi.  —  -p-i-a]    @  £v  TOIS  d/iapTiy/ia  • 
criv  <TOV,  a  corruption  of  &p/j.a<ri  =  'qnona,  which  occurs  in  (&AQ;   so  read  with 
Ma.,  Dathe,  Eich.,  Ew.,  Duhm  (  Theol.  130),  Houtsma,  We.,  Or.,  Che.,  Gr.,  Ru., 
Loft.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Volz,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.),  Oct.,  Hal.  —  T"113-1]    ©  dwd/meus 
(Tov  =  -tmia.}  (Vol.);    so  j$.  —  14.  TDJ;]    <SSF,  sg.     We.  ^n^a  (so  Gr.,  Ru., 
Oct.,  Che.  (C£.},  Hal.;   cf.  Marti).     Oort  (Em.},  icya.  —  ni-v]    6  oi'xij<re- 
rot  =  -na»  (Vol.).     We.  •nc'v  (so  Oct.,  Marti).  —  ntt'o]    ©  ws  &PXW  =  ">tra; 
'A.  ws  irpovo^ri;    S.  xa^cos  r)<t>avt<r6-rj.  —  JoStfJ    @  SaXa/xdi/;   'A.  airfipTLff^vrj', 
TS  Salmana  ;    &    jVi\4>;   Syr.-Hex.  =  j?jsSx.    Che.  (£*/.,  Nov.,  '97,  p.  364, 
and  art.  "Beth  Arbel,"  EB.},  wSc!.     N.  Herz  (^/5Z.  XIV.  207  f.),  aSx.— 
^.sa-^N  nia]    ©  ^/c  TOU  of/coi;  'lepo^od/j.  —  Dyi~\i  no   (so  also  Che.  loc.  cit.  ;  cf. 
Gr.  "P   '3p);     S   ^>-*l    A  ."*"*    ^ao  ;     U   «  domo  ejus  qui  vindicavit  Baal; 
(J|A   lepo^SadX;   'A.  rou  of/cou  TOV  dindfyvros;    S.  ^v  ry  of/cy  rou  'Ap/SeTyX;   0.  ^y^- 
5poi>;  5T  N^p3.    N.  Herz,  ^Njn-jN  POD,  reference  being  made  to  Ju.,  chaps.  17, 
18.  —  or]  ©  pi.  —  niPBi]  @  -f)dd(t>i(rav  =  v^n  (Vol.);  so  S.  —  15.  niyp]  Read, 
with  @,  TrotTjo-w,  nS?p«  (so  also  We.,  Gr.,  Rui,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.},  Oct.,  Marti); 
&  —  vJ7.     Hal.  nrj?'1.  —  SNHO]   Read,  with  @,  ol/cos  roO  'I<rpai7X,  Sjoc"  n^a  (so 
also  Oort  (  TkT.  and  £w.)>  We->  Gr->  Gu-»  Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).— 
njn]    Oort  (TkT.   and  Em.}   and   Gr.  om.  as  dittog.;    so  @AQ.  —  nanjn] 
®U2C  pi.     Hal.  ao'i;'"!?  or  oanxv.  —  nna>3]   Some  codd.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R. 
'BO  (so  also  Oort,  Gr.);  so  some  codd.  of  @,  ws  6pdpos.     Oort  (Em.}, 

(cf.  We.,  Now.2,  Marti).      Ru.  ->ncf  jjj?3.  —  'j  nmj]    @  drreptyijtrav 


=  nmj  unj;    cf.  fo7  (Vol.);    <S<SU  connect  last  clause  of  v.15  with   n1. 
'A.  KaTeffiuirrjdij.     Ru.  nnnj    03  jx. 


9.  From  the  days  of  Gibeah  is  Israel's  sin\  i.e.  the  sin 
for  nxtpn  because  the  address  is  not  continued*)  of  Israel  is 
something  which  goes  back  to  earliest  times.  But  what  is  meant 
by  the  days  of  Gibeah,  from  which  (not  more  than  in  which  fi  nor 
as  in  which  =  *&3,  j  Israel  now  sins)  this  sin  dates  ?  Three 
answers  have  been  given  :  (i)  The  episode  of  the  Benjamites  at 
Gibeah  (Ju.  iQ22)  ;  §  but  since  there  Israel  (the  eleven  tribes) 
was  taking  vengeance  on  one  tribe  (Benjamin)  for  an  infamous 
act,  and  here  Israel  is  represented  as  committing  sin,  the  allusion 
is  inappropriate  ||  (cf.,  however,  Cheyne's  statement  :  "  True,  Is 
rael  as  a  people  took  summary  vengeance  on  the  Benjamites  for 
the  outrage  of  Gibeah  ;  but  the  seed  of  wickedness  remained, 
and  developed  into  evil  practices  worthy  only  of  the  Gibeah  of 
old").  (2)  The  beginning  of  the  kingdom  under  Saul  which 
occurred  in  Gibeah  f  (cf.  i310>11),  which  (according  to  Wellhau- 
sen)  Hosea  seems  to  regard  as  a  sin  perhaps  second  only  to  the 
cult  ;  but  does  Hosea  as  a  matter  of  fact  oppose  the  kingdom  as 
such?  Is  it  not  rather  the  schism?  (3)  The  idolatry  of  Micah 
(Ju.  i73ft')>  which  marked  the  beginning,  according  to  tradition, 
of  that  which  has  now  spread  so.  far  and  wide.**  —  At  that  time 
there  stood  against  me  the  sons  of  unrighteousness^  This  rendering 
involves  the  reading  of  *bv  for  bv,  and  the  transfer  of  nbw  V2  *bv 
from  the  end  of  the  verse  to  follow  Tiau,tt  a  change  which  permits 
the  passage  to  give  a  sensible  meaning,  and  relieves  two  lines,  one 
of  which  is  too  short,  the  other  too  long.  DP  is  here  temporal  JJ 
rather  than  local;  cf.  2  K.  I520  Ps.  i45.  The  sons  of  unrighteous 
ness  are  either  the  Benjamites  (v.s.),  the  Israelites  as  a  whole  in 
the  case  of  the  selection  of  Saul,  or  those  associated  with  Micah. 
Wellhausen's  suggestion,  Ytn,  is  unnecessary.  Other  interpreta 
tions  of  H&17  are  :  "  stood  still,"  as  if  Ephraim  had  acted  traitor 
ously  (cf.  the  great  defeat  of  the  eleven  tribes,  Ju.  2O19-25)  ;  §§  "  have 

*  We.,  Now.  J  Ma.,  Gr.,  Meier  (SK.  XV.  1030). 

t  AE.,  Bauer,  Ros.,  Sim.  $  Mich.,  Mau.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or.,  GAS.,  etal, 

II  Now.  H  BT,  Sharpe,  We.,  Now.  ;  Sm.  Rel.  219. 

**  Jer.  ff  Ru.,  Now.  J+  Hi.,  Sim.  §§  Mich. 


352  HOSEA 

remained  (i.e.  sinful),  should  there  not  overtake  them  in  Gibeah  a 
war  against  the  sons  of  wrong?"*  "stood  firm  against  the  sons 
of  wrong,"  in  contrast  with  present  attitude  ;  |  "  there  they  stand 
(now)  defiant  like  the  old  Benjamites."  j  For  interpretations 
involving  textual  change,  v.s.  —  Shall  not  war  overtake  them  even 
in  Gibeah  ?~\  Interpreters  (e.g.  Ruben)  have  been  greatly  perplexed 
to  find  any  meaning  for  this  line.  The  removal  to  the  preceding 
line  of  rbw  ^n  "hn  seems  to  relieve  somewhat  the  difficulty.  § 
This  difficulty  is  seen,  e.g.,  in  G.  A.  Smith's  rendering,  "  there 
have  they  remained,  and  this  without  war  overtaking  them  in 
Gibeah  against  the  dastards ;  "  also  Cheyne's,  "  there  they  stood 
that  the  war  against  the  sons  of  unrighteousness  might  not  over 
take  them  at  Gibeah,"-— both  utterly  unintelligible,  even  with 
the  authors'  additional  remarks.  The  sense  of  the  rendering 
adopted  above  is  easy  and  natural.  Inasmuch  as  they  have 
sinned,  beginning  at  Gibeah,  war  shall  overtake  them,  reaching 
down  even  to  Gibeah  ;  i.e.  a  war  which,  coming  from  the  north, 
shall  cover  the  whole  land,  and  reach  even  to  the  southernmost 
limit,  Gibeah  ;  ||  for  Gibeah  was  most  probably  situated  about  four 
miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  where  the  Tell-el-Ful  now  stands.^]"  — 
10.  In  my  wrath  I  will  chastise  them~\  A  reading  based  on  & 
(v.s.).  Other  interpretations  are:  (i)  (§K  "  against  the  children 
of  unrighteousness  I  have  come  (=  TlKa)  to  chastise  them  ;  "  ** 
(2)  most  common,  "in  my  desire,"  "at  my  will,"  "when  I  de 
sire,"  cf.  Is.  i24  Ez.  513  \tf*. \\-And  peoples  shall  be  gathered 
against  them~\  It  is  this  sentence,  together  with  the  strophic 
structure,  that  makes  the  authenticity  of  the  verse  suspicious. 
The  indefinite  "  peoples  "  marks  a  later  date,  it  being  the  invaria 
ble  custom  of  the  prophets  down  to  Ezekiel  to  name  distinctly 
the  hostile  country  intended.  Hosea  always  indicates  Egypt  or 
Assyria.  |J  Giesebrecht  (Beitrage  zur  Jesaia-Kritik},  in  support 

*  Marck,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Hd.,  GAS.  t  Sim.,  Pu.  J  Or. 

$  Perhaps  Hal.  has  come  still  nearer  to  the  true  solution  in  his  rendering:  "  there 
they  said  (IICN)  :  the  war  against  the  sons  of  iniquity  shall  not  reach  us  ()J_)  as 
(it  has  reached)  Gibeah  (nyaJD)."  Worthy  of  note  also  is  Oort's  suggestion  (based 
on  @)  :  "Against  the  sons  of  iniquity  (connecting  these  words  with  v.10),  I  come 
(TN:J)  and  I  will  chastise  them."  ||  Ru.,  We.,  Now. 

U  Cf.  Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  1 .  577  ff. ;  Stenning  in  DB. ;  Now.    **  Cf.  Oort. 

ft  Y,  Ki.,  Rashi,  Cal.,  Bauer,  Or.,  Che.,  Reuss,  GAS.,  RV.     JJ  Cf.  Now.  in  loc. 


X.  9-n  353 

of  Hosea's  authorship,  cites  Is.  89  29*  Mi.  4nff-  Je.  317f.  But 
Mi.  4llff>  is  late  (v.  in  loc.\  and  Je.  317t;  is  suspicious  (v.  Duhm  in 
loc.},  while  in  Is.  89  29*  D^Ol?  probably  refers  to  the  various  peoples 
constituting  Assyria's  armies  (cf.  Stade,  ZA  W.  IV.  260).  Some 
read  (v.s.),And  I  will  gather,  etc.  —  To  chastise  them  for  their 
double  sin}  Reading  Dniitf  TUP1?  Q7?!1?  (#••*•)>  following  @  and  <&.* 
Both  words  of  lfSl2C  have  been  in  doubt,  and  interpretations  have 
varied  according  to  the  reading  of  the  text;  e.g.  (i)  "When 
they  have  bound  themselves  ("iDX)  in  two  furrows  "  (n;iu  ;  cf.  n:»a, 
i  S.  i414  Ps.  i293),|  a  reference  to  ploughing;  i.e.  however  Israel 
might  join  together  and  thus  strengthen  themselves,  Yahweh  could 
easily  gather  people  and  destroy  them;  (2)  when  I  give  them 
over  to  captivity  (iDX)  because  of  their  two  sins ;  {  (3)  when  I 
chastise  them,  etc. ;  §  (4)  when  I  chastise  them  before  both  their 
eyes  (using  the  kethibh),  i.e.  openly,  in  the  sight  of  the  heathen,  || 
but  rnri?  means  "  fountains,"  not  "  eyes  "  (cf.  Ewald,  who  assumes 
a  Syriac  plural,  nirp,  and  Schultens,  Animadversiones  phil.  (v. 
Wiinsche),  who  reads  ad potationes  (^rwi)fontium  eorum) ;  (5)  when 
they  are  bound  to  their  two  transgressions.^"  What  now  are  the 
two  sins?  The  idolatry  of  Micah  and  Jeroboam?**  The  calves 
of  Dan  and  Bethel?  If  Apostasy  from  Yahweh  and  acceptance  of 
idols?  \\  Rather,  the  cult  and,  not  the  desertion  of  David's  house 
(35)j§§  but  (with  Nowack)  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom. — 
11.  Ephraim,  indeed,  is  a  heifer  loving  to  thresh']  mKhti,  well 
trained,  is  a  gloss,  for  it  is  inappropriate  beside  TQnx  ||  ||  (cf.  Ha- 
levy,  who  inserts  vh  =  untrained,  cf.  Je.  3i18).  Israel,  in  her  past 
history,  is  compared  to  a  young  heifer  to  whom  is  assigned  the 
easy  task  of  walking  round  and  round  the  threshing-floor,  an 
occupation  that  carries  with  it  the  privilege  of  eating  freely,  for  no 
muzzle  was  allowed  (Dt.  254).  This  pleasing  and  delightful  work 
she  is  still  doing ;  cf.  again  Hale" vy,  who  (following  the  hint  given 
in  (§,  veucos)  interprets  tihl  as  in  Hb.  312,  strike  with  the  foot,  i.e. 

*  Cf.  Ew. 

t  BT,  AE.,  Ki.,  Cal,  Sim.,  Pu.,  AV.,  BSZ. ;  cf.  Mich.  ("  ploughshares"), 
t  Dathe,  Bauer,  Hi.,  Umb.,  Hd.  $  Che. 

||  Here  again  Hal.  interestingly  suggests  («/.*.),  "in  their  being  chastised  they 
will  expiate  their  sins." 

H  Or.,  RV.  ft  Dathe,  Hi.,  Marti.  §§  Hes.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Che. 

**Jer.  J+Theod.  ||||  We.,  Now. 

2A 


354  HOSEA 

to  hurt  or  injure.  —  And  even  I  myself  have  spared  the  beauty  of 
her  neck~\  Upon  the  rendering  of  "QI7  turns  the  decision  between 
this  translation  and  a  second  having  almost  the  opposite  meaning, 
viz.  "  but  I  have  come  on  her  fair  neck,"  *  or  "  but  I  will  come," 
etc.,f  or  "  I  will  pass  on  beside  her  fair  neck,"  J  as  a  driver 
beside  his  ox.  §  The  rendering  given  ||  is  to  be  preferred  because 
(i)  it  continues  the  thought  of  the  preceding  member,  and  thus 
divides  the  strophe  more  satisfactorily  as  between  the  description 
of  Israel's  past  and  her  future  ;  (2)  the  real  transition  is  marked 
by  the  nnui,  to  be  supplied  (for  various  reasons)  in  the  following 
line;  (3)  this  usage  of  "Qi?  to  pass  by  is  fully  justified  by  its 
occurrence  in  Mi.  718  Pr.  19",  cf.  Am.  f  82,  although  commonly 
in  this  sense  h  follows  with  the  person  ;  (4)  "  it  adds  a  beautiful 
distinctness  to  the  figure,  for  the  heavy  yokes  used  in  the  East 
not  only  gall  the  necks  of  the  animals,  but  often  produce  deep 
wounds"  (Cheyne);  (5)  the  rendering  "come  over  on,"  or  "pass 
over"^[  (cf.  i  S.  14*  (by)  I41  Ju.  n32  i23  (bs*))  utterly  fails  to 
fit  the  connection ;  while  (6)  "3K1,  although  possibly  adversative, 
is  more  appropriately  emphatic  =  and  even  I  myself.  —  But  now 
I  will  make  Ephraim  draw~\  This  is  to  be  the  fate  of  Israel,  viz. 
captivity,  in  which  heavy  labor  will  take  the  place  of  the  easy 
life  hitherto  enjoyed.  DD"i  in  Hiph.  =  "  cause  to  ride,"  or  "  give  a 
rider  to,"  **  but  from  the  context  (i.e.  tzmpp,  TW),  the  secondary 
meaning  "  draw  "  or  "  yoke  to  "  (a  plough  or  cart)  is  required  ;  ft 
no  analogy  for  this  occurs;  cf.,  on  the  other  hand,  Hale"vy,  "J'ai 
place  haut "  =  "  J'ai  fait  monter  sur  mes  bras  "  (cf.  1 13).  —  Israel 
must  plough,  Jacob  must  harrow  for  himself^  Another  kind  of 
work,  that  which  precedes  threshing,  is  now  assigned  to  Israel, 
viz.  the  rougher  work  of  ploughing  and  reaping.  Israel  (not 
Judah  as  in  JH&)  must  be  intended,  \\  for  there  is  nowhere  in 

*  GAS. ;  and,  essentially,  Cal.,  Ma.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Pu.,  Wu. 

f  We.,  Now.  J  Hd. 

\  Hal.,  citing  i  K.  621,  renders,  "  J'ai  pourtant  bien  doucement  mis  la  chafne  a 
son  cou,"  and  contrasts,  with  this  loving  and  lenient  treatment  of  Israel,  Yahweh's 
more  severe  attitude  towards  Judah,  whose  citizens  as  slaves  will  be  compelled  to 
hard  labor.  ||  BSZ.,  Che.  U  So  Now. 

**  Ew.,  Umb.,  Pu.  ff  Mich.,  Ma.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Or.,  Che.,  GAS.,  Now.,  BSZ. 

JJ  Now.;  Seesemann,  20 f.;  cf.  Oort  and  Val.,  who  regard  mini  as  originally  a 
marginal  note. 


x.  ii-i2  355 

the  passage  even  the  most  remote  reference  to  Judah.  This  line, 
with  "Israel"  instead  of  "Judah,"  is  original  (cf.  Marti,*  who 
suggests  that  ntirp  and  a'SlK  should  be  omitted  as  a  gloss),  since 
(i)  its  thought  is  necessary  to  complete  the  picture  of  Israel's 
change  of  occupation,  and  (2)  the  line  is  needed  to  complete 
the  strophe.  No  good  reason  exists  for  reading  *b  |  instead  of  *b. 
— 12.  Sow  for  yourselves  righteousness  ;  reap  the  fruit  of  love  ; 
break  up  your  fallow  ground^  Here  are  given  three  successive 
commands,  each  independent  of  the  others,  and  all  three  making 
up  the  total  of  the  activity  which  in  the  prophet's  thought  is 
demanded  of  Israel.  \  The  second  is  not  to  be  taken  as  the 
consequence  of  the  first ;  the  three  are  necessary,  as  the  prepara 
tory  steps  toward  seeking  Yahweh.  The  figure  thus  employed  to 
express  the  desired  kind  of  life  is  taken  from  the  field  of  hus 
bandry  (cf.  87),  with  which  Israel  for  so  long  a  time  had  been 
familiar  :  (i)  Sow  for  yourselves  righteousness,  a  rendering  which 
makes  b  =  the  accusative,  §  instead  of  according  to  or  in,  \\  i.e.  act 
righteously,  let  your  deeds  be  righteous,  direct  your  lives  in  such 
manner  as  that  the  result  will  be  a  proper  sense  of  justice  towards 
your  fellows.  (2)  Reap  the  fruit  of  love,  a  rendering  which  reads 
•nab  (with  (§)^[  for  *sh  in  proportion  to,**  i.e.  let  your  lives  be 
filled  with  the  spirit  of  love,  let  the  outcome  of  your  activity  be 
characterized  by  love ;  "ion  here  =  not  love  of  God  for  man,  but 
love  of  man  for  fellow-man, f|  and  with  it,  love  of  man  for  God ; 
perhaps  piety  expresses  the  idea  as  well  as  any  other  English 
word ;  cf.  Ho.  41  64 6.  With  this  interpretation  compare  that 
which  binds  together  the  two  imperatives,  11TIT  and  l"^p,  giving 
them  the  conditional  force  if  you  will  sow  .  .  .  you  shall  reap,  \  j 
a  construction  in  itself  entirely  legitimate,  but  not  adapted  to  the 
context  §§  because  of  the  absence  of  ]  and  the  presence  of  the 
third  imperative,  YY3.  (3)  Break  up  your  fallow  ground^  Cf. 
Je.  43  Vergil,  Georg.  1.71.  The  third  and  most  significant  of  the 


*  Rel.  119.  f  Gr. 

\  Volz,  33  f.,  questions  authenticity  of  vs.12-  !3«;  Marti  om.  v.12  as  a  gloss  based 
on  Je.  48,  and  also  13&.  Ha/3. 

$  &,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.  ft  Hi.,  Ke. ;  cf.  Wii.,  p.  463. 

||  AV.,  RV.,  Che.,  and  many  others.  JJ  Ros.,  Mau.,  GAS.,  et  al. 

H  Gr.,  GAS.  **  Che.  §§  Wii. 


356  HOSEA 

prophet's  injunctions ;  before  sowing  the  seed  prepare  the  ground 
which  has  hitherto  been  neglected,  and  in  consequence  has  be 
come  full  of  weeds  and  thorns,  i.e.  plough  virgin  soil ;  in  other 
words,  no  result  may  be  expected  unless  the  old  habits  are  changed 
and  new  character  formed. — Since  there  is  time  to  seek  Yahweh\ 
i.e.  there  remains  sufficient  time;  *  not  it  is  high  time  to  seek.f 
—  To  the  end  that  the  fruit  of  righteousness  may  come  to  you~\ 
In  favor  of  this  rendering  \  and  the  text  which  underlies  it  are  : 
(i)  (§  ( v.s.) ;  (2)  the  recurring  phrases  "  fruit  of  righteousness" 
(v.12),  "  fruit  of  lies  "  (v.13) ;  (3)  the  usage  of  11?  to  express  purpose 
(cf.  Jb.  i46  Is.  2214);  (4)  the  impropriety  of  the  idea  of  teaching 
(iiHBT  mv)  in  this  connection.  The  two  most  common  renderings 
(upon  basis  of  mi")  are  ////  he  come  and  rain  righteousness  t  §  for 
which  Is.  458  and  Ps.  85"  are  cited  as  analogies ;  and  till  he  come 
and  teach  you  righteousness.  \  Righteousness  here  =  salvation, 
deliverance,  as  frequently  in  Is.  40-66  (cf.  Is.  4612  5417  3216  335 
Dn.  924).  "  Righteousness  is  the  divine  principle  ^/"action,  salvation 
the  divine  principle  in  action  "  (Cheyne).  — 13.  Ye  have  ploughed 
wickedness ;  injustice  ye  have  reaped^  Here,  as  before,  the  terms 
used  are  not  intended  to  designate  consequence;  sow,  reap,  and 
plough,  reap,  represent  the  ordinary  activities,  and  these  are,  in 
effect,  wickedness  and  injustice  or  disaster.  This  is  in  direct 
contrast  with  the  demands  set  forth  in  v.12.  —  Ye  have  eaten  the 
fmit  of  lies'}  The  end  of  your  present  policy  is  already  in  sight, 
utter  disappointment.  —  Because  thou  dost  trust  in  thy  chariots, 
in  the  multitude  of  thy  mighty  ones~\  Here  begins  a  new  strophe, 
as  is  seen  from  (i)  the  change  of  thought,  for  rintss  "O  must  go 
with  the  following  rather  than  with  the  preceding  lines,  since 
(a)  the  reason  for  the  disappointment  expressed  in  "IJI  DnblDK  has 
already  been  cited  in  Ye  have  ploughed,  etc. ;  (f)  the  l  in  DKpl 
is  resumptive,  pointing  to  an  occasion  or  reason  already  given ; 
(2)  the  change  of  form  from  second  plural  to  second  singular. 
Nowack's  first  objection  (that  the  ground  of  the  judgment  in  v.14  is 
by  this  assigned  to  something  which  is  not  elsewhere  emphasized 
in  Hosea)  is  insufficient,  for  this  is  (a)  only  another  way  of  saying 


Hi.,  Che.  t  Ras.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  GAS.,  et  al.  %  We.,  Now. 

AV.,  Ke.,  Che.,  GAS.,  et  al.  ||  S2T1J,  Dathe,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Or 


x.  12-14  357 

that  they  no  longer  trust  in  Yahweh,  and  (ft)  exactly  what  Isaiah 
in  his  early  sermons  (25ff-)  emphasizes  so  strongly;  while  his 
second  objection  (that  the  idea  of  arrogant  self-trust  is  incon 
sistent  with  the  actual  weakness  and  hesitation  of  the  time  implied 
in  their  throwing  themselves  into  the  arms,  now  of  Assyria,  now 
of  Egypt)  is  contradicted  by  Isaiah's  representation  concerning 
Judah  for  the  same  period  (cf.  Is.  27).  Cf.  Wellhausen,  who  like 
wise  regards  the  lines  as  unauthentic.  (3)  The  strophic  structure, 
which  with  these  lines  makes  a  strophe  of  seven  lines  correspond 
ing  with  the  two  preceding  strophes.  Volz  *  regards  vs.12>13a  as  a 
later  insertion  and  v.n  as  misplaced  because  (i)  they  interrupt  the 
connection,  breaking  into  the  middle  of  a  threat  of  punishment 
with  a  warning  accompanied  by  a  promise  of  deliverance  to  which 
no  reference  is  made  in  the  context;  (2)  the  figure  changes, — 
in  v.11  Judah-Jacob  is  the  animal  engaged  in  agriculture,  in  v.12 
it  is  the  sower  ;  (3)  there  are  linguistic  difficulties,  e.g.  npix,  which 
occurs  only  here  in  Hosea,  and  pliC  denote  a  right  state  of  heart, 
the  common  meaning  in  late  literature,  while  in  Amos  and  Isaiah 
they  refer  to  external,  forensic  righteousness ;  this  usage  of  *£>b  is 
paralleled  in  Pr.  12®  2y21;  T3  TV3  seems  more  original  in  Je.  43 
than  here ;  i?ttn  (v.13)  is  a  late  word;  (4)  there  are  echoes  of  63  in 
&y  and  mr  and  in  HIT  niHTiK  vmb  (following  (©).  In  reply  to 
these  objections,  Nowack  urges  (i)  that  the  original  significance 
of  vs.9  10  is  too  uncertain  to  make  the  connection  of  v.14  with  them 
certain,  and  (2)  that  the  deeper  significance  of  p'HX  was  doubtless 
known  in  early  times.  The  reading,  in  thy  chariots  (v.s.)  ("pD"Q 
for  "p-pQ)  rather  than  in  thy  way  |  ( =  in  thy  policy)  is  based 
upon  (i)  <§  (v.s.\  Jerome,  Syro-Hexaplar  text ;  (2)  the  parallelism 
thy  heroes ;  (3)  Ho.  14*  Is.  27 ;  (4)  the  demands  of  the  entire  con 
text.  — 14.  Therefore  the  tumult  (of  war}  shall  arise  among  thy 
peoples~\  The  2  with  Dp  may  mean  against  (Ps.  2y12  Jb.  i68  Mi.  yfi)  \ 
or  in,  among.  §  The  tribes  are  understood  as  peoples  (cf.  Dt.  333 
Lv.  2 14-14  Jo.  26)  ;  but  cf.  the  suggested  emendation  (v.s.)  in  thy 

*  PP-  33  f- 1  °f-  a'so  Ru.  who  regards  v.12  as  having  "  no  connection  with  its  sur 
roundings,"  and  as  being  made  up  of  two  fragments,  the  first  of  which  may,  perhaps, 
be  restored  by  adding  PEN  ns  DriSpxi  after  ^Dn  •»cL\  Ru.  and  Grimm,  Lit.  App. 
72 f.,  also  reject  v.w.  ""  f  KG.,  Wtt.,  AV.,  RV.,  et  al. 

J  So  Ke.,  Wu.,  et  al.  §  Umb.,  Sim.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.,  et  al. 


358  HOSEA 

cities,  which  is  hardly  necessary.  On  tumult,  cf.  Am.  22  Is.  1 7" 
Je.  4845  (sons  of  tumult  =  warriors) .  —  And  all  thy  fortresses  shall 
be  ruined}  We  cannot  fail  to  note  here  another  idea  which  Isaiah 
later  develops  (cf.  29).  The  heroes  and  the  fortified  cities  in 
which  Israel  had  put  her  trust  shall  be  laid  waste.  —  As  Shalman 
ruined  Beth-arbel  in  the  day  of  war]  Both  proper  names  have 
been  the  subject  of  many  conjectures.  Beth-arbel  has  been  iden 
tified  (i)  with  the  Assyrian  Arbela  on  the  Tigris,*  but  this  was 
too  far  away  to  have  produced  so  strong  an  impression  on  the 
Israelites;  (2)  with  Arbela  near  Pella ;  t  (3)  with  Arbela  on  the 
west  of  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  (cf.  i  Mace,  g2  •  Jos.  Ant.  XII.  n,  i  ; 
XIII.  15,  4)  ;  \  cf.  the  corresponding  words  in  the  versions 
(v.s.)  ;  (£A,  rendering  Jerubbaal,  interprets  the  passage  of  Zal- 
munna  (Ju.  chaps.  7  and  8).§  Shalman  has  been  identified 
with  (i)  Shalmaneser  IV.,  the  name  being  abbreviated  (cf. 
Coniah  for  Jehoiachin,  Je.  2224'28  371)  for  the  sake  of  rhythm, 
who  became  king  727  B.C.  and  besieged  Samaria  724-722  ;  || 
(2)  Shalmaneser  III.,  who  made  an  expedition  to  Lebanon  (the 
cedar-country)  in  775  B.  c.  and  to  Damascus  in  773-772,  when  he 
may  have  invaded  the  country  across  the  Jordan  ;  ^[  (3)  Salamanu, 
a  Moabitish  king,  contemporaneous  with  Hosea,  mentioned  **  by 
Tiglathpileser  as  paying  tribute  ;  ft  (4)  Zalmunna  (v.s.)  ;  (5)  the 
name  of  a  North  Arabian  tribe  who  invaded  the  Negeb.  J{  To  be 
noted  further  are  the  following  points  :  (a)  the  name  occurs  in 
Arabian  poetry  and  on  a  Palmyrene  inscription  ;  (^)  the  refer 
ence  is  evidently  to  some  great  city  and  well-known  king ;  this 
would  throw  out  the  Moabitish  Shalman  and  the  Palestinian 
Arbela ;  (c)  the  entire  clause  is  a  later  insertion  because  the 
most  reasonable  supposition  is  that  the  reference  is  to  an  Assyrian 
king;  but  Hosea  elsewhere  speaks  of  the  Assyrian  king  as  lf?ti 
5T,  and  the  king  here  spoken  of  would  seem  to  be  Shalmaneser  IV., 
who  lived  after  Hosea's  time;  cf.  Am.  62.  Steiner  takes  HO  fobtP 
btfmK  as  a  compound  place-name,  after  the  analogy  of  Abel  beth- 

*  Eich.,  Ew.  f  Hi.,  Or.,  Che. 

J  Hd.,  Pu.,  Schr.,  Ke.,  Now.;  cf.  Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  II.  399. 

§  Also  Syr.-Hex.,  Old  Latin,  "V,  Horsley,  Geiger,  New. 

||  Ros.,  Umb.,  Pu.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  We.  ft  COT.,  Hal.;  cf.  Ru. 

U  Or.  **  II.  R.  67, 1,  60.  JJ  Che.  (CB.). 


X.  i4-i5  359 

Maacah  (2  S.  2o14f)  and  Almon-beth-Diblathaim  (Nu.  3346f').— 
The  mother  being  broken  with  the  children}  Cf.  Gn.  32"  2  K.  812 
Ps.  i378'9.  —  15.  Thus  shall  I  do  to  you,  O  house  of  Israel] 
This  rendering  adopts  <@'s  ntWJK  for  rrcw,  it  being  impossible  to 
find  for  rwi?  an  appropriate  subject  ;  *  also  (§'s  biHtP  ITS  for 
bxrrn  (cf.  610  85).f  Various  subjects  for  ntw?  have  been  given,  *.£•. 
Bethel,  }  Yahweh,  §  Shalmaneser  ;  ||  but  none  of  these  is  satisfac 
tory.  The  reading  of  (&,  firjO  'lo-parjX  instead  of  /fyflr/A,  has  arisen 
according  to  some  from  the  shortened  Ir;\  ;  ^T  according  to  others 
from  the  fact  that  the  two  are  synonymous.**  —  Because  of  the 
evil  of  your  evil~\  i.e.  your  great  wickedness,  the  doubled  form  ex 
pressing  intensity.  —  In  the  dawn  utterly  undone  shall  be  the  king 
of  Israel]  The  king  is  to  be  cut  off  either  (i)  in  the  morning  of 
his  work,  i.e.  at  the  very  beginning  ;|f  or  (2)  in  the  morning 
dawn,  when  prosperity  is  once  more  to  present  itself;  \\  01 
(3)  as  suddenly  as  comes  the  dawn  after  a  night  of  slumber  (cf. 
Ps.  go5)  ;  §§  or  (4)  like  the  dawn  (TRW),  Is.  588  ;  ||  ||  or  (5)  in 
the  storm  (-i»BD).f^  The  probability  lies  between  (3)  and  (5). 


9.  nymn]  With  art.,  cf.  'J3;  Ko.  295  b.  —  mSj?]  =  rhy,  for  other  cases  of 
metathesis  cf.  2t'3  for  fc'as;  niyr_  for  njnr;  nScir  for  nnSr.  —  10.  D^DNI]  If  £fl3E 
is  retained,  on  i  cf.  Ko.  415  s;  on  assimilation  of  \  GK.  71;  on  _  in  pause, 
GK.  60  a.  —  ancs]  Circ.  cl.  Ephraim  being  a  heifer,  etc.  —  11.  Tons-]  For 
other  examples  of  the  old  case-ending  in  ptcp.,  v.  GK»  90/5  on  •>_  before 
prep.  S  Ko.  272^;  cf.  3367^.  —  -nc"]  Very  doubtful;  only  here  and  Is.  282* 
Jb.  3910;  cf.  H.  W.  Hogg,  EB.  77;  Vogelstein,  Landwirtsch.  in  Pal.  36.  — 
12.  'x^]  On  S  here  and  in  nos,  GK.  11772;  Ko.  289.  —  TJ  .  .  .  wj]  Here 
and  Je.  43  with  cogn.  ace.  ;  the  only  other  occurrence  Pr.  I323.  —  BTn?]]  =  geni 
tive;  cf.  2  K.  526  Ps.  I0214  EC.  32-5;  Ko.  281  /,  400^.  —  13.  nnSij?]  Chiastic, 
Ko.  339/5  on  n_,  Ko.  287^;  GK.  90^-.  —  14.  DNpi]  On  the  full  (and  rare) 
writing  of  a,  GK.  9  b,  J2a,  23$.  —  IB>V]  Cf.  Massoretic  note;  really  a  Qal 
pass.  (GK.  53  u;  Bottcher,  906;  Earth,  Festschrift  z.  Jubilaum  Hildesheimcr, 
(1890)  pp.  145  ff.),  though  commonly  called  Hoph.;  only  here  and  Is.  331.  — 
li'o]  Inf.  with  subj.  and  obj.  —  trja  hy  ON]  Circ.  cl.,  GK.  156^  ;  cf.  Ko.  402  k. 
S;-  =  together  with,  GK.  119  aa,  note  3;  cf.  Gn.  3212.  —  oanjn  nj?n]  After 
analogy  of  Holy  of  Holies,  Song  of  Songs  ;  GK.  133  i;  Ko.  309  i;  but  cf.  sugg. 
of  dittog.  (v.s^)  ;  on  _  retained  after  removal  of  tone,  GK.  25  e.  —  nmj]  Niph. 
inf.  abs.  intensive. 

*  We.,  Gr.,  Now.  ||  Hes.  J+  Ke.        §§  Che. 

t  Oort,  We.,  Gr.,  Now.  U  Cf.  Baudissin,  Rel.  I.  39.         ||||  Oort,  Gr. 

JAV.,Rashi,Wu.        §Ew.       **  Marck.       ft  Bauer,  Hi.       UU  We. 


360  HOSEA 

§  15.  Israel  a  child  ;  Yahweh  his  father,  with  all  the  love 
of  a  father,  even  in  the  face  of  ingratitude  and  desertion. 

ii1"11.  I  called  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  but  he  wandered  away  from 
me,  rendering  worship  to  other  gods  (1-  2)  .  And  yet  it  was  I  who 
brought  him  up,  teaching  him  to  walk,  carrying  him  in  my  arms  ; 
leading  him  kindly,  treating  him  mercifully,  gently  feeding  him  (3-4). 
He  must  go  back  to  Egypt,  or  take  Assyria  as  his  king,  for  he  has 
cast  me  off  (and  the  sword  shall  consume  him  for  his  bad  policy)  ; 
he  ...  (5~7)'  But  how  can  I  give  him  up  to  destruction  like 
Admah  or  Zeboim  !  For  I  am  God  and  not  man.  My  voice, 
like  that  of  a  lion  in  the  distance,  will  call  them  to  return  (?) 

/8o.96.10o\ 

This  piece  is  made  up  of  four  strophes,  each  of  six  or  seven  lines,  having 
the  trimeter  movement.  The  first  strophe  (L  2)  describes  Israel's  rebellious 
attitude  toward  his  father,  Yahweh.  The  second  (3-  4)  pictures,  in  contrast, 
the  loving  and  fatherly  attitude  of  Yahweh  toward  Israel.  The  third  (5~7) 
declares  that  he  must  go  into  a  foreign  land,  his  cities  be  destroyed,  etc. 
The  fourth  (8a.  9&.  lOa.)  depicts  the  agony  of  the  father,  who,  indeed,  is  unable 
to  give  up  the  son  thus  condemned  to  destruction  and  to  exile,  and  con 
sequently  sends  forth  the  summons  which  calls  him  back.  The  following 
parts  are  from  a  later  hand:  (i)  ma  nnVji  (v.6);  (2)  the  closing  section 
(vs.86-90-106-11). 

XI.  1-4.  Israel  has  wandered  away  from  Yahweh,  although 
he  cared  for  him  most  tenderly. 


1.  ^aV]  <5  TO,  r^Kva  auroO  =  vjaS;  so  {£  (so  also  Val.,  Gu.,  Marti). 
S.  vlds  IJ-QV  (so  £)  ;  9.  (<?/cdXe<ra)  avrbv  vi6v  /JLOV.  Wkl.  >ja  iS  (Untersuch.  182; 
so  Ru.,  Che.  Exp.  Nov.  '97,  p.  365;  Hal.).  Gr.  >ja  >"?•  Oort,  ^jaS.  Read,  with 
We.,  133  ^,'3  belonging  to  v.2  (so  Now.2).  —  2.  Wip]  d  Ka6ws  /Ltere«:ciXeo-a 
=  '80pa  (so  also  Oort,  Wkl.,  Val.,  Gu.,  Ru.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Oct.,  Hal.,  Che.  (C5.), 
Marti)  ;  <£  also  inserts  r.  Read,  with  We.,  i&nfy  with  na  from  v.1.  Gr.  i^o 
isop.  Oort  (Em.}  Titop.  —  Drpjc;:]  Read  on  tjs?:,  with  ^,  £K  irpoatbirov  ^tou 
(so  &,  Mich.,  Dathe,  Bauer,  Oort,  We.,  Val.,  Gr.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct., 
Hal.,  Che.  CB.;  Marti).  Wkl.  IJSD,  omitting  on  as  dittog.  of  cnS  (Unter- 
suck.  182;  so  Ru.,  Loft.,  Oort  (Em.}}.  —  3.  onuN1?  ^nSjin]  ©  <rui»e7r65t(ra; 
S.  ^7rai5a7t67oi;y;  0.  /card  ?r65as;  <&  -<ii-£?.  Gr.  'N  -S  >nSnj.  Oort  and  Hal. 
inSjnn.  —  onp]  Read,  with  ©,  a.v£\afiov  avr&v,  Dn^»s  (so  also  Ew.,  Umb.,  Olsh. 
(§232^),  St.,  Or.,  Che.,  Oort  (TAT.  and  £*«.),  We.,  Ru.,  Gu.,  Loft.,  Now., 
Oct.,  Marti).  Hal.  o^nnpS  or  vnnpS.  Gr.  onnn.  —  rnpnr  Sy]  (D<SF  have  suff. 
of  ist  p.  (so  also  Dathe,  Or.,  Oort  (  TAT.  and  £;».),  We.,  Gr.,  Ru.,  Gu.,  Loft., 


xi.  i  361 


GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Hal.,  Che.  CB.,  Marti)  ;  <£  also  makes  noun  sg.  — 
Now.  sugg.  irn'nj  or  o^nncn  (cf.  We.  and  Is.  I2).  Gr.  D^nno.  —  4.  ••San] 
@  dia(p6op$.  =  San,  with  Aramaic  force  (Vol.).  —  DIN]  Gr.  (Psalmen,  144),  ipn, 
cf.  We.  (so  Ru.  ;  Che.  Exp.  Nov.  '97,  p.  365  ;  Now.2,  cf.  Marti)  .  Gr.  (Em.}  sugg. 
o^cm  or  D'Diru  (so  Ru.;  cf.  Che.  Exp.}.  —  nans]  ©  aya.Trri(re&$  JJLOV  =  Tons. 
Ru.  adds  here,  o  -nipM,  on  the  basis  of  S.  ^vo/j.l<Tdr]v.  —  mnxi]  Ru.  rvnN  ^jx  DJ, 
foil.  @A  KCU  £yol>  €<ro/iat.  —  onS]  Oort,  'iS.  —  ^Dnna]  (&  ws  pairlfav  {Lvdpuiros 
=  conbri  (so  also  Houtsma,  Ru.)  or  o^s  nrc:;  (Vol.;  so  Marti);  Arab.  =  as  a 
man  smiting.  Read,  with  J5,  sg.  onoa  (so  also  Oort  (TAT.  and  Em.},  Gr., 
Val.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Hal.);  'A.  wj  af/jwp;  S.  u>s  6  tirideis.  —  *?;*]  <&{£  om.  (so 
Ru.).  —  s»]  Read,  with  5,  SJJD  (so  also  Oort  (TAT.  and  A'/w.),  Val.,  Now., 
Oct.,  Hal.).  Ru.  om.  —  on>nS]  $§  rds  (naybvas  avrou.  Houtsma,  vnS  (so 
Oort,  Val.,  Gu.).  Oct.  arpnS  or  on^nS.  Hal.  asnr.  —  vSs  oxi]  @  /ecu  ^TTI- 
/SX^o/iai  (=  t03NT%  so  also  Houtsma,  Oort,  Val.)  7rp6s  auT6v;  'A.  Kat  e/cXim 
?rp6s  aur6i';  similarly  S.,  6.;  ^  ^oouik  ULS9JO  =  an-«SN  tONi.  Ru.  ^s  tO"3M. 
Read,  with  Hi.,  ENI  (so  Sim.,  We.,  Gu.,  Now.,  Hal.).  Scholz,  tosi  (so  Oct., 
Now.2,  Marti).  —  S^DIN]  ©  dvv^<ro/j,ai;  'A.  jS/aw^aro;  S.  Tpo<ptfv;  0.  /Spwcrtf; 
5  a^slo  =  taxi.  Oort  (T^T1.  and  £»«.),  S^NXI.  Gr.  Sap.  Ru.  SDIX. 
Val.  S'jiio.  Hal.  ^ns.  Marti,  iS  S:nN\  —  5.  «S]  Read  '^S,  with  ©  aury,  and 
join  to  v.4  (so  Dathe,  Ma.,  Bock  el,  Eich.,  Houtsma,  Scholz,  We.,  Val.,  Gu., 
Ru.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.).  Gr.  sugg.  N^n  (cf.  Or.).  Oort  (Em.}  om.  —  aw] 
©  KaTQKyo-ev  =  att";  J53T  =  pi.;  so  one  cod.  of  Kenn.;  three  codd.  have 
3V.TN.  —  f~\x  SN]  ©  'E0pdt/z  ^  =  3  onflN.  —  xm]  Ru.  inr;  cf.  Now.'s  sugg. 
that  it  is  the  remnant  of  a  vb.  of  which  mSn  was  obj.  Gr.  nin\  —  laSc] 
J5  pi.  suff.  Between  ivi'N  and  iaSn  Nin,  Hal.  inserts  nin>  ^3  ^  xS,  and  trans 
fers  3ia>S  UNO  *>3  to  the  end  of  v.6. 

1.    When  Israel  was  young,    then   I  came   to   love   him~\    As 
before  (cf.  9™  io9),  the  prophet  goes  back  to  Israel's  earliest  days 

—  this  time  (cf.  23  in  which  the  national  existence  dates  from  the 
wandering  in  the  wilderness)   to  the  sojourn  in  Egypt.     In   215 
this  same  period  is  designated  as  the  days  of  his  youth.     It  was 
at  this  period  that  Yahweh  fell  to  liking  him.     The  verb  a,iK  is 
inchoative  ;  *  cf.  Kit?,  Q15.     *$  is  temporal,  not  causal.     "ii?3  is  very 
indefinite,  including  any  age  from  youngest  childhood  (cf.  "i»3,1 
-1173,   i  S.  i24)   to  some  degree  of  maturity  (Gn.  34™  i  K.  2o15 
i  S.  3o17)  ;  but  in  its  use  here  of  the  nation,  it  is  evidently  in 
tended  of  the  child  age.     This  representation  of  Israel  as  a  man 

—  at  one  time  young  (as  here),  at  another  with  gray  hairs  (f)  — 
is  very  striking.  —  And  out  of  Egypt  I  called  him~\  The  fH2F  here 

*  Hi.,  We.,  GAS.,  Hal.;  but,  on  contrary,  Wii. 


362  HOSEA 

presents  serious  difficulties  of  text  and  interpretation ;  viz.  (i)  "as1?, 
my  son,  implies  a  call  out  of  Egypt  to  become  Yahweh's  son ;  but 
in  Ex.  422  Dt.  I41  Je.  319  31°- 2°,  the  standard  passages  for  this 
idea,  no  such  statement  occurs,  he  is  already  represented  as 
Yahweh's  son;*  (2)  Hosea  everywhere  represents  Israel  and 
Yahweh  as  husband  and  wife,  not  as  father  and  son  f  (but  cf. 
vs.3ff-)  ;  (3)  (&  and  2E  read  "his  sons" ;  (4)  difficulties  in  con 
nection  with  v.2  (v.t\).  In  view  of  these  difficulties,  the  following 
renderings  have  been  made  :  (i)  and  called  my  son  out  of 
Egypt>  %  DUt  this  does  not  do  justice  to  the  preposition ;  (2)  and 
.  .  .  I  called  him  to  be  my  son,  §  but  v.s. ;  (3)  and  out  of  Egypt 
I  called  his  sons,  \  following  (§  and  3E,  but  this  is  inconsistent  with 
1IJ3  as  used  of  bintr  ;  (4)  and  out  of  Egypt  I  called  him^  (read 
ing  "H3  ib  instead  of  *:zh  and  taking  "HS  with  following  verse)  ; 
this  is  to  be  preferred.  The  use  of  this  phrase  in  Matthew  215 
has  been  understood  (i)  to  determine  the  meaning  of  Hosea's 
words  as  predictive  of  the  Messiah;  **  (2)  to  represent  Israel  as 
a  type  of  Christ ;  ft  (3)  to  furnish  an  illustration  of  the  historical 
event  which  the  evangelist  was  describing.  JJ  This,  however,  is 
but  one  of  many  instances  in  which  the  N.  T.  interpretation 
has  proceeded  upon  lines  other  than  those  which  may  be  called 
historical.  —  2.  The  more  I  called  them,  the  farther  they  went 
away  from  mc~\  This  reading  rests  upon  a  text,  in  which,  (i)  *H3 
(v.s.)  has  been  substituted  for  '53  and  "*np  for  imp  (cf.  (§), 
=  according  to  my  calling ;  (2)  according  to  (§,  DJT3BO  has  been 
separated  into  DM  "3SD  (cf.  Jo).  The  ordinary  text,  they  called 
them,  so  they  went  from  them,  (i)  has  nothing  to  which  p  may 
correspond,  although  in  AV.  and  most  translations  this  is  supplied  ; 
(2)  leaves  the  subject  (prophets,  §§  or  idols,  ||||  all  agencies  f^[) 
unexpressed,  thus  giving  rise  to  unnecessary  confusion ;  (3)  re 
quires  the  on  of  D,TJBa  to  be  the  prophets  (subject  of  lK"ip)  though 
the  DH  of  nnb  is  Israel,  —  all  of  which  is  inconceivable.  This, 
then,  is  Yahweh's  ground  of  complaint,  that  with  every  new  effort 
made  by  him  through  the  prophets  of  succeeding  centuries,  Israel 
became  more  and  more  hardened  (Is.  610  Je.  y25-26).  If  this  were 

*  We.,  Now.  §  GAS.  **  Hux.  §§  Cal.,  Ew. 

f  Now.  ||  Now.  ft  Meyer,  Broadus,  Weiss.    ||||  Eich. 

J  AV.,  RV.  H  We.  U  KiibeL  W  Pu. 


xi.  i-4 

true,  why  should  the  work  of  the  prophets  have  been  continued? 
"  It  kept  up  a  church  within  the  nation,  and  it  developed  ideas 
which  bore  fruit  in  due  time  "  (Cheyne).  But  was  it  true?  No; 
for,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Israel  was  making  progress  all  the  time. 
Every  century  was  raising  Israel  farther  and  farther  away  from  the 
heathenism  on  every  side,  and  preparing  the  nation  for  the  time 
when  the  great  doctrine  of  monotheism  could  and  would  be  ac 
cepted.  The  prophet's  statement,  thus  placed  in  Yahweh's  mouth, 
must  be  judged  from  the  prophet's  own  point  of  view  at  the  time 
of  utterance,  and  not  from  the  larger  point  of  view  gained  in  the 
comparative  study  of  centuries  of  history.  —  They  kept  sacrificing 
to  the  Baalim,  making  offerings  to  images}  Cf.  28"13.  These  are 
details  of  the  departure.  The  Baalim  and  the  images  (wood, 
metal,  stone)  of  2  K.  iy41  Dt.  y5-25  are  the  same,  viz.  the  calves 
at  Dan  and  Bethel.  The  imperfects  are  frequentative,  expressing 
customary  action.  —  3.  Yet  it  was  I  who  taught  Ephraim  to  walk, 
taking  them  up  in  my  arms}  The  "  I "  is  in  contrast  with  the 
Baalim,  and  introduces  another  description  of  Yahweh's  exhibi 
tion  of  paternal  love.  Here  again  (§,  reading  Dn[3K  (?>.s.)  and 
my  arms,  furnishes  a  better  text.  Only  Ephraim  is  in  the  mind 
of  the  prophet,  although  he  is  speaking  of  a  time  when  Ephraim 
and  Judah  were  together.  Teaching  them  to  walk  =  keeping 
them  on  their  feet;  i.e.  directing  in  a  providential  way  their  foot 
steps.  To  this  is  added  taking  them  up  in  my  arms,  another  term 
expressing  paternal  fondness  and  care,  exercised  when  the  child 
is  weary  (cf.  Is.  639  Dt.  i31  32").  The  rendering  of  fH£  he 
took  them  up  has  been  interpreted  of  Moses.*  —  But  they  did  not 
know  that  I  healed  (/)  theni}  Another  reproachful  touch;  for, 
notwithstanding  all  that  Yahweh  did,  they  failed  to  recognize  his 
presence  and  participation.  The  figure  of  "  healing  "  is  common 
in  Hosea  (513  61  7* ;  cf.  Ex.  is26),  but  it  does  not  seem  in  place 
here,  unless,  perhaps,  we  supply  the  thought,  f  when  they  fell  and 
hurt  themselves  in  their  learning  to  walk.  Wellhausen  regards 
DTiKB"!  as  a  disturbing  element ;  Nowack  suggests  that  "  I  reared 
them "  (Is.  i2)  might  have  been  expected ;  the  suggestion  of 
Graetz,  "  I  redeemed  them,"  is  not  bad.  —  4.  With  the  cords  of  a 


*  Rashi,  Ki.,  Sim.  f  GAS. 


364  H06EA 

man  I  would  (or  used  to)  draw  them}  The  figure,  as  Hebrew 
usage  permits,  now  changes,  and  it  goes  back  to  that  of  the 
"  team  of  bullocks,  in  charge  of  a  kind  driver.  Israel  are  no 
longer  the  wanton  young  cattle  of  the  previous  chapter  (ion) 
which  need  the  yoke  firmly  fastened  on  the  neck,  but  a  team  of 
toiling  oxen  mounting  some  steep  road."  *  The  driver,  Yahvveh, 
uses  cords  of  a  man  not  cords  of  a  heifer  ;  i.e.  cords  adapted  to 
men,  such  as  men  could  bear.  —  With  bands  of  love~\  A  parallel 
member  interpreting  aiK  ;  the  first  time  the  word  "  human  "  is 
made  synonymous  with  "  love."  f  It  is  a  tempting  opportunity  to 
suggest  a  gloss  \  inserted  to  make  clear  the  difficult  phrase  D1K  "^sn, 
but  the  thought  may  well  be  attributed  to  the  prophet  himself,  and 
not  to  a  later  reader.  —  And  I  was  to  them  as  one  who  lifts  up  the 
yoke  from  upon  their  jaws'}  This  continues  D2£'aK.  The  particu 
lar  action  here  described  is  somewhat  obscure,  because  of  our 
lack  of  knowledge  of  the  form  of  ancient  yokes  ;  but  the  general 
sense  is  clear.  The  driver  so  disposes  the  yoke  as  to  afford  relief 
to  the  animal,  perhaps  while  eating,  perhaps  while  resting.  The 
singular,  D'na  (=/z/?  up,  not  take  away§  nor  lay  upon  ||),  is  to  be 
adopted  with  (§  and  &  (v.s.)  instead  of  the  plural,  iJHSE.  by  is 
better  read  byfc  with  J5.  Strangely  enough,  (§  omits  b\),  yoke. 
Tor  jaws,  cf.  Ju.  i515-16  Dt.  i83  Jb.  4i2  Is.  3O28;  cf.  also  the  proper 
name  Tib  nan,  Ju.  i517.  Halevy's  "  shoulders  "  for  "jaws"  is  un 
necessary.  —  And  I  inclined  unto  him  and  would  give  him  to  eat~\ 
For  tsxi,  read  ttKi  ;  the  object  my  ear  being  implied.^  Others 
have  taken  this  to  be  the  adverb  QK  =  gently  ;  cf.  i  K.  2I27  2  S.  i85 
Is.  86  Gn.  3314  Jb.  i^11;**  but  the  construction  thus  obtained  is 
harsh  beyond  measure.  (f£  reads  E3K1,  and  makes  b'SlK  Hiph.  of 
by,  "  to  be  able."  In  either  case  the  figure  is  that  of  one  ap 
proaching  his  people  with  food  in  a  most  indulgent  and  com 
passionate  manner.  The  vb  of  v.5  is  to  be  read  \b  and  joined  to 
the  end  of  v.4  with  (§. 


1.  "ipj]  Predic.,  though  noun  precedes.  —  insriNi]  i  =  and  so  ;  on  form 
of  2ns,  GK.  68  f.  —  H3]  For  •oa,  literally  according  to  the  sufficiency,  or 
abundance  of;  cf.  Dt.  2^  Ne.  5s;  the  more  usual  correlative  of  p  is  -C'N::.  — 

*  GAS.  t  Ew.  i  Now.  §  Or.  ||  Bauer,  Bockel. 

^1  Hi.,  Sim.,  We.,  Now.        **  Ma.,  Hes.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Ke.,  Che.,  GAS. 


xi.  4 

2.  S  ix-\p]  C0//  /<?  a  person,  cf.  I  K.  i82  Lv.  91;  also  with  Sx,  Gn.  3°  Ps.  50*; 
even  without  a  preposition,  Gn.  271.  —  p]  =  so  =  in  the  same  proportion;  here, 
either  without  the  preceding  Ti'so  (cf.  other  cases  of  omission,  Is.  55°  Je.  320 
Ps.  48°;  Ko.  371  /  0),  or  with  -HS  instead  of  ia>xa  (z/.j.).  Cf.  the  use  of  other  par 
ticles  for  p,  viz.  rib,  ror,  nxrr.  —  jnap11]  On  pi.  end.  p_,  GK.  47  ;;/.  —  3.  >nS.nrf| 
A  Taph'el;  i.e.  a  causative  with  n  preformative,  denominative  from  S.n,  foot; 
other  cases  are  mnrn,  Je.  I26  2215;  DJinc,  Ezra  4";  GK.  55  h;  Ko.  II.  i.  p.  380; 
but  against  the  existence  of  such  a  stem,  Earth,  NB.  p.  279.  —  D'HcxS]  S 
here  probably  sign  of  ace.,  but  this  usage  is  very  rare  indeed  in  so  early  an 
author;  Ko.  289  a.  —  onp]  Corrupt  for  cn;?x;  but  cf.  GK.  19  i,  66g.  —  • 
4.  Soix]  Hiph.  of  SDX;  6  —  a,  GK.  68  i;  Ko.  II.  i.  p.  544.  —  QDC>DN]  I  -would, 
or  sought  to,  draw  them  ;  Ko.  181.  —  nans]  Elsewhere  of  God's  love  for  Israel, 
Je.  3  13  Is.  639  Zp.  317.  —  axij  So,  rather  than  EXI;  apocopation  of  nsx;  cf. 
Jb.  2311  Je.  156.  Cf.  Che.'s  emendations  on  vs.1'4  in  EB.  col.  2826,  and  his 
additional  ones  in  CB.,  which  involve  Jerahmeel  here  as  everywhere. 

5-11.    Israel  must  be  punished  by  going  into  exile,  and  yet  how 
can  I,  Yahweh,  execute  the  punishment? 


5.  UNC]  ©  sg.  (so  also  Oort  (Em.)).  —  awS]  S.  ^eravo^o-at.  —  6.  nSni] 
<J|  /caJ  -riffOtv-rjaev,  and  J5  j-£^JO  cijjAJ,  both  derive  from  nSn  =  fo  sick  ; 
S.  /cat  Tpa.vfj.aT  Iff  €i-,  JJ  coepit.  Gr.  nS»  or  nSVji  (cf.  Je.  2319  3O23).  Marti 
om.  as  corruption  of  nnSj\  —  nnSoi]  ©  /cai  KaTtiravvev  =  n^oi  (Vol.);  S.  /cat 
<rvvTe\{<rei.  Om.  as  corrupt  dittog.  of  r6m.  —  ma]  ©  ^  ra?s  %e/xrii'  aivroO 
=  VT»3  ;  cf.  £>  ;  S.  roi)s  jSpax/ovas  auroO  ;  U  electos  ejus  ;  &  ^nn3J.  Read, 
with  We.,  m>%3  (so  Marti).  Gr.  sugg.  inna  (so  Get.)  or  rrvn.  Scholz,  n^a. 
Gardner,  vja.  —  n^rxi]  1&  KO.I  (pdyovrai;  so  ^  ;  S.  /caraj/aXwcret.  Oct.  DnS^N). 
Gardner,  aiSasi,  taking  first  D  of  7^53  as  vb.  suff.  —  on^nwyon]  Ru.  on^niDXga. 
Oort  (77^r.  and  Em.),  on^n'nxp  (so  Val.,  Gu.).  Gr.  DPI-TICIX?  (La.  i13). 
Read,  with  We.  and  Now.,  Dnnx3?a  (cf.  Marti).  —  7.  ^p]  @  *cal  6  Xa6s 
ai)rou  =  sap.  —  awSr]  ©  2.  iirucpendftevos  —  NiSr  ;  F  pendebit.  Oct. 
or  ^xSn,  which  is  to  be  adopted  (cf.  Now.2).  Marti,  a^Sj.  —  \nawcS] 
T^S  KaTotKtas  avTov  =  I2f  ir:1?  (Vol.)  or  inurm  (Now.).  'A.  Ty 
^tou;  9.  e/s  tTTKTTpoQrjv  O.VTOV;  2.  ets  r6  tiri<TTpt(f>eiv  Trp6s  />te;  5 
Gr.  VPb-fic1'.  Oort  (Em.),  inai^cS.  Oct.  vrbirDO  or  -^Da,  which  is  to  be 
adopted.  Marti,  D^xjrSx.  —  hy  Sxi]  @  /cai  6  debs  t-jrl  —  S^  Sx\  'A.  /cat  7rpc)s 
^761';  6.  et's  fu76v;  2.  ^765  5<f;  F  jugum  autem  —  all  reading  H*  (so  also 
Oort,  Oct.).  S  Ist^jJ  =  Sx  Sxi  (Seb.;  so  also  Gr.).  Read,  with  Oct.,  ty  Sx. 
Ru.  Syan  Sxi  (so  Marti,  Rel.  147).  Hal.  Sv  Sxi.  Muller  (SK.  1904,  p.  126), 
Sip  SNI.  —  inxnp^]  ©  TO.  Tl/jua  O.VTOV  =  v\p>;  'A.,  6.  /ca\6m  aur6v;  2.  o-yyaj^r^- 
<ret  ai)T<J);  U  imponetur  eis  ;  &  3  pi.  without  suff.  or  with  suff.  taken  as  subj. 
of  foil.  vb.  Read  •intojp\  Gr.  xini  -ix-ipi.  Ru.  xin  Niipv  Marti  (Rel.  147), 
•n^\  Oct.  innpx\  —  DDTV  xS  nn1*]  @  ^u/xw^orerai,  /cai  ou  /tr/  bluffy  ainbv 
xSi  nin^  (Vol.);  2.  O/AOU,  is  o^/c  dp^o-erat;  U  simul,  quod  non 


366  HOSEA 


auferetur,  reading  "v  as  a  passive;    S  >a*5-^AJ  jJo  Ig-tts]  fJ|Je,  taking  irr 

as  adv.  and  joining  with  preceding.  Read  ^DnnS  Snn  Nin.  Gr.  ODryv  s1?)  -\n>; 
cf.  Ru.  icn-v.  Oort  and  Hal.  ocn\  Get.  onn>  «S  IHN.  —  8.  -pnN  T>N]  &  M-^-l 
.^v^]  —  -JJJDN]  @  virepao-iriG)  crov;  'A.  forXy  KVKK&aw  <re;  6.  d007r\£(ru>  <re; 
2.  &c5c6<rw  <re;  {£  "JJXV#N;  J5  ^'rM-  Hal.  T^Pl*  or  ^iPN.  —  nmso]  <§  joins 
with  foil.  vb.  —  -[D^N]  £>  om.'—  irr]  <S  ^"  T£  awry  (cf.  22)  ;  2.  tv  retry  -, 
TS  pariter.  —  nssj]  Gr.  nnru.  —  >ciru]  Read  >enn,  with  0.  rd  o-TrXdYxm 
TOU  A^OKS  /j-ov,  and  ,S  ^^i«*9  (so  also  We.,  Gr.,  Ru.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti);  cf. 
Gn.  4380  i  K.  326  Lk.  2432.  —  9.  f  nn]  @  /card  TTJV  dpy^v.  Read,  with  Gr.,  jnro. 

—  3i^N]  ©  ^7/caraX^7ra>  =  3rpN  (Schleusner),or  T'NB'N  (Vol.).  —  l^ip^j  J$  joins 
with  ir^x  sS).    Hal.  ^j?3.  —  i^'J  NUN  N^I]   Read,  with  Volz  (p.  34)  and  Now., 
•\yr  DTN  NSi,  the  last  word  being  joined  to  v.10.      One  cod.  of  de  R.  n^p. 
Houbigant,  -i^S.     St.  ^aS  (so  Oort  (TAT.  and  £*».),  Val.,  Oct.).      Marti 
(ReL  133),  "^^'3N  sSi.    We.  and  GAS.  ijnS  na'ix  N^I.     Ru.  and  We.3  "»V^^  N^I 
(so  Marti).  —  10.  nnx]    Oort  (TAT.  and  ^w.),  TnnN»  joined  with  v.®  (so 
Val.,  Ru.,  We.3).     Volz  and  Now.  ^N?.  —  n1?-1]    ©  Tropetfo-o/xcu  =  iSx  (so  also 
Ru.).     Oort,  i^  (so  Val.,  We.3).     Om.,  with  Volz  and  Now.,  as  gloss.  — 
JNB"]    'A.  pi.;   £>  =  adjectival  impf.      Ru.  JNC'N.  —  JNC'I  Nin  >a]    Omitted  in 
Lucian's  text,  in  three  codd.  of  Kenn.,  and  in  three  of  de  R.  (so  also  Ru.,  Oct.). 

—  D-»D  D^D]    ©  r^Kva  v5drui>  =  3iv  ija;    <S  =  D"S  a^3.     Ru.  DO'^D  ^3.     Gr. 
D^DJ?D  '3.    Che.  (^^5.  s.v.  "  Javan  "),  onxD  D'J3.   Now.  D^  "ND  0^3  (cf.  Is.  n11). 
Oort  (Em.},   D^D   T'J3.     Oct.   om.   'D  '3   ninn   as   a   corrupt   repetition   of 
the   first   three  words  of  v.11.     Hal.  adds   pDSipi   after   D^D   in  view  of  the 
parallel  "Egypt"  and  "Assyria"  in  v.11.     Miiller  (loc.  cit.},  vyi  \J3.      Marti, 
D^p   D-gh.--!!.  in^n-1]    3J  avolabunt,  but  in  v.10  formidabunt.      Oct.  'rm.  — 
D-roanm]    (5   diroKarao-rrja-u}  =  >ni3^tt>m.      ,S   ^pj|   ^soijo  =  D>n3^ni  (Seb.). 
Read,  with  Gr.,  D^nirtrni  (so  Now.,  Oort  (Em.~),  Oct.,  Marti).  —  orpro  S^] 
&  ^ooucZL*^,  probably  corrupted  from  ^ocui&iu^  (Seb.).     Now.  'n3-SN  (so 
Oort  (£>«.),  Oct.). 

5.  He  must  return  to  the  land  of  Egypt]  Cf.  813  ^  1  111.  The 
prophets  had  both  Egypt  and  Assyria  in  mind  as  places  of  exile  ; 
both  powers  are  constantly  threatening  invasion  ;  cf.  Is.  y18.  Pre 
dictions  are  made  of  restoration  from  both  countries  (cf.  Is.  u11 
Mi.  712).  The  sense  here  is  perfectly  clear,  whether  it  is  obtained 

(1)  by  transferring   Kb  =  '*h  to  the  preceding  verse   (zu1.),  or 

(2)  by  using  Kb  interrogatively,  Shall  he  not  return?*   but  the 
latter  is  hardly  consistent  with  the  following  clause.     The  prophet 
does  not  intend  here  to  say  that  the  people's  desire  to  be  free 
from  Assyria's  influence,  and  to  go  back  to  Egypt  (to  be  in  alli 
ance  with  Egypt  f)  is  not  to  be  realized,  for  this  was  never  true 

*  Mau.,  Schro.,  Ew.,  Or.  f  Jer.,  Ros.,  Hes. 


XL  5-7 

of  the  entire  people,  as  this  statement  would  indicate.  Nor  may 
we  take  this  reference  to  Egypt  literally,  and  the  others,  cited 
above,  merely  as  types  of  a  place  of  exile.*  —  Or  Assyria  will  be 
his  king]  The  use  of  Kin  in  this  connection  is  difficult.  Nowack 
suggests  that  it  is  the  survival  of  a  verbal  form ;  perhaps  .TIT  (v.s.) 
is  to  be  accepted.  Halevy's  insertion  is  far  wide  of  the  mark. — 
For  they  have  refused  to  return  (to  me)'}  The  poet  plays  with  SW ; 
Israel  must  turn  back  to  Egypt,  because  they  have  refused  to  turn 
(i.e.  to  me).  This  refusal  has  been  shown  in  the  nation's  attitude, 
on  the  one  hand  towards  the  prophets,  and  on  the  other  towards 
Baalism.  —  6.  And  so  the  sword  will  whirl  in  their  cities~\  The  "•  is 
consecutive ;  the  reference  is  to  the  coming  devastation,  in  which 
the  sword,  the  chief  instrument  of  destruction,  is  represented  as 
twisting  or  whirling  about  in  their  cities  as  a  person  (cf.  Ez.  14" 
Gn.  324) .  —  And  will  destroy  their  branches]  These  words  have 
probably  crept  into  the  text  in  explanation  of  the  words  in  the 
preceding  line.  The  word  "H3  has  been  taken  of  (i)  branches , 
the  suffix  referring  to  Ephraim,  the  whole  being  the  figure  of  a 
tree  (cf.  910-16),t  but  this  is  hardly  appropriate  in  this  connec 
tion;  (2)  great  ones,  princes  of  the  land,  \  or  his  chosen  ones,§ 
or  his  sons ;  \\  (3)  hands,  <&%> ;  (4)  his  bars  (Je.  5 130),  i.e.  the  for 
tresses  (cf.  Na.  313  Mi.  5s)  which  protect  the  land;^[  (5)  Magi,  i.e. 
false  prophets.**  But  in  view  of  the  uncalled-for  change  of  figure, 
it  is  better  to  understand  T"Q  as  a  modification  of  Vim,  and  nnba 
of  nbn,  and  to  drop  out  the  entire  clause. |f  This  is  in  harmony 
with  the  strophic  structure.  —  And  will  devour  them  in  their  for 
tresses]  This  clause  furnishes  the  parallel  for  and  the  sword  will 
whirl  in  their  cities.  In  this  rendering  D,T"ttaan  is  substituted  for 
DiTWatiyiaia,  because  the  latter  gives  no  satisfactory  sense,  or  the 
first  &  may  be  attached  to  the  preceding  verb  (v.s.).  —  7.  And 
my  people  having  wearied  me  with  their  rebellions,  unto  the  yoke 
(i.e.  captivity)  Yahweh  will  appoint  them,  since  he  has  ceased  to 
love  them]  For  text,  v.s.  This  verse  is  declared  wholly  cor 
rupt  by  modern  commentators.}]:  Of  the  verse  as  given  in 

*  Ke.,  Wii.  +  U8E,  Rashi,  Bockel,  Thes.        II  Hes.,  Ew.,  Wii.,  Che.,  BDB. 

t  AE.,  Ki.,  Hi.     §  Gr.  ||  Gardner.       **  Hal. 

ft  We.,  Now.;   cf.  GAS.,  who  suggests  that  v.6  may  be  an  insertion,  in  view  of 
corrupt  text,  and  the  fact  that  it  weakens  the  climax  of  v.5.  JJ  We.,  Now. 


368  HOSEA 


Nowack  says  in  substance  :  While  a  representation  of 
Israel's  sin  must  be  expected,  'Vzb  D'Klbn  makes  no  sense  ;  the 
expression  "  call  upward  "  is  extraordinary  in  the  sense  of  calling 
to  repentance,  and  the  lack  of  an  object  after  DEW  is  unusual. 
With  the  thought  of  this  line,  cf.  Is.  y13.  On  the  reading  iniOp? 
instead  of  iniOfT,  i.e.  HIph.  of  X"ip  =  nip,  cf.  the  exact  equivalent 
in  Je.  3223,  "  and  thou  causest  this  evil  to  fall  upon  them"; 
also  Nu.  35n.  The  '  of  Iff  is  the  remnant  of  Kin  lost  because  of 
the  preceding  suffix,  in  with  the  b  of  xb  =  bin  ;  for  DfclT  read 

to  love  him*     For  parallel  expressions,  cf.  46  9". 


V.7a  has  been  rendered  by  others  as  follows  :  (i)  My  people  are  fastened 
to  defection  (Cal.)  ;  (2)  Since  my  people  inclineth  in  order  to  fall  away  from 
me  (Ew.);  (3)  My  people  is  bent  upon  apostasy  from  me  (Ke.;  cf.  AV., 
RV.,  Or.)  ;  (4)  And  my  people  is  in  doubt  whether  to  turn  to  my  law  (3£)  ; 
(5)  And  his  people  is  suspended  from  its  dwelling  (©;  cf.  U)  ;  (6)  My 
people  is  hung  up;  i.e.  is  crucified,  by  the  revolt  from  me  (Oort)  ;  (7)  My 
people  is  weary  because  of  its  revoltings  (Oct.)  ;  (8)  My  people  have  a  bias 
to  turn  from  me  (GAS.);  (9)  My  people  persists  in  its  rebellion  against 
me  (Hal);  (10)  And  my  people  has  joined  itself  to  idols  (Marti).  V.76c 
has  been  rendered  by  others  as  follows:  (i)  Upwards  it  is  called;  never 
theless  it  striveth  not  upwards  (Ew.)  ;  (2)  One  calls  it  to  the  yoke  (of 
the  law)  but  no  one  takes  the  yoke  upon  himself  (Mich.);  (3)  They  call 
them  to  him  on  high;  no  one  raises  up  himself  (Cal.)  ;  (4)  And  unto  the 
Baal  (cf.  Sellin,  Beitr'dge  II.  306,  who  thinks  hyi  impossible  in  view  of  xh 
DDW)  he  calls;  he  does  not  pity  him  at  all  (Ru.)  ;  (5)  And  unto  God  they 
call;  he  is  angry;  he  pities  them  not  (Gr.);  (6)  And  though  they  (the 
prophets)  call  them  upwards,  none  of  them  can  lift  them  (GAS.);  (7)  To 
a  yoke  will  one  call  (or  bind)  him,  which  no  one  afterwards  shall  take  away 
(Oet.)  ;  (8)  Unanimously  they  call  the  most  high  God,  Lo-Yeromam,  i.e.  he 
who  should  not  be  exalted  (Hal.)  ;  (9)  And  they  all  meet  the  Baalim  (Marti, 
Dodekapropheton  ;  cf.  Rel.  147,  note);  (10)  And  even  if  they  should  all 
together,  even  to  the  suckling,  call  upon  him,  he  would  not  lift  them  up 
(Miiller).  The  case  is  certainly  a  desperate  one.  Perhaps  the  suggestion 
given  above  is  as  satisfactory  as  any  that  has  been  offered. 

8.  How  can  I  give  thee  up,  O  Ephraim  /]  Here  begins  the 
struggle  in  the  prophet's  mind  between  what  seems  to  be  the 
demand  of  justice  and  the  claim  of  love.  The  How  is  exclama 
tory  f  and  not  interrogative  ;  \  it  carries  with  it  the  negative 

*  Cf.  Gr.,  Ru.  f  Wu.,  Or.  %  Urnb. 


XL  7-9  369 

force  :  there  is  no  way  in  which  I  can  give  thee  up ;  it  is  impossi 
ble  (cf.  Gn.  399  448  Is.  2O6  Ps.  13  y4). —  How  can  I  surrender 
thee,  O  Israel!^  A  poetic  repetition  of  the  former  line  in  which 
pa,  further  defining  jru,  expresses  the  idea  of  "  deliver  into  the 
hands  of  an  enemy"  (cf.  Gn.  I420),  a  surrender  (as  in  2.),  not  a 
deliverance  (as  in  (§  and  'A.).  —  How  can  I  make  thee  as  Admah  / 
How  can  I  place  thee  as  Zeboiim  /]  These  cities  were  associated 
with  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  (cf.  Gn.  i42-8,  but  the  statement  in 
that  passage  is  probably  based  upon  this  *)  ;  cf.  Dt.  2Q23  Je.  4918 
Mt.  io15  Lk.  io12;  but  Hosea,  like  the  author  of  Dt.  29^,  has 
sources  of  his  own  on  which  he  draws  for  information  concerning 
this  catastrophe,  i.e.  sources  other  than  Gn.  19  (z;./.).  Amos  and 
Isaiah  use  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  in  this  same  way  (cf.  Am.  411 
Is.  i9f-  3<J  i319).  It  is  better,  in  accord  with  the  parallelism,  to 
take  naifcO  with  what  precedes  than  (cf.  ®)  with  what  follows.f 
The  *pX  is  expressed  only  twice,  viz.  in  the  first  and  third  lines, 
being  omitted  in  the  second  and  fourth,  thus  giving  us  a  beautiful 
example  of  the  elegiac  measure,  3  +  2,  3  -f-  2. —  My  heart  is 
turned  upon  me~\  This  and  the  three  lines  following  (vs.85-9a) 
are  evidently  late  (v.s.).  The  thought  of  surrendering  Ephraim 
produces  paroxysms  of  sympathetic  feeling  in  the  divine  breast. 
George  Adam  Smith  (p.  297)  says,  "There  follows  the  greatest 
passage  in  Hosea,  —  deepest,  if  not  highest,  of  his  book  —  the 
breaking  forth  of  that  exhaustless  mercy  of  the  Most  High  which 
no  sin  of  man  can  bar  back  nor  wear  out."  On  the  phrase 
upon  me  (*bv)t  within  me,  cf.  i  S.  2536  Je.  818.  On  ^Br«,  of  the 
heart  turned  in  sorrow,  La.  i20.  —  My  compassions  grow  hot  to 
gether}  D^n:  occurs  elsewhere  (Is.  5y18  and  Zc.  i13)  only  in  the 
sense  of  comfort;  consequently  n&rn,  my  compassions  (cf.  219 
Am.  i11)  is  suggested  J  as  a  better  reading  here.  n&3  in  Niph'al 
occurs  elsewhere  only  with  D^arn  (Gn.  4330  i  K.  326;  cf.  also 
Lk.  2432),  and  once  with  nil?,  skin  (La.  510).  Light  upon  the 
meaning  of  the  root  is  obtained  from  the  modern  Syriac,  kemr, 
fermentation.  §  TIT  =  0^3,  begins  the  clause  with  emphasis  (cf. 
v.7;  also  Dt.  33*  Ps.  4i8).  —  9.  /  will  not  act  according  to  the 

*  Cf.  Kue.,  We.,  Sta.,  Co.,  Bu.,  Bacon,  Wkl.,  Ball,  Che.,  and  Gunkel,  who  make 
Gn.  14  later  than  P.  f  We. 

J  We.,  Ru.,  Now.  $  Wetzstein,  ZDPV.  XIV.  (1891),  6. 

2B 


370  HOSEA 

fierceness  of  my  anger]  Cf.  i  S.  2818.  This  follows  the  strong 
expression  of  sympathy  (v.86),  and  is  only  another  way  of  saying 
what  has  been  said  in  8a.  So  close  is  the  connection  between  86 
and  9a  (the  expression  of  compassion,  and  the  determination,  in 
consequence,  not  to  carry  out  his  purpose  of  destruction),  and  so 
complete  a  parallel  does  this  furnish  for  8a  and  96  (/  cannot  give 
thee  up,  because  I  am  God  and  not  man)  that85  and90  are  best 
treated  as  an  insertion  of  a  later  writer.*  —  /  will  not  turn  to 
destroy  Ephraim~\  Cf.  211.  This  has  been  thought  to  mean  :  (i)  I 
will  not  turn  from  pity  to  destroy  Ephraim ;  f  (2)  I  will  not  again 
destroy  Ephraim  ;  \  (3)  I  will  not  bring  back  Ephraim  to  noth 
ing^  In  any  case,  the  expression  is  a  confession  of  inability  to 
do  the  thing  it  has  been  asserted  he  would  do.  — For  God  am  /, 
and  not  man]  i.e.  divine  and  not  human  (cf.  Nu.  2319).  God 
may  have  sympathy  and  compassion ;  he  may  have  still  other 
human  attributes,  e.g.  anger;  but  this  anger  may  not  divert 
Yahweh,  as  it  might  divert  a  man,  from  the  execution  of  a  well- 
considered  purpose.  —  Holy  in  the  midst  of  thee'}  i.e.  holy  in  a 
truly  ethical  sense.  —  And  not  human]  fH2T  reads,  and  I  will 
not  enter  into  the  city;\  but  this  means  nothing  (cf.  Ex.  2O24); 
it  has  been  interpreted  (i)  any  other  city  ;^f  (2)  I  am  not  one 
of  those  who  live  in  a  city,  i.e.  a  man  (cf.  2  Ch.  618)  ;  **  (3)  of 
the  omnipresence  of  Yahweh,  occupying  no  space  ;  ft  (4)  of  the 
thought  that  Yahweh's  presence  in  a  town  must  bring  punish 
ment.  \\  None  of  these  being  satisfactory,  it  has  been  suggested 
(i)  to  read  Ti?  =  hate,  terror,  from  Til?  to  boil  (cf.  Je.  i58;  cf. 
Rashi  on  i  S.  2816)  ;§§  (2)  to  read  11731?,  yet  I  come  not  to  con 
sume^  ||  (3)  to  read  "iysb  roiK  Kb,  I  am  not  willing  to  consume ;  ^ffl 
(4)  to  read  -pi-iK  "imb,  joining  first  word  of  v.10,  with  a  slight 
change,  to  v.9  (cf.  i  K.  14™  i63  2i21);***  (5)  to  read  D1K  man, 
for  &T3K,  and  close  the  verse  with  this,  thus  securing  a  perfect 
parallelism  (cf.  Is.  3i8).ftt  This  last  suggestion  seems,  perhaps, 


*  Now. ;  cf.  WeA  f  F.  IT  Rashi. 

J  AV.,  RV.,  Or.,  We.,  Now.,  Hal.  **  Jer. ;  Lowth,  De  sacra  pocsie,  242. 

$  Che.  ft  Stuck. 

||  Marck,  Stuck,  Ros.,  Hi.,  Pu.,  et  al.         Jt  Hi. 

§§  Schro.,  Dathe,  Eich.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Wu.,  Or. 

Ill  St.,  Che.,  GAS.  1111  We.          ***  Qort,  Val.  fff  Volz,  Now. 


XT.  9-10  371 

the  most  plausible,  and  may  be  adopted.  — 10.  Yahweh  will  cry 
like  a  lion]  This  is  based  on  Volz's  emendation,*  which  takes  Tin, 
last  word  of  v.9,  and  snnx,  first  word  of  v.10,  with  m,T,  reading 
"  nKD  "i!?r.  The  *dy  following  m.T  is  a  gloss  from  the  hand 
of  some  one  attempting  to  improve  the  passage  in  order  to 
make  sense  of  it.  This  roar,  like  that  of  the  lion  calling  together 
its  young,  is  the  summons  of  Yahweh  to  the  scattered  people 
to  return  (Am.  i2  38  Je.  2530).  In  Is.  2713  the  summons  is 
conveyed  by  means  of  a  great  trumpet.  A  different  figure  is 
employed  in  Ho.  5"  and  i37.  The  remainder  of  v.10,  together 
with  H,  is  from  a  later  hand,  explaining  and  amplifying  the  force 
and  significance  of  the  summons  to  return.  The  return  is  one 
of  the  most  common  and  significant  elements  in  the  prophets' 
descriptions  of  the  glorious  future  (cf.  Is.  n11-12  2y13  436  Je.  318 
Am.  914  Mi.  712  Zc.  io10).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  iw,  to  growl,  roar, 
occurs  only  in  Je.  5I38,  where,  as  here  (if  this  emendation  is 
adopted),  "ftS®  is  the  corresponding  word  in  the  parallel  line. 
Other  treatments  of  these  words  (v.s.)  are  :  (i)  /  will  go,  like  a 
lion  I  will  roar,-\  joining  nnK  with  v.9,  and  omitting  m,T  ;  (2)  Yah 
weh  will  go,  like  a  lion  he  will  roar ;  \  also  joining  "miK  to  v.9.  — 
As  a  lion  he  will  roar,  yea,  he  himself  will  roar,  and  there  shall 
come  hurriedly  .  .  .]  Once  more,  with  greater  emphasis  than  be 
fore,  the  thought  of  the  summons  and  the  return  is  repeated. 
Here  emphasis  is  placed  on  the  fact  that  Yahweh  himself  will 
send  the  summons,  §  and  there  will  come  hurriedly  (i.e.  eagerly, 
tremblingly;  cf.  35  (infi),  Ps.  i846  (:nn))  ;  —  who?  whence?  Ac 
cording  to  ;Pl(£,  sons  from  the  sea,  i.e.  faithful  Israelites  ||  (or  also 
the  heathen  f)  from  the  west(@  children  of  water,  v.s.)  ;  the  west 
being  (perhaps  D'la  =  Ds  ""Ntt,  Is.  u11)  "the  same  as  'the  islands 
(or  coastlands)  of  the  sea '  in  the  latter  part  of  Isaiah,  except  that 
Hosea's  knowledge  of  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  western  sea 
would  be  much  vaguer  than  that  of  his  fellow-prophet "  (Cheyne). 
But  how  can  the  Israelites  be  called  D^S  in  this  connection,  and 
how  can  they  come  from  the  west  when  they  have  been  repre 
sented  as  living  in  Egypt  and  Assyria  ?  The  reading  D'3tf a,  from 

*  Adopted  by  Now.  f  Ru.  J  Oort. 

§  In  six  Mss.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R.  JNtt»  Nin  >3  is  lacking. 
|J  Wii.,  Che.  U  Hes. 


372  HOSEA 

their  captivity*  would  make  good  sense,  but  has  no  real  basis. 
Perhaps  it  is  necessary  here,  as  in  some  other  cases,  to  acknowl 
edge  our  inability  to  meet  the  difficulties,  and  to  leave  the  subject 
of  "PIT  untranslated.f  These  words  have  been  emended  variously 
(v.s.)  -,  e.g.  (i)  my  children  frotn  their  captivity  ;  \  (2)  sons 
from  Aram;  §  (3)  sons  from  the  nations  ;  \  (4)  sons  from  the 
west  and  from  the  north;^  (5)  my  sons  from  the  west;** 
(6)  builders  from  the  west,  ft  —  H-  They  shall  come  hurriedly,  like 
sparrows,  from  Egypt,  and  like  doves  from  the  land  of  Assyria"] 
The  birds  represent  the  speed  J{  (cf.  Ps.  55°  Is.  6o8)  with  which 
they  come,  not  the  timidity  and  faint-heartedness  ;§§  cf.  7",  in 
which  the  stupidity  or  foolishness  of  the  dove  is  made  a  point 
of  comparison.  ||  ||  —  And  I  will  bring  them  back  to  their  houses^ 
Cf.  Je.  3237.  This  rendering  ff  really  represents  D'rvn'tfn  instead 
of  i^H^T  DTCtt'in,  which  means  /  will  cause  them  to  dwell***  — 
//  is  the  declaration  of  Yahwe/i]  These  words  are  questioned  by 
Novvack,  since  they  occur  elsewhere  in  Hosea  only  in  verses  that 
are  unauthentic  or  suspicious  (213-16-21).  The  closing  verses  of 
this  chapter  (vs.85-9"-106-11)  are  probably  late,|  ft  because  (i)  they 
introduce  an  element  of  promise  in  the  middle  of  a  series  of 
threats,  there  being  no  preparation  for  this  word  of  promise  and 
no  reference  to  it  in  the  following  context;  cf.  also  chap.  14, 
where  a  promise  appears,  although  introduced  in  a  wholly 
different  way;  (2)  the  expression,  "I  will  not  again  destroy 
Ephraim,"  is  explicable  only  at  a  time  after  Ephraim  has  experi 
enced  some  severe  chastisement  ;  (3)  there  is  no  connection 
between  vs.96  andl°. 

5.    aia»]    He  must  not,  etc.;    cf.  Dr.  §39;    Ko.   180;   GK.  107  r.  —  *B>JO] 
]  =  or,  here   connecting   alternative    propositions;     cf.    Ex.    2O10-17   2i16   Jb. 


*  Ru.  $  Che.  (z/.j.).          **  Miiller 

f  So  Oort,  We.,  Gu.,  Now.         ||  Gr.  ft  Marti. 

t  Ru.  U  Hal.  Jt  Che.,  Now.  §§  Wu. 

Ill  On  doves  and  sparrows  cf.  Now.  Arch.  I.  82  f.  ;  G.  E.  Post,  "  Dove,"  in  DB.  ; 
A.  E.  Shipley  and  S.  A.  Cook,  "  Dove,"  in  EB.;  Tristram,  The  Natural  History 
of  the  Bible,  201  f.,  211-220. 

1111  We.,  Now.,  GAS.  ***  Ew.,  Reuss,  Or.,  Che.,  Gu.,  BDB. 

fft  So  Sm.  Rel.  215  (W-  "  certainly  late)  ;  Volz  (9  &  genuine)  ;  Now.  (»  6-  1°  «  genu 
ine;  but  Now.2  makes  8&-11  all  late)  ;  Marti,  Rel.  (10.  n  late)  ;  Grimm,  Lit.App.  73. 
But  cf.  Seesemann,  28  f.  ;  Giesebrecht,  Beitr'dge  sur  Jesaia-Kritikt  211  f, 


XI.  lo-u  373 

gjis.  16. 26_ — Qt  nSm~]  Accent  on  ultima,  although  following  syllable  (^n.)  has 
tone. —  anirnxjjpp]  With  two  accents.  —  7.  IDJJI]  Introd.  circ.  cl.  —  D*>NiSn] 
Treated  as  N""'1?  not  n  "S;  cf.  Dt.  2866;  GK.  75  rr.  —*?;•]  If  fH£  is  correct, 
a  noun;  cf.  76  2  S.  231.  On  going  over  of  the  local  idea  into  the  temporal, 
then  into  ideal  (as  in  Arabic),  cf.  K6.  318  a.  —  8.  "prx]  Can,  impf.  of  possi 
bility;  Dr.  §  37;  GK.  107^. —  D'ios]  Qeri,  D^'OX;  but  regularly  o^ax,  Gn.  I42-8 
Dt.  29s2.  ©  Se/Swet/i.  The  city  was  one  of  "  the  five  cities  of  the  plain," 
but  its  exact  site  is  unknown.  —  9.  B'IN"NL']  Ko.  352  m.  — 11.  Dn>m]  On 
form,  GK.  96;  Ko.  II.  i.  p.  56;  Sta.  §  187  a;  Wright,  Comp.  GramJp.  88; 
Philippi,  ZDMG,  XLIX.  206;  Rahlfs,  ThLZ.  1896,  p.  587. 

§  16.  Israel's  falsity  and  faithlessness  from  the  first,  in 
spite  of  efforts  through  prophets,  must  bring  retribution  and 
ruin.  I21"15.  [English,  n12-i214.]  Israel  is  false  and  faithless, 
always  doing  that  which  ends  in  nothing ;  turning  now  to  Assyria, 
now  to  Egypt ;  he  must  be  punished ;  even  before  his  birth  he 
was  a  supplanter  (la-2-4a).  Israel  is  a  trader  using  false  balances  ; 
rich  and  self-satisfied ;  but  his  riches  will  count  him  nothing,  for  I 
will  cause  him  to  dwell  again  in  tents  (8~10) .  Israel  has  been  given 
prophets,  but  with  no  effect;  lies  and  demon-worship  prevail; 
bitter  enmity  has  been  aroused ;  sudden  retribution  will  come 
upon  him  ;  his  altars  shall  be  like  stone-heaps  in  the  furrows  of 
the  field  (n-15-12). 

The  patriarchal  episodes  in  vs.13-  46-7  (this  is  the  correct  order)  and  the 
historical  allusions  in  v.14  are  from  a  later  hand,  and  from  a  different  and 
conflicting  point  of  view  (v.i.~),  as  compared  with  that  of  the  original  material. 
The  original  piece  (omitting  vs.16-  46~7- 13-  14)  consists  of  three  very  symmetrical 
strophes  of  ten  lines  each,  in  trimeter  movement.  The  first  strophe  describes 
Israel  as  he  is  and  has  been  from  the  earliest  times,  viz.  a  faithless  one,  a 
vacillating  one,  never  knowing  his  mind,  surely  deserving  punishment,  since 
all  this  has  been  so  from  the  life  of  the  patriarch  in  his  mother's  womb.  The 
second  strophe  (adopting  the  elegiac  movement  3  -f  2)  characterizes  Israel 
as  Canaan,  a  trader  cheating  all  with  whom  he  trades,  becoming  rich  thereby, 
but  destined,  in  spite  of  present  riches,  to  dwell  again  in  tents  as  in  days  past. 
The  third  strophe  narrates  the  efforts  put  forth  by  prophets  sent  from  Yahweh 
to  teach  him  the  right  way,  the  lack  of  any  results,  the  prevailing  falseness 
and  idolatry,  the  bitter  enmity  thus  aroused,  and  the  sudden  punishment 
which  is  its  consequence.  Three  exceedingly  interesting  additions  have  been 
made  from  the  post-exilic  period  (i)  v.16,  which  includes  Judah;  (2)  vs.46'7» 
which  recalls  certain  traditions  of  Jacob,  putting  him  in  a  most  favorable  light; 
viz.  as  having  had  intimate  relationship  and  great  influence  with  God;  (3)  on 


374  HOSE  A 

vs.13- 14  z'.i.  The  order  according  to  this  arrangement  is  l  a-  *-*  «•  8-10- n- 15- 12  (v.15 
preceding  v.12  logically),  with  the  additions  1&-13.4&-7.14.  cf.  the  arrangement 
of  Oct.,  viz.  1-5. 13 f.  7.  e.  8-12.  is.  that  of  Hal.,  viz.  i-io.i3.ii.i2.i4.is.  and  that  of 
Gr.,  viz.  i-11- 13- 15- i2- 14. 

1.  ©  and  3J  connect  with  chap.  xi.  —  rrnm]  ©j&  connect  with  pre 
ceding.  Bewer  (JBL.  XXI.  109  f.)  om.  as  later  addition.  —  SN  uy  -n  -v;~\ 
<J|  wv  €71/0;  auTous  6  0e6s  =  SN  DJ?T  [n]nj?  (so  also  Scholz;  cf.  Loft,  who 
follows  @,  but  reads  cviSs  for  Djn  SN);  'A.  tTriKpar&v  .  .  . ;  U  {Judas)  autem 
testis  descendit  cum  Deo;  &  louX?  OLlfl^  Zx^J?  |.Sng^  =  SN  DJ?  TV  ng(Seb.). 
Briill  and  Gr.  'ni  an  T>\  Read,  with  Marti  (Rel.  119;  so  Now.),  'ui  JTP  ny. 
Che.  (£>/.  Nov.  '97,  p.  365)  SN  Dy  -nn.  Oct.  SN  oy  TIC.  Hal.  -m  'T?;D. 
Bewer,  ^N  DJ?T  V).  Miiller  (5A'.  1904,  p.  126),  S«~nn  ^>!.  —  few  D^np  Dpi] 
@  /cai  Xa6s  ^17105  Ke/cXTjaerai  ^eou  =  "7N*?  ncxj  tfnp  D^i  (Vol.) ;  &  .  .  .  |  ViS 
f  ^  ^Q  =  'p  D;M  (Seb.);  so  ^T.  Gr.  nns^  D^ip  D^i.  Co.  ipxj  D^^p  oyi  (Z/^  f^. 
VII.'  286  ff.;  so  We.,  Gu.,  Oort  (Em.)).  Hal.'pw  wVVnij  D>M!  Che.  (/^. 
«V.)  pw  itfnp  D^I.  K6.  §  348^,  JCN  i[«]n;  irnjj  DJ;).  Oct.  NDipp  o^np  o>;\ 
Bewer,  ncNj  o^t^np  o>\  Bockel,  nin1"  CNJ,  for  JCNJ.  —  2.  nn  n^i]  @  irovepbv 
Trvev/j.0.  =  nn  n;n.  Oort  (ThT.  and  Em.),  rrm  jj?.«  Marti,  'n  np.  —  orn  So] 
©5  join  with  preceding  clause.  —  T^I]  Read,  with  ©,  Kai  /*ciTcua,  [N]V^I  (so 
also  Oort  (TkT.  and  ^w.),  We.,  Val.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Hal.,  Marti).  — na-p] 
Read,  with  <g>,  -lan-  (so  also  We.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  mai]  With  We.  and 
Now.,  om.  i.  —  in-oi]  ©H  —  sg.  (so  also  Hal.).  —  ^av]  ©  ^eTro/aeivero  =  Sav 
(so  Hal.)  ;  U  ferebat.  Read,  with  S>,  olixSo),  iSa1*1,  taking  )  from  beg.  of  v.8 
(so  also  We.,  Now.,  Oort  (Em.),  Oct.,  Marti).  — 3.  am]  ©xlt  om.  i  (so 
also  Now.,  Oort  (Em.)).  —  mw]  Read,  with  Oort,  SNTJ"  (so  Now.,  GAS., 
Oct.).  —  ^PDSI]  Om.  i,  with  <§  (so  We.,  Gr.,  Now.).  Marti,  ipDNi.  —  vama] 
U  joins  with  foil.  vb.  —  4.  jaaa]  Gr.  inserts  vas  before  'aa.  —  ui^ai]  @  Kal 
tv  K67rot5  ayrou.  Om.  i  as  dittog.  from  prec.  i.  —  m;:»]  U  directus  est ; 
'A. /carujp^wo-e.  —  D^N]  Gr.  •«  tt-\x  (cf.  Gn.  3225).  —  5.  ni^i]  'A.,  6.  /cal 
KaTupduae  ;  U  ^/  invaluit ;  Sb  om. — 'D'Vx]  Read,  M'ith  We.,  Now.,  Oet., 
Marti,  'D~nN.  —  'n^i  roa]  @  <?K\avcrav  /cat  t5e-tid-r}<rav  (JLOV  =  >S  ujnnM  iaa 
(Vol.);  ^  om.  HD3.  —  i1?]  Gr.  adds  wV.  —  Sxno]  (5  ^v  ry  of/cv  "fi^  =  maa 
fix  (so  also  Gr.)  ;  It  in  templo  meo.  —  IJNXDI]  ©  Arab.,  and  one  cod.  of  Kenn. 
have  i  p.  sg.  suff.;  &,  'A.,  S.,  0.  suff.  3  p.  sg.  (so  also  Gr.).  — airi]  Oort  (Em.) 
and  Marti  om.  i.  —  uc>]  @  ?rp6s  auroiJs  =  DHDJ;  (Vol.).  Read,  with  j$,  oiia^, 
r-;;  so  'A.,  S.,  6.,  <§*,  and  also  Dathe,  Oort  (ThT.  and  ^///.),  We.,  Beer 
(ZA  W.  XIII.  285),  Val.,  Gu.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti.  —  6.  mm]  Oort 
(  7'>4  71.  and  Em.)  om.  i  (so  Val.,  Oct.,  Marti).—  nar  mn-]  @  eo-rat  /*»'  =  T  nvv; 
S,  6.  take  T  as  3  p.  sg.  of  vb.  with  suff .  Gr.  't  xin(?).  Hal. -nar  *\  —  7.  ynSsa] 
,SH  =  -N-SN  (so  also  Oct.),  or  'vh  (so  also  Gr.).  Marti,  ^Snsa.  — awn]  We. 
j?aa>n(?).  —  iDtf]  Gr.  icpn.  —  mp]  @  ^77^^  =  aip.  —  8.  |j?ja]  Seb.  fyjsD  (so 
Gr.  (or  ^i'jaa)).  —  p'^V]  U  calumniam.  Read,  with  We.,  Now.,  and  Marti, 
apyS  Gr.  n1^  or  •vtrj;1'.  —  9.  ->?:NM]  Gr.  om.  i.  —  >S  px] 
'A.  d^a>0c\^s  CH)T<£;  U  idolum  mihi ; 


xii.  i  375 

*?D]  J5  =  Sai  —  TJ'1]  Read,  with  ©,  oi  ir6vot  atf-roC,  vyw  (so  We.,  Gr.,  Beer 
(ZAW.  XIII.  288),  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  ixxi^]  @  efyn^o-oirai 
=  WSQ]  (so  also  Gr.,  Oort)  ;  &  |  r"a™  —  pj?  ^]  ©  awry  5i'  d5t/a'as  =  iS 
O'Oipa;  5  ]m  fr  ~V  ^^^  =  pyS  1't>.  Read,  with  Gr.  and  Now.,  py1?  )S.  We. 
Pi?1?  (so  Beer,  Oct.,  Marti).  Oort,  PJJD  ^.  Get.  sugg.  ij^S.  —  xton  ia>x]  Read, 
with  @,  As  rf/uaprei',  xan  T#X  (so  also  We.,  Gr.,  Beer,  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.).  Oct. 
Kton  ^Ni?i(?).  —  10.  PNC]  @  inserts  dvij7a76i»  <re  =  Tn^yn,  before  'X2  (so 
Oort  (.£>/.));  &  inserts  -^atfJ5  =  -pnxsin  -I^N  (Seb.);  so  ®.  —  a^nxa] 
Gardner,  "pn^xa.  —  tpn  ""Do]  ®  D^|•)  >DV3  =  onp.  <ip>|3  (so  Marti).  Perles  (Ana- 
lekten^  44),  n^  112^.  Gardner,  n>'iD3.  Gr.  and  Now.,  oSiy  ^DO  (cf.  Mi.  714f-)« 
Bu.  (New  World,  Dec.  '95)  and  We.3  imyj  <|D^'  —  H-  *?>']  We.  and  Now.,  *?«. 
—  prn]  @^  pi.  —  TO]  @  pi.  Gr.  101.  —  nnnx]  @  w/uotw^i'  =  n.pis  as  in 
Is.  1  414  (Vol.)  ;  H3  assimilatus  sum;  &  L+±oi^].  Gr.  nmDi(?).  Hal.  VB'CN. 
Get.  q^N  nn-tx,  taking  first  word  of  v.1'2  with  'v.11  (cf.  45).  Cf.  We.  Marti, 
rnnx.  —  12.  py  ij?Sj  DN]  ©  el  /XT?  TaXadS  ICTTLV  =  p«  'J  ax;  so  0.  Read, 
with  5,  |^|^  |vV  ^  -;  -Sj2  (So  We.,  Now.,  Marti)  .  Oort  (  Th  71.),  'x  SjSj  ox, 
foil.  Complutensian,  ra\7a\a;  Oort  (£/«.)  om.  DX.  Gr.  px  mai  'j  ox.  —  -|X 
vn  NV^]  @<SF9r,  'A.,  and  S.  join  with  foil,  clause.  &  reads  xijrS  and  with  S. 
om.  vn.  Gr.  on  'v  ix.  We.  ic'y  'c>  P|X,  of  which  v&y  is  to  be  adopted  (y.i.; 
so  Marti).  Now.  sugg.  vrp  for  vn  and  would  transp.  it  to  125.  —  omtp  SjSja 
in^TJ  @  ^  FaXadS  d/axovres  ^uo-tdfoyTes  =  D^n:}'?  ant'  'ja  (Vol.);  several  codd. 
of  <§,  with  Complutensian  and  Syr.-Hex.,  FaXYaXois;  'A.  0v<rid£ovTes;  U  in 

fe.  ^  ^  .  ^ 

Galgal   bobus    immolantes  ;    <S 


Read,  with  Hi.,  Q'nB'S  (so  We.,  Now.Oort  (Em.},  Oct.,  Marti). 
Gr.  DnitpS.  —  oninaTc]  5  2  pi.  suff.  —  D^Sj]  ©  x6^^"011;  c^  ^-  on  EC.  I28  and 
Nestle'('^.  Times,  XIV.  189).  —  13.  ncu']  Gr.  adds  px*,  foil.  C.  —  14.  «oja  ] 
5  pi.  —  ncc'j]  Gr.  "iptp\  —  15.  D^DH]  Oct.  'D^pn.  —  onnnn]  @  /cat  -rrapdpyi- 

<ret>',  S  t^cjioo.  Oct.  -in^D^.  —  vn-n]  ©5>U  sg.  Oct.  om.  i.  —  vSy]  Oct. 
Sg.  —  tr^>]  @  <?/cxv077<rercu;  F  veniet  ;  %  ,-A.|^.  Gr.  -\^\  Oct.  IITNI.  — 
vjnx]  @  om.  suff.  Oort  (  T^T1.  and  ^;/z.)  transp.  to  foil.  onox.  Marti  reads 
v.u,  '^  a^x  incnni  Tjb^x  vSj?  vom  VNnjy^  V"1??1  'x  '•JD^P1?- 

XII.  1.  The  past  is  here,  as  in  other  discourses,  uppermost  in 
the  prophet's  mind.  Ephraim  has  compassed  me  with  lies,  and 
the  house  of  Israel  with  deceit~\  Yahweh  is  the  speaker,  and 
he  speaks  out  of  an  environment  made  up  of  Ephraim's  lies,  for 
these  lies  are  so  many  as  wholly  to  compass  him  about.  Not 
infrequently  has  the  charge  been  made,  and  with  these  same 
words,  ttfrc  and  nsna  (cf.  42  67  y1  3  13  io4-13).  The  lies  and  de 
ceit  have  to  do  with  Yahweh,  for  in  another  strophe  their  cheating 
of  each  other  is  taken  up.  Israel  is  false  to  Yahweh  whenever 


3/6  HOSEA 

she  turns  to  Egypt  or  Assyria,  just  as  a  wife  is  false  to  her 
husband  in  joining  with  another  man.  With  two  may  be  com 
pared  U3,  Je.  511  ;  and  UttfB,  Is.  5913  ;  while  the  opposite  of  all 
these  words  is  n$K.  "Ephraim"  and  "the  house  of  Israel" 
are  synonymous.  —  And  Judah  is  still  known  with  God^  The 
question  is,  have  the  words  of  16  a  good  sense,  and  are  they 
then  from  a  later  hand  (for  no  motive  can  be  conceived  for 
Hosea's  inserting  here  a  eulogy  of  Judah)  ;  or  have  they  a  bad 
sense,  and  are  they  then  really  from  Hosea's  own  hand  ?  j$ti& 
bx  Dp  11  li?  is  difficult.  The  verb  111  occurs  only  here  and  in 
Je.  231  Gn.  2740  Ps.  553.  It  has  been  taken  (i)  as  =  mi  =  btrfc, 
rule  ;  i.e.  only  Judah  rules  with  God  (=  only  Judah's  kings  have 
power  with  God)  ;*  (2)  Judah  still  serves  his  God;  (3)  with 
iy  instead  of  117  and  11  =  IT,  come  down,  Judas  autem  testis 
descendit  cum  deo  ;|  (4)  as  =  Arab,  rdda  —  rove  about,  stagger, 
waver,  hesitate,  be  wayward  with  God;  \  (5)  as  =  1?T,  so  (§  (v.s.) 
=  and  as  for  Judah,  God  knows  them  now  ;  but  as  Nowack 
says,  neither  is  fitf  intelligible,  nor  do  we  expect  a  statement 
of  this  sort  after  v.la;  (6)  as  =  »•£,  but  Judah  is  still  known 
(  =  betrothed,  affianced)  with  God,  which  accords  well  with  the 
following  line  ;  §  (7)  as  =  rebellious;  ||  (8)  as  =  ai,  great  ;^ 
(9)  but  Judah  walks  tremblingly  with  God;**  (10)  and  still 
God  knows  them,  Judah  being  a  later  addition.ft  —  And  with  the 
holy  one  faithful^  This  seems  upon  the  whole  the  most  satis 
factory  interpretation  of  another  difficult  clause.  J&X3  followed 
by  D»  is  unknown  ;  but  cf.  Ps.  78®  (nK  '3).  The  plural  in  D'ttnp 
is  like  that  of  DM^X  ;  cf.  Pr.  9™  3o3.  The  absence  of  the  article 
indicates  that  it  is  used  as  a  proper  noun.  This  construction 
is  preferable  to  (i)  that  which  makes  |J3K3  an  adjective  modifying 
D'ttnpJJ  (although  this  is  possible  if  DTJHp  is  regarded  as  an 
intensive  plural;  cf.  Ps.  7™  Is.  i94),  because  the  parallelism  is 
preserved  ;  or  (2)  that  which  makes  DWp  plural,  and  refers  it  to 
angels,  saints,  patriarchs,  prophets,  etc.  ;  §§  or  (3)  <g>,  which  seems 
to  have  read  i&fctt  ^[b]  D'EHp  Dtfl  (v.s.)  ;  or  (4)  the  reading  |j  || 


*  Rashi,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Pu.,  AV.  t  V. 

%  Bauer,  Schro.,  Ew.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Che.,  BSZ.  ;  Co.  ZA  W.  VII.  287. 
§  Marti,  Rel.  119;  Now.     f  Briill,  Gr.  ft  Bewer.  §§  Jer. 

||  Hal.  **Che.(Exp.)v.s.      JJ  Wii.  ||||  Bockel. 


xii.  i-2  377 

•Ti!T  DKO,  i.e.  oracle  of  Yahweh,  for  J&K3,  or,  perhaps,  worst  of 
all,  (5)  the  reading  n&¥?  D'ttnp  D»,  "and  with  temple-prostitutes 
joined  himself,"  *  referring  to  the  custom  of  having  such  attend 
ants  at  the  temples  (cf.  Nu.  25"  Dt.  2317-18  Gn.  3815-21-22  Ho.  414). 
The  chief  grounds  urged  for  this  reading  are  (i)  the  parallelism 
thus  secured  between  lc  and  ld;  (2)  the  1&K3  of  @,  which  is  con 
sidered  an  intermediate  form  between  the  original  nfc2ti  and  J»K: ; 
(3)  the  fact  that  *1&2U  in  the  only  other  places  it  occurs  is  used 
of  a  licentious  cult  (Nu.  2$s-5  Ps.  io628)  ;  (4)  in  the  only  other 
passages  where  D'Eh|3  are  mentioned  (i  K.  i424  i512  2246  2  K.  237), 
they  are  connected  with  Judah  as  here.  In  favor  of  regarding 
16  as  latef  may  be  urged,  therefore,  (i)  the  favorable  estimate 
given  of  Judah,  which  Hosea  could  have  had  no  occasion  to  utter ; 
(2)  the  evident  interruption  made  by  16  in  the  prophet's  state 
ment  concerning  Israel,  which  is  continued  in  v.2;  (3)  the 
peculiar,  late  usage  seen  in  D"KHp  (as  plural  and  proper  name). 
Other  renderings  based  on  emendations  (#.j.)  are  :  (i)  and  with 
the  Holy  One  is  not  faithful ;  J  (2)  and  the  people  of  the  Holy 
One  it  is  called  ;  §  (3)  and  with  temple-prostitutes  is  defiled.  || 
—  2.  Ephraim  herds  the  wind,  and  hunts  the  sirocco\  Ephraim 
is  a  shepherd,  a  hunter;  but  is  the  outcome  of  his  occupation 
profitable  ?  His  time  is  spent  in  herding  —  not  flocks,  but 
the  wind,  in  hunting  —  not  game,  but  the  sirocco,  the  deadly 
southeast  wind,^[  which  in  its  course  destroys  everything  that 
it  touches  (cf.  Ez.  i710  Jon.  48  Ho.  i315  Is.  27*).  The  outcome 
of  Ephraim's  activity  is,  according  to  the  figure,  something  ab 
solutely  void  and  empty ;  still  more,  something  which  is,  in 
itself,  not  only  useless,  but  fatally  injurious.  This  use  of  Mph  is 
bold  and  strong,  but  not  too  much  so  for  Hosea ;  so  that 

(1)  Wellhausen's  comparison  of  nin  (cf.  Jb.  2O10),  seek  the  favor 
of,  is  unnecessary,  although  it  is  supported  by  the  parallelism  ; 

(2)  we   are   reminded  of  the   rm  Win  of  Ecclesiastes ;    (3)  the 


*Co.  ZAW.  VII.  286-289;  adopted  by  We.,  but  opposed  by  Oort,  TAT. 
XXIV.  498  f. 

tSo  We.  Pro/.  417;  Oort,  TAT.;  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.;  Marti,  Rel.  119,  EB.  II. 
2122,  and  Dodekapropheton.  %  Hal.  §  Gr.,  Bewer;  cf.  ffi.  ||  Get. 

^1  Cf.  Wetzstein  in  De.  Job,  on  2/21 ;  GAS.  Hist.  Geog.  67-69 ;  Robinson, 
Phys.  Geog.  305  f. 


378  HOSEA 

Jewish  interpretation,  idolatry*  is  too  specific ;  (4)  " friend  of 
the  wind  "  f  is  forced ;  (5)  there  is  here  a  touch  of  "  Wisdom," 
but  Hosea  is  full  of  wisdom-thought  (v.  on  i49).  —  All  day  long 
they  multiply  falsehood  and  fraud^  This  line  explains  the  pre 
ceding  ;  without  cessation  the  activity  goes  on,  but  the  result 
is  that  they  increase  fOT  for  1  ,-QT  J)  falsehood  (i.e.  a  false  atti 
tude  toward  Yahweh,  §  not  simply  toward  one  another  ||)  and 
fraud  (Kitf  being  substituted  for  jftflC  "!#,  cf.  (H  itf ;  since  "  vio 
lence  "  is  not  appropriate  here,  and  the  combination  of  falsehood 
and  violence  does  not  elsewhere  occur  ).^[ —  They  strike  bargains 
with  Assyria,  and  carry  oil  to  Egypt~\  Here  the  thought  of  the 
prophet  becomes  still  more  clear  and  explicit.  Ephraim's  activity 
was  fruitless  and  injurious ;  it  was  false  and  deceptive ;  but  how 
so  ?  Because  it  involved  relationship  with  and  dependence  upon 
other  nations,  and  consequently  acknowledgment  of  those  nations' 
gods.  Of  the  four  expressions  for  entering  into  covenant,  or 
alliance  with,  rro  D'pn,  or  jro,  or  DIP,  or  rro,  the  latter  is 
chosen  (cf.  513  7n  Is.  2°).  Oil,  one  of  the  most  important  products 
of  Palestine  (Dt.  88  i  K.  5"  Ez.  i619  2717),  was  carried  to  Egypt, 
which  had  no  oil,  as  a  present  (Is.  579)  and  as  an  article  of 
commerce.**  Here  the  former  is  intended.  Read  sn  nbii'tt 
instead  of  yvi  $b3V.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  more  in 
teresting  parallel  than  is  furnished  for  this  verse  in  almost  every 
particular  by  Is.  3O6.  The  great  sin  is  against  Yahweh,  and 
consists  in  alliance  with  foreign  powers,  which  involves  distrust 
of  and  faithlessness  toward  Yahweh.  This  is  seeking  for  wind 
and  multiplying  of  falsehood.  And  for  this  reason,  — 3.  Yahweh 
has  a  quarrel  with  Israel,  to  punish  Jacob  according  to  his 
ways']  It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  Judah  is  here  spoken 
of,  because  (i)  Judah  is  not  in  the  thought  of  the  prophet 
here,  nor  often  elsewhere,  but  v.  p.  clix  ;  (2)  if  the  text  is  cor 
rect,  Judah  is  given  the  place  of  prominence,  even  before  Jacob 


*  Rashi,  Ki.  t  Now.,  We. 

t  Rashi,  Oort  (v.s.).  §  Hd.,  Ke.,  Now.,  et  al.  ||  Hi.,  Sim. 

H  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  GAS.     On  the  use  of  NO  cf.  Coffin,  JBL.  XIX.  168-171. 
**  See  Macalister,  art.  "  Oil,"  DB.;  Kennedy,  art.  "  Oil,"  EB. 
ft  We.,  Loft.,  Now.,  GAS. ;   on  basis  of  fflf,  and  to  secure  uniformity  of  verbal 
form  in  u-p,  imD\ 


xii.  2-4  379 

(Cheyne's  suggestion  that  Jacob  is  here  used  for  Judah,  as  in 
Ps.  7715,  is  plainly  incorrect)  ;  (3)  to  accept  the  text  is  to  accept 
the  impossible  combination,  viz.  Yahweh  has  a  strife  with  Judah 
(even)  in  order  to  punish  Jacob  (for  (a)  @  thus  omits  1  with 
npsbi,  and  (^)  if  retained,  it  must  be  rendered  as  above  unless 
the  verse  is  assigned  to  a  later  period  of  the  language,  in  which 
the  construction  with  b  is  used  to  continue  the  ordinary  imper 
fect*).  We  must,  therefore,  understand  that  some  one  changed 
the  original  text,  substituting  Judah  for  Israel,  perhaps  when  15, 
which  refers  to  Judah,  was  inserted,  f  With  the  phraseology 
here,  cf.  41  Mi.  62.  The  omission  of  1  before  "ipab  (cf.  (§  and 
statement  above)  makes  the  second  member  dependent  on  the 
first ;  i.e.  the  purpose  of  the  contention  is  to  punish  Israel,  and 
this  is  to  be  measured  according  to  his  ways ;  i.e.  in  return  for 
and  in  proportion  to  his  faithless  conduct  toward  Yahweh.  The 
prophet  desires  to  place  special  emphasis  on  the  basis  of  judg 
ment  which  Yahweh  will  adopt,  and  to  that  end  adopts  a  double 
and  striking  rhetorical  method  of  expression,  repeating  sub 
stantially  what  he  has  just  said,  and  then  illustrating  the  state 
ment  by  a  significant  example.  This  he  proceeds  to  do  in  the 
next  two  members  of  the  parallelism.  \  — According  to  his  deeds  he 
will  reqtiite  him  ( — 4  a)  ;  in  the  womb  he  supplanted  his  brother^ 
The  two  clauses  expressing  the  same  thought  are  arranged 
chiastically,  and  are  followed  suddenly  and  strikingly  by  a  state 
ment  concerning  Israel's  ancestor,  Jacob,  handed  down  by 
tradition,  which  in  a  single  stroke  both  announces  and  explains 
the  whole  case.  Jacob's  supplanting  of  his  brother  in  the  womb 
before  birth  indicates  that  fatal  characteristic  of  the  nation 
which,  as  exhibited  again  and  again  in  its  history,  has  now 
reached  the  point  at  which  punishment  must  be  administered. 
This  reference  to  traditional  lore  clearly  carries  with  it  reproach 
(cf.  the  unfavorable  sense  in  which  the  same  verb  is  used, 
Gn.  27s6),  and  stigmatizes  the  nation  as  deceitful  and  untrust- 

*  GK.  H4/> ;  H.  29,  5  a.  f  We.,  Now.,  GAS. 

J  In  view  of  the  peculiarly  symmetrical  and  artistic  expression  found  in  this 
section,  and  of  its  highly  poetic  character,  one  wonders  whether  Che.  was  not 
sleeping  when  he  wrote  (p.  113)  in  connection  with  chap.  12,  "Again  poetry  is 
dispelled  by  prose." 


380  HOSEA 

worthy.  In  evident  contrast  with  this  single  line,  the  long  addi 
tion  in  vs.46'7  is  occupied  in  the  praise  of  Israel.  2pl?  is  rendered 
(i)  "took  by  the  heel,"  on  the  basis  of  3p»  ntHK  IT!  (Gn.  2^), 
"and  his  hand  was  having  hold  of  Esau's  heel";  (2)  "sup 
planted,"  on  basis  of  Gn.  27^,  i.e.  Jacob's  supplanting  (3ptt)  Esau 
twice,  in  the  matter  of  the  birthright  and  the  blessing.  But  two 
things  are  clear:  (i)  there  is  no  basis  for  the  rendering  "took 
by  the  heel";  (2)  the  word  ftsM  used  with  3pU  indicates  a 
source  of  authority  distinct  from  the  two  Genesis  sources.*  The 
statement,  therefore,  is  to  be  taken  as  an  additional  reproach 
upon  Israel,  and  as  indicating  that  his  deceptive  character 
is  inborn  and  ineradicable  ;  *  in  distinction  from  the  view 
which  makes  this  clause  a  statement  of  praise  uttered  of  the 
ancestor  Jacob  (in  contrast  with  the  degraded  condition  of  his 
descendants),  since,  even  before  birth  he  showed  his  pre 
eminence,  how  he  was  destined  to  anticipate  his  brother ;  f  for 
in  this  case  the  prophet  would  surely  have  designated  as  sub 
ject  of  4a  the  patriarch  Jacob  in  distinction  from  the  people 
Jacob;  or  (3)  the  view  that  this  "catching  hold  of  Esau's 
heel "  was  presented  to  Israel  in  order  to  encourage  and 
stimulate  them,  and  to  show  that  not  merit  but  the  mercy  of 
God  was  the  source  of  the  preeminence.  \  Of  the  three  views, 
the  first  interprets  the  statement  concerning  Jacob  as  bad  and 
in  accord  with  what  has  been  said  of  Israel ;  the  second  and 
third,  as  good,  but  as  in  contrast  with  what  has  been  said. — 
13.  And  Jacob  fled  to  the  field  of  Aram~\  This  verse  seems 
unquestionably  to  stand  with  46"7.  §  Like  these  verses  it  is  his 
torical,  and  like  them  it  is  commendatory  in  its  tone.  The 
abruptness  of  v.13  was  observed  as  far  back  as  Rashi.  Cf.  Gn.  2743 
282,  for  the  fuller  account.  The  phrase  "  field  of  Aram "  is  a 
translation  of  the  word  Padan-  (or  Paddan-)  Aram.  —  And  Israel 
served  for  a  wife,  and  for  a  wife  he  herded  (sheep}~\  Cf.  Gn.  2918~: 
3<D31  3 138"41.  Nowack's  suggestion  of  a  contrast  between  "wife" 
and  "prophet"  (cf.  v.14)  is  imaginary,  and  disappears  with  the 
separation  of  the  two  verses.  —  4&.  In  his  man's  strength  he 


*  Now.  f  Ew.,  Wii.,  Che.          J  Cal.,  Ros. ;  Beer,  ZAW.  XIII.  281-293. 

§  Cf.  Now.,  Oct.;  Grimm,  Lit.  App.  74-77. 


XII.  4,  13,  5  38 1 

contended  with  God~]  mttf  is  also  rendered  "  wrestled,"  *  "  had 
power  with."  f  As  the  writer  puts  together  nplT  and  apl?,  "  sup 
plant,"  so  also  hvTNP  and  m»,  "contend."  The  pun  is  evident 
(cf.  Mi.  i10-14).  Note  that  (i)  the  1  of  Uixm  is  a  dittograph  of 
the  1  of  the  preceding  vnK,  dating,  of  course,  from  a  time  subse 
quent  to  the  disarrangement  of  the  original  order ;  (2)  this  line  is 
parallel  with  that  which  follows,  not  with  that  which  precedes ; 
(3)  it  is  the  first  of  four  lines  in  close  connection  with  each 
other;  (4)  the  contest  with  God  (or  the  angel),  occurring  on 
the  return  from  being  with  Laban  (Gn.  3225),  is  here  placed 
first  in  order,  whereas  in  Genesis,  the  Bethel  story,  occurring 
on  his  outward  trip  (v.i.)  precedes ;  (5)  whatever  specific  inter 
pretation  is  adopted  of  these  four  lines,  it  is  understood  to  be 
praise  of  the  patriarch  Jacob.  On  131&O  v.i.  DTfex  designates 
any  form  of  superhuman  character:  (i)  as  here,  angel;  (2)  dis 
embodied  spirits  (i  S.  2813)  ;  (3)  judges,  as  representing  God 
(Ex.  228-9).  This  line  praises  Jacob,  and  is  therefore  incon 
sistent  with  4tt;  yet  some  make  46  synonymous  with  4a,  j  and 
understand  the  change  to  have  taken  place  at  the  beginning  of 
v.5. —  5.  Yea,  he  contended  with  the  angel  and  prevailed^]  The 
poetical  repetition  of  the  preceding  line,  with  one  modification 
(angel  for  God)  and  one  addition  (the  fact  that  he  prevailed). 
For  b*  read  nK.  §  i*6a  =  D'rfcK  ;  cf.  Gn.  i610  and  i;18-90  Ex.  i321 
and  i419;  and  so  in  pre-exilic  literature  in  general.  ||  It  is  E 
who  in  the  Hexateuch  makes  large  use  of  angels  (cf.  Gn.  2i17 
22"  2812  3in  321-2  Ex.  2330).f  Of  course  it  was  Jacob  who  pre 
vailed  (b^i)  and  not  the  angel.**  Here  the  thought  is  that  of 
praise,  i.e.  the  persistency  and  energy  with  which  the  patriarch 
sought  the  divine  blessing  (cf.  Gn.  32^).  —  He  wept  and  besought 
mercy  of  him]  i.e.  Jacob  wept.  While  (6>  makes  both  Jacob  and 
the  angel  weep,  and  f^^T  only  Jacob.  J  (Gn.  3 a24"32)  says  nothing 
about  weeping,  Jacob's  attitude  is  exactly  that  which  the  writer 
would  have  Israel  adopt,  viz.  anxiety,  sorrow,  and  repentance, 
not  victory.  But  is  this  consistent  with  the  thought  of  4a?  Is  it, 
moreover,  the  point  of  view  maintained  in  Gn.  32^  ?  —  At  Bethel 

*  Ew.        f  AV.t  RV.        J  Or.         §  Now.        ||  G.  B.  Gray,  art.  "  Angel,"  EB. 
H  My  statement,  Hebraica,  V.  261 ;  cf.  Carpenter  and  Battersby,  The  Hexateuch, 
I.  112  f.  **Hi. 


382  HOSEA 

he  met  him  (Yahweh)  and  there  he  (Yahweh)  spoke  with  him}  Cf. 
Gn.  28llff-  359ff-.  &  him,  is  better  than  us  (v.s.),  (cf.  Ewald,  who 
on  the  other  hand  (i)  treats  w  of  laxxia1'  as  ist  pi.,  not  3rd  sg., 
(2)  makes  Yahweh  subject  *  and  not  object,  and  (3)  makes  the 
imperfects  futures  (in  prediction)  and  not  vivid  pictures  from  past 
history).  Here  is  an  allusion  to  Jacob's  dream,  but  the  point 
of  view  is  different  from  that  of  Gn.  28.  That  vs.46"5  present 
a  different  and  conflicting  point  of  view  as  compared  with  vs.2"4"  is 
apparent.  The  unfavorable  Spy  of  4a  is  changed  into  a  favorable 
term,  mtp,  in  4&,  and  this  favorable  point  of  view  is  maintained 
through  v.5  in  striking  contrast  with  the  condemnation  expressed 
in  vs.2"4".  —  6.  And  Yahweh  is  God  of  Hosts ;  Yahweh  is  his 
name~\  This  is  an  interjectional  gloss  or  addition  from  the  hand 
of  some  pious  reader  of  very  late  days  |  (the  1  being  confirmatory 
of  what  precedes,  and  practically  =  as  truly  as  \)  rather  than 
the  subject  (l  being  omitted)  of  the  preceding  "1ST,  §  for  this 
gives  a  cumbersome  set  of  clauses  for  subject,  and  the  1  of  nnxi 
does  not  fit  in.  His  memorial;  i.e.  his  name,  cf.  Ex.  315. — 
7.  So  thou  by  the  help  of  thy  God  shouldst  turn  back}  The 
address  is  to  Jacob  ||  (these  being  the  words  spoken  at  Bethel, 
the  clause  being  the  object  of  -QT  (v.5)),  rather  than  to  Israel;^ 
it  has  the  tone  and  the  coloring  of  the  later  times.  By  thy 
God,  i.e.  by  his  help,  **  rather  than  to  thy  God,  ft  or  in  thy  God, 
i.e.  "  such  being  the  character  of  God,  who  lets  himself  be  won 
by  wrestling  prayer,  return  thou  to  thy  God  and  rest  in  him  "  ;  JJ 
but  none  of  these  explanations  is  wholly  satisfactory.  Cf.  Well- 
hausen's  suggestion  (v.s.),  thou  shalt  swear  (Gn.  2I23  Dt.  613  lo20). 
HaleVy  urges  in  defence  of  v.6  that  Hosea,  after  sharply  contrasting 
Israel's  present  dispirited  and  feeble  state  with  the  energy  and 
courage  of  their  early  days  (vs.4and5),  continues  in  v.6  by  assuring 
them  that  Yahweh  is  the  God  of  armies  and  is  able  to  defend 
the  weakest  against  the  strongest ;  therefore  they  should  call 
on  him  (reading  nbl,  imv.)  instead  of  appealing  to  outside 
nations.  —  Keep  kindness  and  justice']  In  relation  to  men,  cf. 

*  So  Sim.  ||  Hi.,  We.,  Now. 

t  So  We.,  Volz,  GAS.,  Now.  H  Ma.,  Hd.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Schm.,  GAS.,  etal. 

«.  BDB.  253 ;  cf.  Am.  9^-6  Is.  56.  **  Hi.,  GAS. 

§  Oort,  Val.  ft"  AV.,  RV.,  Sim.,  et  al.        %\  Che. 


xii.  5-7 

Ho.  4lf-  66  Am.  ^.10-12.  is ^__  And  wait  on  thy  God  without  ceasing] 
i.e.  cultivate  absolute  faithfulness,  cf.  n12  91  n7  y11.  Nowack 
calls  attention  to  the  difficulty  of  taking  v.7  as  an  address  to 
Israel,  and  suggests  that  were  such  the  case,  the  verse  must  be 
regarded  as  from  another  writer  than  the  author  of  46"6.  Ir 
favor  of  regarding  vs.46"7  as  a  later  addition*  he  urges  (i)  the 
poor  connection  between  4a  and  46;  (2)  the  extraordinary  re 
versal  of  the  historical  order  of  events  in  the  narrative  of  Jacob's 
life ;  (3)  the  bad  connection  of  v.6  with  v.5 ;  (4)  the  fact  that 
v.8  continues  the  thought  of  v.4a.  This  addition  was  occasioned 
by  the  fact  that  one  of  the  patriarchs  was  represented  in  the 
original  narrative  in  an  unfavorable  light,  altogether  at  variance 
with  the  ordinary  view  of  the  patriarchs.  Effort  has  been  made 
to  interpret  vs.1"7  as  a  unit,f  thus  :  Ephraim  on  account  of  his 
persistent  sins  is  threatened  with  punishment  from  Yahweh. 
His  ancestor  Jacob  should  be  his  example.  Jacob  sinned  once 
(vk.  J1323)  ;  but  afterwards  in  sorrow  and  anguish  he  returned  to 
God  (mtP  13'fcC),  who  received  him  graciously  and  promised  him 
aid  on  certain  conditions.  But  this  interpretation  implies  an 
unnatural  contrast  between  JB32  and  131XD. 

1.  ^33D]  On  extended  (or  uncontracted)  form  cf.  GK.  67  a.  — 11]  The 
possibilities  of  this  word  are  very  great  in  view  of  the  several  roots  from 
which  these  consonants  might  be  taken;  e.g.  m  (cf.  Ps.  1442  Is.  451),  mi 
(z'-.y.),  TV  (z>..y.),  in  (z'.-y.),  but  the  corruption  of  the  text  seems  certain. — 
Dv.SHp]  The  intensive  plural  Most  Holy  One,  H.  3,  2c;  GK.  124,6;  see 
especially  K6.  348  d\  cf.  263  dl  Chiastic  with  Ss'ap. —  psj]  Foil.  D^cnp  as 
predicate  of  min\ —  2.  Sav]  Or  iSor,  with  S  of  pers.;  cf.  Ps.  6830  7612;  for 
other  cases  of  final  i  connected  wrongly  with  following  word,  v.  Je.  2214,  i  ^iSn 
=  VJlSn;  I  S.  T421,  DJl  2'3D  =  DJ  13DD;  Je.  17",  tfSl  1B>?  =  N1?  IIP?;  cf.  Dr. 
Sm.  xxx  f.  —  3.  ipflSi]  Cf.  GK.  114/5  also  114  r-,  Ko.  413  v\  but  v.s. — 
4.  m-.:']  Only  here  and  Gn.  3229;  in  one  case  oy  is  the  preposition,  in  the 
other  nx.  On  the  connection  of  VNIP  with  this  root,  cf.  BDB.,  BSZ.;  Nestle, 

*  Cf.  We.3  (suspects  5-7),  Sm.  Rel.  215  (rejects  7),  Volz  (who  considers  *&-7  an 
archaeological  note  from  a  learned  reader),  Grimm  (who  rejects  *-"?  as  a  "  liturgical 
appendix"),  Wkl.  GL  I.  59  (makes  4-6  iate)f  Stark,  Studien  z.  Religions-  u. 
Sprachgeschichte  d.  A.  T.  II.  8  ff.  (rejects  46-7),  and  Luther,  ZAW.  XXI.  67 
(makes  5~7  late).  Marti  oin.  3 a.  5-7  as  iater  additions. 

t  Beer,  ZAW  XV.  28 iff.;   Procksch,  Geschichtsbetrachtung  u.  gcschichtlicfy 
Uberlieferung  bei  den  vorexil.  Proph.  (1902),  19-23. 


384  HOSE  A 

Isr.  Eigennamen,  60  ff.;  Gray,  Hebr.  Prap.  Names,  218;  Che.  EB.  2311; 
Dr.  DB.  II.  530.  —  5.  is»i]  Generally  treated  as  Qal.  impf.  of  tir,  a  cognate 
of  mir  (z/.j.) ;  GK.  72  ^.  The  prep.  •?«  is  hardly  appropriate,  and  in  view 
of  Gn.  3229  JIN  is  preferable  (v.s.t  We.).  —  Sri]  With  _  for  -i,  and  _  because 
of  Zaqeph  qaton ;  on  form,  GK.  69  r  \  cf.  53  u.  —  VNITO]  Ace.  of  place; 
K6.  330 /£. —  MNSC']  For  either  in  or  -u  (».J.)>  on  irnpf.,  K6.  157  £. — 
6.  mm]  This  i  is  almost  the  Arab,  waw  of  the  oath  (v.s.} ;  cf.  BDB.,  also 
H.  44,  I  dt  rm.;  Ew.8  §  340,  3.  —  '*  'Ss]  The  full  form  of  the  divine  title; 
cf.  Lohr,  Untersuch.  z.  B.  Amos,  39  ff.;  K6.  2952.  —  7.  mp]  For  the  use 
of  this  word  in  Psalms,  cf.  Ps.  27**  3734. 

8.  Canaan  /]  Strophe  2  begins  in  a  startling  fashion,  with  the 
derogatory  epithet —  Canaan*  The  thought  is  a  direct  contin 
uation  of  strophe  i  (1'4a) .  This  strophe  shows  no  recognition  of 
the  personal  story  of  Jacob  in  vs.13-46~7.  There  is  no  reason  for 
supposing,  as  does  Nowack,  that  after  4a  there  originally  existed 
a  line  or  sentence  which  explained  4a,  for  4a  needs  no  explanation ; 
it  is  on  account  of  its  perspicuity  and  suggestiveness  that  the  later 
writer  is  led  to  give  in  contrast  with  it  the  interesting  traditions 
which  point  to  another  conception  of  Jacob's  character.  V.8 
follows  4a  most  fitly.  Canaan  is  not  (i)  an  address,  direct  or 
indirect,  to  the  Canaanites  or  Phoenicians,  whose  reputation  for 
dishonesty  was  widely  known ;  f  nor  (2)  a  common  noun,  mer 
chant ;  I  but  (3)  a  proper  noun  used  as  a  figurative  epithet  for 
degenerate  Israel,  and  equivalent  to  merchant,  for  the  work  of 
merchandising  in  the  cities  had  been  in  the  hands  of  Canaanites 
so  long  that  "  Canaanite "  had  become  a  synonym  for  "  mer 
chant "  (Pr.  3i24  Jb.  4i6,  also  Zp.  i11  Ez.  iy4;  cf.  HW2  =  wares, 
Je.  io17).  In  the  same  way  "Chaldean"  and  "astrologer"  became 
synonymous.  To  be  rejected  are  (i)  the  making  of  JU33  an 
appositive  of  Ephraim  (v.9)  ;  §  (2)  its  treatment  as  a  vocative  ;  || 
in  favor  of  (3)  the  construction  as  an  independent  nominative  or 
accusative.  —  In  his  hand  are  false  balances,  he  loves  to  defraud~\ 
Cf.  Am.  26  85f .  aprb  (cf.  4a),  to  defraud,  should  be  readf  instead 
of  p^ub,  to  oppress,  since  the  latter  idea  is  not  under  consideration. 


*  On  the  etymological  meaning,  see  Moore,  PA  OS.,  1890,  pp.  Ixvii-lxx;   GAS. 
HG,  4f. ;   Buhl,  Pal.  $42;   M.  Jastrow,  Jr.,  art.  "Canaan,"  §6,  EB. 
t  Cf.  Odys.  XIV.  290,  291,  and  the  Latin  fides  Punica.  ||  Cal. 

J  8T,  Rashi,  Marck,  Ros.,  AV.  §  Bdckel.  H  We.,  Now. 


XII.  8-9 

The  second  line  (two  words)  seems  lacking  in  proportion,  the 
preceding  line  having  four  words ;  but  as  suggested  above,  this 
strophe  seems  to  have  the  elegiac  movement  (3  +  2) ;  it  is  surely 
an  elegy  in  its  tone.  —  9.  And  does  Ephraim  say,  Yes,  but  I 
have  become  rich;  I  have  secured  for  myself  wealth\  This  verse 
contains  (i)  Israel's  supposed  reply  to  the  charge  of  deceit 
and  dishonesty;  together  with  which  comes  (2)  Yahweh's  reply 
concerning  the  gains  thus  unrighteously  acquired ;  *  and  not  a 
continued  statement  by  Israel  that  his  wealth  will  not  be  reckoned 
as  sin.f  Israel's  reply  is  of  the  self-congratulatory  order,  and 
furnishes  his  defence  for  this  apparent  dishonesty  toward  God  and 
man  (cf.  Zc.  n5).  IJaiTl  =  and  has  Ephraim  said?  i.e.  a  con 
dition  (cf.  Ps.  io428ff-).  ^[K  is  not  asseverative  =  surely,  indeed  ;\ 
but  restrictive,  and  in  contrast  with  what  precedes  =  howbeit, 
still,  yes,  but,  with  something  of  astonishment  on  the  part  of  the 
speaker  that  such  charges  should  be  made.  §  Israel's  defence  is 
twofold :  (a)  I  am  prosperous,  that's  enough ;  (b}  I  have  obtained 
my  wealth  by  my  own  efforts,  and  neither  by  the  help  of  God  || 
nor  as  a  Canaanite  (trafficker),  cf.  Zc.  i421.  flK  (=  strength  v.4) 
must  here  be  taken  (cf.  b'n)  in  sense  of  "  wealth  "  (cf.  Jb.  2O10)  ; 
cf.  also  the  reading  ji.K,  idol,  of  U.  —  (Let  him  know)  that  all  his 
gains  are  insufficient  for  the  guilt  which  he  has  incurred^  This  ren 
dering  rests  on  (^  and  differs  from  $$(<&  in  (a)  substituting  1  (3d 
pers.)  for  ^  (ist  pers.)  ;  (b)  in  prefixing  the  preposition  b  to  J1I7 ; 
(<:)  in  reading  KBn,f  pf-  3  rn.  sg.,  for  Xttn.  1X2MT,  here  without 
the  "H  (sufficiency),  which  is  the  fuller  construction;  cf.  Lv.  i28 
252(!-28(with<n)  and  Ju.  2i14**Nu.  n22.tt  Cf.  also  the  interesting 
play  on  K¥&  between  9a  and  95.  f&Ql  has  been  rendered  (i)  all  my 
profits  shall  bring  me  no  iniquity  which  is  sin ;  \\  (2)  as  for  all 
my  profits,  etc.;  §§  (3)  they  will  not  find  in  all  my  profits,  etc.;  \  \ 
but  whatever  the  specific  rendering,  two  fatal  objections  present 
themselves  :  (a)  these  words  furnish  the  basis  of  v.10,  and  must 
be  a  part  of  the  divine  rejoinder,  not  the  continuation  of  Israel's 
defence,  and  must  have  the  tone  (as  these  do)  of  punishment ; 
(b)  there  is  implied  an  "unnatural  distinction  between  iniquity 

*  Cf.  Che.,  We.,  Now.,  Get.  II  We.,  Che.,  Now.  it  So  Wu. 

f  Cal.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Pu.,  Or.,  et  al.  **  So  BDB.,  and  GFM.  in  loc.  \\  Mau. 

t  Che.        §  Wii.        .   j|  AE.  ft  Also  Now.  |1||  AE. 
2C 


386  HOSEA 

and  sin."*  — 10.  For  I,  Yahweh~\  mrp  '33X  is  not  an  independent 
sentence,!  but  the  subject  of  "p^lK.  \ —  Thy  God  from  the  land 
of  Egypf}  Cf.  13*;  the  God  who  brought  you  up  out  of  Egypt, 
who  has  since  that  day  remained  the  same,  and,  therefore,  has 
given  no  just  cause  for  your  unfaithfulness.  —  Will  again  make 
thee  to  dwell  in  tents}  Is  it  a  promise  or  a  threat?  (i)  A  promise  § 
that  they  will  yet  be  delivered  out  of  the  degraded  and  dishonest 
national  life  of  the  present  into  the  pure,  simple,  and  beautiful 
life  of  primitive  times,  before  the  curse  of  civilization  had  pro 
duced  its  dire  results ;  i.e.  "  although  it  is  true  that  Israel  has 
incurred  condemnation,  I,  being  the  same  that  I  have  been  from 
the  beginning  of  their  history,  will  deliver  them,  and  cause  them 
to  renew  their  joy  before  me."  This  view  is  supported  (a)  by 
that  interpretation  of  iiJiia  ^'D  (#./.)  which  makes  it  represent  an 
occasion  of  joy ;  (<£)  by  the  absence  of  any  definite  reference  in 
this  verse  to  the  wilderness  ;  (^)  by  the  actual  case  of  the  Rechab- 
ites,  whose  ideal  it  was  thus  to  live  apart  from  civilization  (Je. 
356ff');  (^/)  by  the  fact  that  n11  may  be  interpreted  consistently 
with  this ;  (e)  by  the  combination  in  2  K.  i35  of  the  same  ideas ; 
viz.  deliverance  and  dwelling  in  tents.  ||  (2)  A  threat  ^[  that  they 
will  again  be  driven  away  from  home  and  compelled  as  in  the 
days  of  the  wilderness  to  live  in  tents ;  i.e.  a  wandering,  nomadic 
life.  Being  the  same  God  as  of  old,  he  will  now  punish  as 
he  punished  in  the  past  (Nu.  I426"30).  This  view  is  supported 
(a)  by  the  demands  of  the  context,  for  what  but  a  threat  could 
be  uttered  after  the  heartless  and  defiant  words  of  Israel  as  ex 
pressed  in  9a?  (b)  by  the  analogy  of  214,  which  is  unquestionably 
a  threat;  and  (c)  by  a  correct  understanding  of  ninfc  ^3  (#./.). 
The  evidence  clearly  favors  taking  the  statement  thus,  nor  is  it, 
as  has  been  suggested,  a  threat  with  an  indirect  promise  in  the 
far  distant  future,  an  idea  growing  out  of  the  analogy  of  the 
wilderness  followed  by  deliverance  ;  **  or  a  suggestion  that  Yahweh 
"  could  destroy  all  this  commercial  civilization  "  ;  ft  it  is  rather  the 
plain  and  definite  prediction,  in  language  borrowed  from  past 
history  and  used  figuratively,  of  certain  destruction.  —  As  in  the 

*  Che.  f  Wii.  +  Che.  §  Jer.,  Ki.,  Cal.,  Marck,  Hd.,  Pu.(  Marti. 

||  The  late  origin  of  2  K.  136  is  to  be  taken  into  consideration  ;  cf.  Benz.,  Kit.  in  loc. 
H  Grotius,  Dathe,  Ew.,  Umb.,  Or.,  We.,  Now.  **  Ke.  ff  GAS. 


xii.  io  38; 


days  of  the  festal  assembly}  This  phrase,  in  fE2E  *Wia  "ffO,  has 
received  widely  differing  interpretations  :  (i)  According  to  the 
appointed  days,  using  iina  as  an  appellative  =  an  adjective.* 
(2)  =  Feast  of  booths  (Lv.  2339-43;  cf.  i  K.  i232  Dt.  3i10),  the 
time  of  "ingathering"  (cf.  Ex.  2316).  The  significance  of  this 
feast  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  was  an  occasion  of  joy  and  thanks 
giving,  celebrating  the  completion  of  the  harvest,  and  as  such  it 
was  an  expression  of  the  characteristically  Canaanitish  idea  that 
the  deity  was  the  lord,  the  bdal  of  the  land  and  the  dispenser  of 
its  fruits.  The  dwelling  in  booths  is  explained  by  W.  R.  Smith 
as  occasioned  by  the  fear  that  the  house  and  its  contents  should 
become  taboo  and  unfit  for  ordinary  use.  through  contact  with 
the  consecrated  person  of  the  worshipper  during  the  progress  of 
the  feast  ;  while  Wellhausen  attributes  it  to  "  the  custom  of  the 
whole  household,  old  and  young,  going  out  to  the  vineyard  in 
time  of  harvest,  and  there  camping  out  in  the  open  air  under 
the  improvised  shelter  of  booths  made  with  branches."!  That 
the  feast  was  a  reminder  of  the  tent  life  of  early  days  is,  of  course, 
a  late  idea  (P).  Wellhausen's  objection  that  a  feast  character 
ized  by  unlimited  expressions  of  joy  would  not  be  appropriate 
to  the  wilderness  is  met  by  Cheyne's  statement  that  life  in  tents  in 
the  feast-time  was  a  matter  of  amusement,  out-of-door  sport  ;  but 
in  contrast,  Israel  will  be  compelled  so  to  live,  and  this  would  be 
another  matter.]:  (3)  A  national  feast,  §  i.e.  a  day  of  national 
assembling.  (4)  Days  of  appointed  season,  i.e.  festivals  (cf.  g5 
La.  27-22).  (5)  Although  the  real  wilderness-feast  was  the  Passover 
(Ex.  4s),  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  there  is  no  reference  to 
dwelling  in  tents  in  connection  with  the  Passover,  ||  and  nothing  is 
known  concerning  the  rites  of  this  feast.  In  view  of  the  difficulties 
involved  in  the  interpretation  of  fH&,  textual  changes  (v.s.)  have 
been  proposed,  e.g.,  (i)  Yet  shall  I  bring  thee  back  to  thy  God  in 
the  appointed  time  ;  f  (2)  as  in  the  days  of  thy  youth  ;  **  (3)  as 

*Ma. 

t  On  the  feast  of  booths  v.  Now.  Arch.  II.  150  ff.  ;  Benz.  art.  "Feasts,"  EB.\ 
WRS.  Sem.  note  K;  We.  Prol.  85,  and  my  Constructive  Studies  in  the  Priestly  Ele 
ment,  \\  96-106. 

%  Mich.,  Bauer;  also  Grotius,  Dathe  (although  regarding  it  as  a  threat  (shall 
I  longer  cause  them  to  dwell  in  booths  ?  )  ). 

§  Hi.  U  Cf.  We.,  Now.  \  Gardner.  **  We.s  ;  cf.  Perles. 


388  HOSEA 

in  the  days  of  old,*  cf.  nrrbv  DT21  ITHM  ^2,  217,  used  of  the 
times  of  the  wilderness,  and  note  the  full  significance  which  *w 
now  receives.  Wellhausen  says  that  vs.11- lz  belong  in  another  con 
text  and  that  there  is  no  connection  between  them.  The  latter 
part  of  his  statement  is  correct,  the  first  part  wrong.  G.  A.  Smith 
says  of  vs.11'15,  "  I  cannot  trace  the  argument  here."  Marti  treats 
vs>9 6-n.  13.14  as  iater  additions.  If  v.11  is  taken  as  introducing  a  new 
strophe,  to  be  followed  by  v.15  and  then  by  12  (v.13  being  placed 
before  46  and  v.14  being  regarded  as  a  later  addition  from  the  same 
hand  as  vs.13'46"7),  there  is  symmetry  of  artistic  form,  together 
with  regular  and  close  consecution  of  thought.  — 11.  And  I 
spake  by  the  prophets'}  As  so  frequently  (cf.  Am.  29ff-  Is.  chap.  5) 
the  prophet,  before  saying  the  last  word,  recalls  the  fact  that 
earnest  effort  has  been  put  forth  to  teach  Israel  the  right  things. 
This  is  a  new  thought  in  this  piece,  and  quite  appropriately 
introduces  a  new  strophe  ;  close  connection  with  either  10a  or 
106.  c  jg  not  to  be  expected  (cf.  on  the  contrary  Nowack).  TnaTi, 
perfect  with  waw  consecutive,  expresses  frequently  repeated 
action,  and  I  used  to  speak,  bv  means  by,  by  the  hand  of, 
through ;  f  no  good  reason  exists  for  substituting  b$ ;  I  cf.,  how 
ever,  2E  Dl?  and  (^  TT/OO?.  —  For  it  was  I  who  multiplied  vision 
and  by  the  hand  of  the  prophets  gave  parables~\  Special  em 
phasis  rests  on  "  I."  §  Parables,  i.e.  similitudes,  sometimes 
implied,  as  in  9™,  at  others,  definite,  74~7  Is.  51"7.  The  sug 
gestion  to  read  ||  ^K  n$-|$  (taking  DS  from  v.12,  JJE2T)  is 
favored  (a)  by  the  parallel  in  45 ;  (b)  by  the  non-occurrence 
of  the  absolute  meaning  use  parables  elsewhere  for  nisn,  (c)  by 
the  failure  of  DK  to  make  sense  at  the  beginning  of  v.12 ;  (d)  by 
the  meaning  of  126  which  requires  12a  to  be  absolute  and  not  con 
ditional  (cf.  68)  ;  (e)  by  the  easier  interpretation  of  rn  as  well  as 
imT  as  historical  perfects ;  and  (/)  by  the  fact  that  the  idea  of 
destruction  through  a  prophet  is  quite  a  common  one  (65);  but 


*  Gr.,  Now.          t  Cf.  Kno.  Prophetismus,  I.  201 ;  Ke.  in  loc.  J  Now.H 

§  On  visions,  cf.  Giesebrecht,  Die  Berufsbegabung  der  Alttest.  Propheten,  38-72 ; 
Duhm,  Theol.  86  ff . ;  Maybaum,  Die  Enhvickelung  d.  isr.  Proph.,  1-6;  Briggs, 
Mess.  Proph.  17  f. ;  Sm.  Rel.  82  ff. ;  K6.  Der  O/enbarungsbegriff  d.  A.  T.  II.  9-60; 
Borchert,  SK.  1895,  pp.  217  ff. ;  Kue.  Prophets  and  Prophecy  in  Isr.,  78-89 ;  Schultz, 
O.  T.  Theol.  I.  275-9,  281  ff.  ||  Oct. 


XII.  n,  i4-i5»  I2  389 

this  is  just  the  opposite  idea  from  that  which  the  prophet  is 
trying  to  express  (cf.  Ua-Ub)}  and  is  consequently  impossible. — 
14.  And  by  a  prophet  Yahweh  brought  Israel  up  from  Egypt ; 
and  by  a  prophet  he  was  shepherded^  With  v.12  following  v.15, 
and  v.13  transferred  to  precede  46,  we  have  next  v.14,  which  is 
a  later  insertion  intended  to  state,  still  more  fully  and  definitely 
than  Hosea  had  done,  how  Yahweh  had  made  use  of  prophets  in 
Israel's  instruction.  This  explains  why  in  v.11  the  ist  person  is 
used,  but  in  v.14  the  3d,  of  Yahweh.  In  this  verse,  naturally,  the 
idea  of  warning  (so  prominent  in  the  original  utterance)  is  absent. 
Although  X'23  is  indefinite,  only  one  prophet  is  in  mind,  Moses 
(cf.  Dt.  i818).  Nowack's  remarks  (p.  76,  foot)  are  no  longer  in 
place,  because  v.13  has  nothing  to  do  with  v.14.  It  is  possible  that 
"iBtW  had  a  subject  (e.g.  Jacob),  which  has  been  lost ;  the  short 
ness  of  the  line  is  noteworthy.  For  this  use  of  nattf,  cf.  Is.  2in 
626.  — 15.  Ephraim  has  given  bitter  provocation^  I  gave  Israel 
instruction  and  warning  in  every  possible  way  (v.11),  and  wnat  is 
the  result?  Ephraim  has,  by  his  conduct,  given  me  bitter  provoca 
tion  ;  literally,  he  has  provoked  bitterly,  no  object  being  expressed  \ 
cf.  i  K.  2 122  2  K.  2 16. — And  his  bloodshed  he  will  leave  upon  him] 
Nowack  *  is  in  error  in  demanding  for  tPiaj  the  meaning  to  sling, 
to  cast  down;  its  original  use  is  to  leave,  let  alone  (cf.  Ex.  23"  —  let 
the  field  lie  fallow ;  Nu.  n31,  and  left  (the  quails]  by  the  camp)  ; 
so  here  Yahweh  will  leave  f  upon  him  (Ephraim)  his  bloodshed, 
i.e.  his  guilt  for  the  acts  of  bloodshed,  of  whatever  form  (not, 
however,  in  connection  with  children  offered  to  Moloch  {)  which 
he  has  committed  (cf.  i4  42).§  — And  his  reproach  his  Lord  will 
return  to  him']  i.e.  Yahweh  will  repay  Israel  (cf.  Is.  6$7)  for  all 
reproach  brought  upon  him  (Yahweh),  i  in  in£"in  being  the  ob 
jective  genitive ;  ||  or  for  the  reproach  of  which  Israel  is  guilty,  1 
being  a  subjective  genitive  f  (just  as  1  in  the  parallel  phrase  ran). 
— 12.  In  Gilead  is  iniquity,  only  vanity  they  have  wrought~\  The 
text  is  again  corrupt.  With  DK  no  sense  can  be  made ;  perhaps 
we  may  read  2.**  After  the  analogy  of  bus  in  68  we  may  change 
vn  to  itw.ft  Only,  nought  but  (cf.  similar  force  in  Nu.  i22  Jb.  iQ13) 

*Also  Ew.,  Che.,  BSZ. 

t  Ke.,  Or.  (thrust  upon  him)  ;  GAS.,  p.  303,  seems  to  have  overlooked  this  word. 

J  Hi.          §  BDB.      ,    ||  Che.  U  Wiu,  Now.          **  &,  Now.          ft  We. 


390  HOSEA 

is  satisfactory,  and  the  proposed  change  of  "]H  to  P|K  *  is  unneces 
sary.  Gilead  is  singled  out,  as  in  68,  as  a  place  in  which  Israel's 
wickedness  has  especially  manifested  itself.  DK  of  jftOT  has  been 
taken  (i)  as  introducing  an  ironical,  or  rhetorical,  question,  Is 
there  iniquity  in  Gilgal  ?\  (2)  as  a  particle  of  asseveration  =  surely 
there  is  wickedness  in  Gilgal ;  \  (3)  as  a  conditional  particle,  = 
if  there  is  iniquity  in  Gilgal.  §  —  In  Gilgal  they  sacrifice  to  demons~\ 
Cf.  Dt.  3217  Ps.  io637.  tfivb  for  D'-nw  (v.s.),  the  b  having  been 
dropped  after  the  final  b  of  bib).  The  difficulty  with  $HE  is  || 
(i)  that  the  plural  of  nitP  appears  only  here;  (2)  that  the  sacri 
ficing  of  oxen  was  nothing  in  itself  reprehensible ;  (3)  if  the 
meaning  is  "sacrifice  to  oxen,"  we  should  expect  D'Tittf1?  or,  more 
in  accordance  with  prophetic  usage,  Ethtth  ;  and,  in  any  case,  the 
worship  of  the  calves  is  nowhere  else  mentioned  as  being  con 
ducted  at  Gilgal.  (§'s  D"Hi0  is  clearly  a  misreading  of  "i  for  i.  ^ 
The  ordinary  translations  have  been  either  (i)  they  sacrifice 
bullocks  in  Gilgal;  **  i.e.  they  insult  Yahweh  by  sacrificing  in 
connection  with  idolatrous  places  (cf.  415) ;  or  (2)  they  sacrifice 
to  the  bullocks  in  Gilgal, tt  but  nowhere  else  is  -ntr  used  of  the  calf- 
worship.  —  So  their  altars  shall  be  as  stone-heaps  among  the  fur 
rows  of  the  field~\  This  is  the  consequence  of  it  all  (cf.  Mi.  i6) 
—  a  scene  of  desolation.  The  fulfilment  is  seen  in  2  K.  I529, 
concerning  which  event  Tiglathpileser  himself  says  in  a  badly 
broken  passage,  "The  town  of  Gilead,  .  .  .  Abel  [beth  Maachah?] 
.  .  .  which  is  a  part  of  the  land  of  bit-Humri  {i.e.  Samaria]  .  .  . 
the  broad,  throughout  its  extent  I  added  to  the  territory  of 
Assyria;  and  established  my  officer  as  governor  over  them."  \\ 


8.  jyjD]  On  casus  pendens  as  a  genitive  attribute  of  the  following  clause, 
cf.  K6.  341  h.  —  PB^]  On  use  of  K,  H.  29,  4^  — 11.  "OJNI]  Peculiar  position, 
K6.  339  n.  — 12.  CN]  Retaining  £H£T,  K6.  (389  /)  makes  this  conditional  in 
form,  but  causal  in  force.  —  vm]  Dr.  (§  1367)  and  K6.  (415  c)  treat  this  as  an 

*We.  $  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Or. 

t  Cal.,  Pu.        t  Stuck,  Hd.  ||  Cf.  Now. 

If  On  demon-worship,  cf.  Di.  and  Dr.  on  Dt.  3217;  Gray,  art.  "  Demons,"  EB.\ 
Che.  on  Ps.  io637 ;  WRS.  Setn.,  v.  Index  ;  Baudissin,  Studien  zur  sem.  Rel.  1. 130-36. 

**  3T,  Ke.,  Wu.,  et  al.  ft  U,  Marck,  et  al. 

tt  Annals,  v.  III.  R,  10,  2,  Is.  17 ff. ;  cf.  KB.  II.  306°.;  KAT*  264^;  Dr.  in 
Hogarth's  Authority  and  Archaeology,  98  f. 


XII.  i2  39  r 

apodosis  expressing  certain  future.  —  -HIT]  On  absence  of  art.,  K6.  293  a.  — 
13.  na»N3]  A  good  example  of  the  2  of  price,  or  substitution,  K6.  3320.  — 
15.  onnon]  Adv.  ace.,  K6.  332  e\  on  pi.,  K6.  262/1 

§  17.  The  utter  destruction  of  Israel.  I31"11.  Israel  in  the 
days  of  old  stood  high  ;  but  they  sinned  and  died  ;  and  now  grow 
worse  and  worse  in  their  devotion  to  idols,  treating  them  as  gods 
(L2a-6)  •  therefore,  idolatrous  through  and  through,  they  shall  van 
ish  like  cloud  or  dew,  like  chaff  or  smoke  (2c-3).  It  was  I  who  res 
cued  them  from  Egypt  ;  they  have  had  no  other  god  or  saviour. 
It  was  I  who  cared  for  them  in  the  wilderness,  but  the  more 
prosperous  they  became,  the  farther  they  departed  from  me 
(4-6-6).  Therefore  I  will  destroy  them  as  if  I  were  a  wild  beast 
—  jackal,  or  leopard,  or  bear,  or  lion  (7-8).  In  this  impending 
calamity,  O  Israel,  who  will  help  you?  There  will  be  no  king  to 
save  you  ;  for  your  kings,  given  in  my  anger,  will  be  taken  away 
in  my  wrath  (9'11). 

The  unity  of  this  passage  is  evident;  its  symmetrical  structure  is  more 
than  usually  marked.  In  five  strophes  (8  +  6+8  +  6  +  8)  announcement 
is  made  of  absolute  destruction.  The  movement  is  trimeter,  with  occasional 
dimeters  and  tetrameters.  Strophe  I  contrasts  the  honored  Israel  of  the  past 
with  the  fallen  Israel  of  the  present,  all  on  account  of  faithlessness  to  Yahweh 
(vs.L2a-6).  Strophe  2  presents  a  picture  of  destruction,  —  an  utter  vanishing 
away,  consequent  on  Israel's  apostasy  (vs.2c-3).  Strophe  3  contrasts  Yah  weh's 
love  and  care,  as  manifested  in  their  past  history,  with  their  ungrateful  atti 
tude  of  neglect  and  forgetfulness  in  degree  proportionate  to  the  blessings 
granted  them  (vs.4-  5-  6).  Strophe  4  presents  a  second  picture  of  destruction  — 
a  horrible  devouring,  as  of  wild  beasts  (vs.7-8).  Strophe  5  announces  sternly 
that  no  deliverance  will  be  possible,  since  no  leaders  will  remain  to  guide 
them  (vs.9"11).  No  important  modifications  of  the  text  are  involved  in  this 
arrangement. 


1.  "1313]  ti§  Kara  rbv  \6yov  =  -ot:);  similarly  'A.  —  nm]  ©  8LKo.niifj.ara 
=  npn,  or,  better,  m  (Aramaic)  in  pi.  (Vol.);  S.,  6.  rp^^ov,  *A.  (ppiK-rjv; 
&  joci  Z|j  =  nrn  with  'SN  as  subj.  (Seb.).  Gr.  nrNt(?).  Oort  (TAT.  and 
Em.}  and  Val.  njn.  Hal.  npn.  —  X'^j]  g?  \£>i  jooio  =  [n"n]Nin  x^>j  (Seb.); 
similarly  {£.  Read,  with  g>  and  Oort,  N'frj  (so  We.,  Gr.,  Val.,  GAS.,  Now., 
Oct.).  Oort  (Em.}  and  Marti,  xis>j  —  xin]  Gr.  n->n(?).  —  DBWI]  <£  /cat  e0ero 
avrd  =  D^Sr-1)  (Vol.).  —  PCM]  Gr.  BIDM.  —  2.  nnj?]  @  om.  —  ojnro]  ©  /car' 
cli<6va;  U  quasi  similitudinem  ;  &  ^pcnZaitf^o  =  an^ro  (Seb.);  cf.  ST.  One 
cod.  of  de  R.  onjuna.  Oort  (  Th  T.  and  Em.}t  foil.  @,  nj-ionr  (so  Gu.,  Loft.)  or 


392  HOSEA 

n"jana.  Ew.  aruan:>  (so  Gr.,  GAS.,  Oct.,  Now.2).  Hal.  nyiana.  Read,  with 
We.,  Val.,  Now.1,  an:icn2. —  nVa]  (JH  <rvvTeTe\c(rfj.tva  =  n^p;  <&  om.  Several 
codd.  of  Kenn.  and  de  R.  '^,  and  6  cocld.  of  Kenn.  asr  (so  Loft.,  Hal.). — 
on1']  ©  joins  with  preceding.  Read,  with  Sta.  (ZAW.  III.  12;  so  Briill, 
Jahrb.  f.  jiid.  Gesch.  u.  Lit.  (1883);  Gr.),  D^N,  or,  with  Now.  and  We.3, 
insert  avi^N  before  an*?. —  ^nai]  ©  duo-are  =  mar;  S.  0u<rid<raTe;  U  immolate. 
'\  is  perhaps  a  fragment  of  an  original  line,  B^u51?  a^nar  a>?  (v.i.}.  Gr.  "ru',-(?). 
Ru.  <rnr,  to  be  taken  with  cnrx,  which  is  to  be  rendered,  they  assign.  —  D^N] 
Duhm  {Theol.  132),  at(?). —  ppS"]  ©  e/cXeXoi7ra<nj/,  with  'J>  as  subj.;  proba 
bly  derived  from  pair  (Vol.);  U  ador antes ;  Q.  Trpoo-KW-^creTe; 
—  3.  "%'D11]  Oort,  I>CP  (so  Gr.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).  —  naiXD]  © 

•  p    y 

=  na-wD  (Vol.) ;  A.  dirb  KarapaKTOv;  &  fZoa  ^^-  —  4.  -pn^N]  Foil,  this 
©  inserts:  "the  one  establishing  the  heavens  and  creating  the  earth,  whose 
hands  created  all  the  host  of  the  heavens,  and  I  did  not  show  them  to  thee  in 
order  that  thou  mightest  follow  after  them;  and  I  led  thee,"  etc.  On  basis  of 
©  and  &  insert  "priNXin  -c\s;  cf.  Oort  (£;;/.),  who  inserts  -pr^n  (cf.  I210).  — 

5.  Tr^~p]  Read,  with  ©,  €iroi(j.aiv6v  ere,  -]VT>;n  (so  «&,  Seb.,  We.,  Gr.,  Gu.,  Loft., 
GAS.,  Marti);    cf.   &.  —  n«a]    Now.  and   Oct.  insert  "pr.-jn    before  'Na. — 
niasSn]  ©dot/c^ry;  U solitudinis ;  &  ^O2L*  P?  UN^^,  "a  double  rendering, 
the  latter  being  a  gloss  from  the  Alexandrine  transl."  (Seb.).     Gr.  r^ri. — 

6.  Dn-'jnEa]    ©  /card  rds  vo/Aas  (S.  sg.)  afouis;   &  ^aJ|  ^*^9o.     Oort  (7^71 
and  Em.*),  an^no,  joining  it  with  v.5.     We.,  Now.,  and  Marti,  am>-o.     Gr. 
angina.    Hal.  on^  "IDS.  —  i;'a'^]  <S  om.;  ©  ei's  -rrXecrnovriv.    Read,  with  Oort, 
Vor  (cf.  (5);  Oort  offers  an  alternative,  yaii*1?.  —  aaV]  ©  pi.  —  7.  TUVI]   ©  KO.I 
ecroyucu  =  n;nNi  (so  also  We.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).     Gr.  and  GAS.  \HNI.  —  -IV^N] 
Read,  with  ©,  'A(r<rvplui>,  -VHS'K  (so  5F,  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.).     Briill,  Gr., 
Meinhold,  Now.2,  and  Marti,  npiPN  (cf.  Je.  5°).     Hal.  anrx.  — 8.  SID'J']  Oort, 
foil.  ©  and  U,  n1?^^.  —  D^DNI]    @   /cat  Karafidyovrai  auroi/s  =  a^xi  (so  also 
Oort,  7% 7*.  and  Em.;  Gu.,  Now.,  Marti).    &  ^ospo  =  a^as>i  or  cSpxi  (Seb.), 
with  N-aS  as  subj.  — Dw']  Meinhold,  Now.2,  and  Marti  om.  —  N>aS:>j  ©  O-KV/ULVOI 
dpvfjwv  =  NjaS?  (Aramaicizing,  Cappellus),  or  NoS  (Schleusner),  or  an^aa  (so 
also  Oort,  Th  T.  and  Em. ;   Gu.,  Now.),  or  njr  ^-vsr  (Oct.,  Marti) ;   &  om.  a.  — 
9.  One  cod.  of  de  R.  om.  v.9.  —  -prv.:']   Read,  with  (&,  ry  dicupOopq,  vov,  ^rnv? 
(so  GAS.);    IS  perditio  tua ;   &  ^AvTo^      Val.  r^nnc?  (so  Gu.,  Now.,  Oct., 
Hal.,  Marti).     Gr.  *]nncja.  — "prpa  ^a  ^a]    One  cod.  of  Kenn.  om.  >a.     ©  T£J 
Po7)9riffei  =  ["i]-i?yi  >D  (so  also  Oort,  7J471.  and  Em.',    Gr.,  Val.,  Gu.,  GAS., 
Now.).      Read,  with  5,  yjf^l   aUe,  ri^^a   ^,  cf.  Ps.  ii87  (so  also  Seb., 
Scholz,  Dr.  Exp.  3d  ser.  V.  260  f.;    Hal.).     13  may  be  taken  as  a  remnant  of 
•OJN  (cf.  Now.).     Oct.  rpjpa  •>£  (cf.  Marti,  ^irya  >n  -o).  — 10.  VN]  Read,  with 
CIJ$,  ^^N  (so  most  comm.).  —  NMCN]  ^  oSros.  —  Saa]  5»  =  ^21  (so  also  Houtsma, 
We.;   Oort,  TAT.  and  Em.;   Val.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti),      it  <r/  in 
omnibus.      Gr.  Sa^.  —  T"*"]    Gr.  ynx.      Houtsma,  ri^.ty  (so  Oort,  Th  T.  and 
Em.;    We.,  Val.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,   Marti).  —  I^OE'I]    @    Kpivdrv  <re 

(Vol.);    £  sg.;  so  Arab,  and  some  codd.  of  de  R.     Read,  with 


xili.  i  393 

Houtsma,  qitos^'i  (so  Oort,  ThT.  and  Em.\  We.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Marti). 
Val.  and  Oet.  rjyjncM.  Gr.  qto-Vkpi.  Hal.  transposes  to  precede  "jnj?  Sj3. 
—  mcx  ntrN]  j$  Zp^jo  ^JA^jLt/9  =  mDNi  >JCD  r^Nir  (Seb.).  — 

=  sg.  —  11.   JHN]    <@   KCU  e5a>/ca  (=JDNI);    so  j§.  —  npNi]    j§ 
et  habuisti.  —  ^m2jn]    IL  z'«  impetu  tuo. 


XIII.  1.  W%<?#  Ephraim  used  to  speak,  men  trembled~\  The 
many  interpretations  of  this  line  may  be  classified  in  three  lists  : 
(i)  Those  which  make  nm  an  apodosis,  following  the  tem 
poral  clause  expressed  by  an  infinitive  with  a  preposition,  "  When 
Ephraim  spoke  (or  used  to  speak,  referring  to  the  time  of 
Ephraim's  prosperity,  e.g.  in  the  time  of  the  judges*),  there 
was  trembling,"  f  i.e.  respect  for  him,  reverence  in  his  pres 
ence  ;  cf.  Is.  5215.  (2)  Those  in  which  nm  as  an  infinitive  or 
participle  (nrh)  is  made  to  modify  the  infinitive  "Dl  as  an 
object  or  adverbial  accusative,  the  next  line  serving  as  apodo 
sis.  Here  belong  the  renderings  :  "  When  Ephraim  spake  stam- 
meringly,"  \  or  "  spake  confusion,  ambiguously,  etc."  §  (i.e.  when 
Jeroboam  introduced  the  calf-worship)  ;  "  when  Ephraim  spake 
trembling"!  (i.e.  humbly);  "when  Ephraim  spake  of  revolt"! 
(i.e.  alarm,  uproar,  the  opposite  of  DlbtP).  (3)  Those  in  which 
change  of  text  has  been  suggested  for  nm  (v.s.),  e.g.  "judg 
ment,"  or  "decree,"**  "truth,  "ft  "  knowledge,"  JJ  "terror."  §§ 
Nowack's  statement  that  (i)  is  grammatically  impossible,  and 
is  devoid  of  good  meaning,  is  too  strong.  It  furnishes  a  fair 
meaning,  and,  although  unusual,  is  permissible  ;  cf.  Gn.  47  (if 
nxt?  be  correct  •  cf.  Gunkel).  —  He  was  a  prince  in  Israel^  Read 
ing  K^  for  KtT3  of  fH&.  By  some  this  is  made  (v.s.)  the  apodo 
sis  of  the  preceding  line,  e.g.  "  when  he  exalted  himself  in  Israel  " 
(i.e.  made  effort  to  get  the  ascendancy;  ||  ||  or,  "they  rose  to  the 
exalted  position  which  their  prophet-ancestors  foreshadowed,"  cf. 
Gn.  4922~261H[)  ;  by  others,  as  a  parallel  line,  whether  used  in  the 
good  ***  or  bad  ttt  sense.  Upon  the  whole,  it  seems  clear  that  these 
lines,  in  contrast  with  the  following  (cf.  nni?,  v.2),  describe  Ephraim 

*  Hi.        f  Cal.,  Bauer,  Hi.,  Sim.,  Or.,  GAS.,  Marti.         J  Mich.         §  Ma. 
||  Pococke,   Pu.  ;    cf.   Che.   "  when   the   Ephraimites  in   trembling  accents   re 
sponded  to  the  divine  call  (215),  etc." 

IT  Ew.  ft  Gr.  §$  Hal.  UU  Che.  fit  Ma.,  Ew. 

**ffi.  JJOort.  (HI  Hi.  ***Or. 


394  HOSEA 

in  the  glory  of  his  past,  before  his  fall,  —  a  time  when  he  needed 
only  to  speak  to  produce  awe  among  his  fellow-tribes,  —  when  he 
stood  highest  in  the  nation,  the  prince.  This,  in  the  prophet's 
mind,  was  either  in  the  days  of  the  judges  (Ju.  8lf>  I21),  or  in 
those  of  Jeroboam  I.  when  the  people  took  a  retrograde  step  in 
religion ;  or  he  refers  more  indefinitely  to  the  general  position 
always  occupied  in  the  past  by  Ephraim,  as  shown  in  its  furnishing 
leaders  like  Joshua  and  in  its  acknowledged  supremacy  through 
out  its  history.  —  Then  he  became  guilty  through  Baal,  and  died~\ 
On  DttK,  cf.  io2.  Ephraim  became  guilty  through  accepting  Baal- 
ideas,  and  thus  contaminating  the  purer  form  of  his  earlier  reli 
gion.  This  corruption  came  about  when,  giving  no  heed  to  the 
spiritual  conceptions  of  the  prophets,  they  devoted  themselves  to 
the  realistic  worship  of  Yahweh  in  accordance  with  rites  borrowed 
from  their  Canaanitish  neighbors  (213  16).  He  died,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  in  so  far  as  it  concerned  his  place  in  the  progress 
of  religious  thought  (cf.  Pr.  9"  i  Tim.  56).  Each  step  in  this 
direction  was  a  step  nearer  death  as  a  nation.  Ephraim,  in 
Hosea's  time,  had  been  dying  for  a  long  time.  The  moment  of 
actual  death  was  now  not  far  distant.  Such  was  early  Israel  and 
later  Israel.  —  2.  And  now  they  continue  to  sin\  The  Israel  of  the 
prophet's  time  is  no  better ;  they,  too,  sin ;  in  fact,  they  continue 
to  sin ;  they  keep  up  the  national  retrogression.  And  then  the 
prophet  gives  in  detail  the  several  actions  which  constitute  this 
sin.  Two  quite  distinct  cults  are  here  treated  as  one,  the  Baal- 
cult  and  the  image-cult.  —  And  they  make  for  themselves  molten 
gods  from  their  silver]  As  early  as  in  the  smaller  book  of  the 
Covenant  (Ex.  3417)  there  had  been  prohibition  of  the  "  molten 
gods."  In  Isaiah's  time  (2®)  the  land  came  to  be  full  of  idols, 
and,  in  the  later  days  of  Isaiah,  Hezekiah  (2  K.  i84)  undertook  to 
root  them  out.  The  history  of  the  relation  of  the  prophets  and 
sages  to  the  image  worship  is  a  most  interesting  one.  This  pas 
sage  is  one  of  the  earliest  in  the  long  list  of  such  utterances.*  It 
is  always  to  be  remembered  that  the  stage  of  image  worship  in 

*  Cf.  George  F.  Moore,  arts,  on  "  Idol  "  and  "  Idolatry  and  Primitive  Religion," 
EB.  2146-58 ;  P.  Scholz,  Gotzendienst  und  Zauberwesen  bei  den  alien  Hebrdern  und 
den  benachbarten  Volkern  (1877)  ;  Baudissin,  Studien  zur  Sem.  ReL  I.  84;  WRS. 
Sent.  204. 


XIIL  i-2  395 

the  development  of  religion  is  a  late  one.  With  the  attitude 
of  the  Hebrew  prophets  towards  image  worship,  and  the  actual 
historical  results  of  that  attitude,  may  be  compared  the  similar 
attitude  of  the  earliest  Greek  philosophers,  together  with  the  lack 
of  any  such  results.*  —  Idols  according  to  their  own  model~\  Read 
ing  dn:i&n3.  fE2T  "  understanding,"  if  retained,  must  be  under 
stood  as  used  sarcastically.  5$,  "  according  to  their  figure,"  and 
(§F2T  favor  the  rendering  adopted  above.  Other  readings  (v.s.) 
vary  but  slightly.  —  Smiths'  work,  all  of  it~\  This  is  the  point  of 
real  importance  ;  there  is  nothing  divine  about  it  ;  the  whole 
affair  is  human.f  —  To  such  they  say  :  O  God~\  DVlbK  is  to  be 
read  either  as  a  substitute  J  for  Dnb,  or  directly  before  Dnb.  § 
This  seems  necessary  to  meet  the  requirements  of  IISK,  and  is 
justified  by  the  similarity  of  the  letters  in  Dfib  and  Dv6x. 
Others  reach  the  same  result  by  allowing  D'HiaK  to  stand  with 
out  an  object  (cf.  Ps.  45)  ;  e.g.  "  to  such  they  speak  !  "  ||  while 
ordinarily  these  words  have  been  closely  connected  with  the  fol 
lowing  clause  :  e.g.  "  to  even  these  speak  men  who  sacrifice, 
etc.,"  1  or  "  they  say  to  one  another  while  they  sacrifice,  etc."  ** 
This  statement  concerning  the  ascription  of  deity  to  human  handi 
work  is  the  climax  in  the  prophet's  representation  of  Ephraim's 
sin.  What,  indeed,  could  be  more  heinous?  With  this  the  stro 
phe  closes.  Those  interpretations  which  join  with  this  line  those 
that  follow  fail  to  show  a  correct  understanding  of  the  logical 
structure  of  the  piece.  —  With  a  people  sacrificing  to  demons'] 
fH3T  is  impossible.  Since  ppttT1  tfbso  D1K  furnishes  an  admirable 
meaning,  and  complies  with  the  demands  of  the  measure,  it  is  to 
be  accepted.  ft  This  leaves  TOT  as  the  only  fragment  of  a  com 
plete  line  requiring  three  words.  The  meaning  of  this  last  line 
must  have  been  synonymous  with  that  of  the  line  beginning  with 
D"!K.  In  view  of  the  parallelism  thus  required,  and  of  1  2",  I  ven 
ture  to  suggest  D'ntfb  BTQt  D17.  It  was  easy  for  Dtf  to  have  dropped 
out  when  note  is  made  of  the  several  preceding  words,  ending  in 
D11—  and  dfi_  ;  furthermore,  D'HtP1?  precedes  a  word  not  dissimilar 
in  form,  D1K.  Perhaps  little  can  be  said  for  this  conjecture,  but 


*  Welcker,  Griechische  Cotter  lehre,  II. 

t  Marti  om.  the  phrase  n^  .  .  .  QDOOD  as  a  later  substitute  for  the  original  text. 

+  Sta.,  Briill,  Gr.      §  We.,  Now.      |J  Che.,  GAS.     H  Ew.     **  Cal.      ft  So  Ru. 


396  HOSEA 

certainly  as  much  as  for  the  many  efforts  hitherto  made  to  meet 
the  difficulties  in  this  passage.  Some  of  these  are:  (i)  "they 
say  to  one  another,  sacrifices  of  men,  let  them  kiss,  etc. ;  "  *  i.e. 
the  absurdity  of  sacrificing  men  and  worshipping  calves  is  derided. 
(2)  "  Those  among  men  who  sacrifice,  let  them  kiss  the  calves,"  | 
this  construction  being  similar  to  that  found  in  Is.  2^  Jb.  3I27  Mi.  55 
i  K.  i918.  In  the  latter  case,  the  emphasis  rests  upon  the  absurdity 
involved  in  human  beings  paying  homage  to  calves.  Ewald's  con 
nection  of  these  words  with  those  preceding  is  interesting ;  viz.  to 
even  these  speak  men  who,  etc. ;  cf.  also  Keil's  discussion.  Con 
cerning  the  first  of  these  general  interpretations,  it  is  to  be  said 
that  (a)  calf-worship  and  human  sacrifice  were  never  combined  ; 
(b)  human  sacrifice  did  not  exist  in  Israel  until  much  later  than 
Hosea's  time,  J  viz.  that  of  Ahaz  ;  (c)  this  erroneous  interpretation 
originated  with  (£,  and  has  influenced  commentators  up  to  modern 
times  ;  (d)  the  prophet  would  hardly  have  treated  human  sacri 
fice  in  such  a  fashion.  Concerning  the  second  interpretation,  it 
is  to  be  said  that  (a)  the  passages  cited  are  not  satisfactory 
analogies,  and  (b)  the  awkwardness  of  the  expression,  thus  inter 
preted,  is  very  great.  §  Concerning  both  interpretations,  it  may 
be  said  that  (a)  no  adequate  sense  is  conveyed ;  (f)  the  paral 
lelism,  elsewhere  scrupulously  observed,  is  ignored ;  (c)  the  de 
mands  of  the  strophic  structure  are  not  met  (cf.  Ruben  and 
Duhm  ;  v.s.).  ||  —  With  men  kissing  calves~\  A  second  circumstan 
tial  clause  strictly  parallel  with  the  preceding  one.  For  various 
interpretations,  v.s.  The  kiss  was  a  token  of  homage  or  adora 
tion,  and  is  referred  to  in  the  case  of  kings  (Ps.  212),  and,  as  here, 
idols  (i  K.  i918  Jb.  3 127) .11"  From  the  last  passage,  we  learn  that 
it  was  customary  to  kiss  the  hand  towards  the  idol.  —  3.  There 
fore  they  shall  be  like  the  morning  cloud,  and  like  the  dew  that 
early  passes  away~\  A  repetition,  word  for  word,  of  646  (v.s.),  but 


*  Y,  Rashi,  Theod.,  Jer.,  Cal.,  Mich.,  Stuck,  Schro.,  Umb.,  Hi.,  Wu.,  BDB. 

f£,  AV.,  RV.,  Ki.,  Marck,  Ma.,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Eich.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,Che., 
GAS.,  We.,  Now. 

J  On  human  sacrifice,  v.  Kamphausen,  Das  Verhaltnis  d.  Menschenopfers  z.  isr. 
Rel. ;  on  Molech-worship,  v.  arts.  "  Molech"  in  DB.  and  EB.  \  Cf.  Or. 

||  Cf.  Marti's  suggestion  to  (i)  om.  'CN  cns  CMSS  as  a  gloss,  thus  leaving  an 
DIN  TI3T,  they  are  sacrtficers  of  men,  as  the  original  text;  or  (2)  point  -*"!?«,  i-e- 
they  are  Amorites,  sacrificers  of  men.  H  Cf.  We.  SK.  III.  105. 


XIIL  2-5  397 

this  is  no  ground  for  omitting  it  here,  as  is  done  by  Nowack. 
The  quadruple  figure  (cf.  the  following)  is  very  striking.  These 
lines,  moreover,  are  demanded  to  complete  the  structure  of  the 
strophe.  —  Like  the  chaff  which  whirleth  up  from  the  threshing- 
floor]  Cf.  Is.  I7134i15£>  Ps.  i4.  The  threshing-floor  was  usually 
situated  on  an  eminence  which  the  wind  would  easily  strike  (cf. 
i  S.  i922  (@)  2  S.  2418  2  Ch.  31).*  The  active  form,  fH£  -irb% 
is  satisfactory,  and  need  not  be  changed  to  the  passive  (v.s.}. 
—  And  like  smoke  from  the  window"]  HSHK,  used  of  the  win 
dows  of  heaven,  whence  comes  rain  (Gn.  y11  2  K.  72>19  Mai.  310), 
occurs  also  of  the  openings  of  a  dove-cote  (Is.  6o8),  of  the  eyes 
(Ec.  i23)  ;  and  here,  of  the  latticed  opening  or  window  through 
which  smoke  escapes.  The  comparison  is  not  found  elsewhere. 
The  strophe,  as  a  whole,  is  very  strong.  This  people,  sacrificing 
to  demons  and  kissing  calves,  shall  become  nothing,  just  like  the 
cloud,  the  dew,  the  chaff,  and  the  smoke.  —  4.  And  it  was  /,  the 
Lord  thy  God,  who  brought  thee  up  from  the  land  of  Egypt^]  i.e.  I 
do  not  forget,  in  thus  threatening  total  extinction,  that  it  was  I 
who  brought  them  into  existence  as  a  nation.  For  other  refer 
ences  among  the  prophets  to  the  Egyptian  residence,  cf.  215  93 
li1  Am.  210  31  97  Mi.  64  Is.  io26  n16,  etc.  Who  brought  thee  up  is 
from  &  and  (£.  (§  inserts  much  additional  material  after  thy  God 
(zu1.). —  And  a  god  besides  me  thou  knowest  not~]  Cf.  Dt.  3212. 
The  meaning  becomes  clearer  from  the  parallel  line ;  it  is  God 
as  saviour,  deliverer,  that  is  meant;  i.e.  Israel  has  received 
no  favors  from  any  other  god.  It  may  not  be  assumed  that 
Hosea  believed  in  the  existence  of  only  one  God.  At  all  events, 
this  expression  does  not  show  this.  He  says,  however,  that  no 
other  god  has  exerted  his  power  on  behalf  of  Israel.  —  Nor  has 
there  been  a  saviour  except  me]  A  poetic  parallel  of  the  preceding 
line.  —  5.  //  was  I  who  shepherded  thee  in  the  wilderness^  This 
reading  follows  (§  and  %  (v.s.) .  It  was  I  who  knew  thee  (cf.  Am.  32 
Is.  583  Na.  i7  Ps.  7311  i443)  is  a  common  expression  =  show  favor, 
cf.  Ps.  i6;  but  its  use  of  Israel  in  the  preceding  line  seems  to 
justify  this  slight  change  of  text.  This,  too,  seems  to  be  presup 
posed  in  v.6.  Nowack  allows  /  knew  thee  to  remain  in  this  line, 

*  Cf.  Now.  Arch.  I.  232;  Benz.  Arch.  209;  DB.  I.  50;  EB.  BaL 


398  HOSEA 

and  supplies,  for  the  sake  of  the  parallel,  /  shepherded  thee,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  next  line.  —  In  the  land  of  drought'}  Cf.  Dt.  815. 
rmxbn,  drought,  occurs  only  here  (v.i.).  —  6.  {But)  when  they  fed, 
they  filled  themselves  full~]  This  reading  connects  cisttf  (for  linttf) 
with  the  preceding  verb,  as  a  strengthening  infinitive  absolute.  So 
bounteous  was  the  supply  furnished  that  Israel,  although  filling 
himself  to  the  full,  failed  to  recognize  the  source  of  the  supply 
(2*  47  lo1;  cf.  Dt.  8llf-  3I20  321518).  This  is  expressed  most 
pathetically  in  the  next  line  :  And  their  heart  was  lifted  up  ;  con 
sequently  they  forgot  me~\  The  history  is  thus  epitomized  of  the 
evil  results  which  often  flow  from  prosperity;*  cf.  814  Is.  iv10. 
—  7.  And  so  I  will  be  to  them  like  a  lion]  Because  they  have 
forgotten  me  in  the  pride  of  their  heart,  I  will  treat  them  as 
a  lion  treats  his  prey;  cf.,  for  a  similar  expression,  5".  Some 
prefer  to  render  /  have  become,  with  reference  to  the  fact  that 
the  punishment  has  already  been  inflicted  (78"10),  but  (§  has  the 
future ;  the  imperfect  with  waw  consecutive  may  =  prophetic 
perfect,  or  the  word  may  be  pointed  (v.s.)  .T.n^l.  —  Like  a  leop 
ard  on  the  way  to  Assyria~\  If  mtPK  is  pointed  as  in  |H&,  Yahweh 
is  represented  as  concealed  upon  the  way,  ready  to  jump  or  leap 
uponf  (cf.  Je.  526,  but  this  is  doubtful })  the  passing  traveller.  § 
According  to  &&  and  F,  some  Mss.  and  certain  editions  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible  (v.i.),  the  word  should  be  pointed  lltfK,  and  be 
rendered  "  to  Assyria."  ||  Cheyne's  objection  to  this  translation, 
that "  the  prophet  has  now  to  deal  with  the  disease  itself,  not  with 
a  mere  symptom,"  seems  hardly  to  meet  the  case.  With  "  on  the 
way  to  Assyria  "  may  be  compared  the  more  common  treatment 
of  niBDtP  "pi  (69).  The  strongest  argument  for  treating  "WK  as  a 
verb  is  the  parallelism ;  but  (v.s.)  the  meaning  required  here  is 
hardly  to  be  derived  from  "W,  and  besides,  ntf  (v.8)  seems  to 
require  something  more  definite  than  "pi  hv.  —  8.7  will  fall 
upon  them  like  a  bear  robbed  of  its  young]  Cf.  La.  3™  2  S.  i  f.  — 
And  will  tear  the  enclosure  of  their  hearts']  i.e.  the  breast.  —  And 
there  I  will  devour  them  like  a  lion]  v.s.  for  the  various  sugges 
tions  for  (g>.  Evidently  the  line  was  treated  by  (£  like  the  following 

*  Marti  om.  66  as  a  gloss.  J  Cf.  Giesebrecht  and  Duhm  in  loc. 

t  So  GAS.  I.  p.  305,  note  4.  §  So  Ew.,  Hd.t  Sim.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or.,  GAS. 

||  So  Stuck,  Hi.,  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  Get. ;  cf.  de  Rossi's  Mss.  (16). 


xiii.  6-io  399 

line,  "  and  lions  shall  devour  them,"  the  personal  "  I  "  being  aban 
doned.  —  While  wild  beasts  tear  them~\  A  circumstantial  clause.  — 
9.  /  am  thy  destruction,  O  Israel.  Yea,  who  is  thy  help  .?]  This 
reading  is  gained  by  two  slight  changes  in  the  text  (v.s.).  inntP 
may  be  pointed  so  as  to  be  read  as  perfect  $d  masc.  "he  has 
destroyed  thee  ";  *  or  perfect  ist  sg.  "  I  have  destroyed  thee,"  or 
"  I  destroy  thee."  f  It  has  also  been  taken  as  a  noun  with  2d 
person  suffix  "  thy  destruction  =  thou  hast  destroyed  thyself,"  |  or 
with  the  following  'D  as  a  remnant  of  'D3K  (cf.  Nowack),  "I  am 
thy  destruction."  Still  another  group  of  interpreters  have  made 
the  following  clause  the  subject ;  §  viz.  "  it  has  destroyed  thee,  that 
(thou  art)  against  me,  etc."  (v.t.).  According  to  Kimchi  it  is 
the  calf  which  has  wrought  the  destruction.  Upon  the  whole,  the 
ist  person  is  to  be  preferred  as  continuing  the  person  already  in 
use.  The  perfect  is  prophetic.  The  logical  relationship  of  this 
clause  is  thus  clear :  when  I  destroy  thee,  as  I  am  now  about  to 
do,  who  then  is  to  be  thy  help?  ("a  for  "D ;  v.s.).  ^  may  be 
taken  (v.s.)  for  ^K,  or  as  the  particle  of  asseveration,  yea,  then  ; 
&  and  S?  are  so  clear  on  this  reading  that  we  may  not  doubt  it.|| 
Oettli's  pointing  Tlft  "tnv  helper,"  does  not  affect  the  sense. 
2  =  "  in  the  capacity  of"  or  "  in  the  character  of,"  the  so-called  2 
essentiae.^  Ewald's  translation,  "that  (thou)  to  me,  (i.e.  to  thy 
help  !)  becomest  unfaithful "  (these  last  words  to  be  supplied,  the 
abruptness  being  attributed  to  the  "  laboring  voice,  interrupted  by 
sobs"),  is  an  interesting  but  ineffectual  effort  toward  the  recon 
struction  of  this  sentence.  The  verse,  as  read  above,  is  strictly 
in  accord  with  the  context.  Who  is  to  help  thee  ?  (cf.  Ex.  i84: 
for  the  God  of  my  father  was  my  help,  lit.  was  in  or  as  my  help). 
No  one.  — 10.  Where  is  thy  king  now  ?]  Reading  ,TK  for  TIN 
(v.s.)**  The  renderings,  "  I  will  be  thy  king,"  ft  "  Woe  to  thy 
king,"  ||  do  not  accord  with  what  follows.  The  question  calls  for 
a  negative  answer ;  this,  however,  does  not  mean  that  Israel's 


*Cal.,  Che.,  GAS.  t  &,  Bauer,  Now.,  Oct.,  Hal.  J  Hd. 

§  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Or.,  RV. 

||  Dr.  (Exp,  3d  ser.  V.  260  f.)  points  out  in  detail  the  difficulties  of  this  passage, 
and  translates  :  "  Thou  art  destroyed,  O  Israel,  for  who  is  there  as  thy  help  ?  " 
H  Cf.  De.  on  Ps.  352.       **  <5&W,  Pococke.  E\v.,  Hi.,  Hd.,  Pu.,  Ke.,  Or.,  et  al. 
ft  Cal.  tt  Ma. 


40O  HOSEA 

kings  have  passed  away,  that  kings  no  longer  sit  upon  the  throne ; 
but  rather  that  they  are  powerless  to  help.  On  K1EK,  v.i.  —  That 
he  may  save  thee~]  This  is  to  be  closely  connected  with  the  pre 
ceding,  and  closes  the  first  line.  The  accentuation  in  ffllQL  is 
wrong.  —  Or  all  thy  princes  that  they  may  rule  thee  .?]  This  line, 
following  Houtsma  (v.s.)t  is  the  poetic  equivalent  of  the  preceding, 
matching  it  in  every  particular.  —  Those  of  whom  thou  hast  said^ 
At  different  times  in  the  history  of  the  northern  kingdom  when  new 
dynasties  were  established.*  —  Give  me  kings  and  princes~\  Other 
passages  in  which  Hosea  refers  to  the  kings  are  73ffi  84-10  io7-15.f 
— 11.  I  give  thee  kings  in  my  anger]  The  imperfect  here  is  fre 
quentative  in  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  past ;  but  the  history  is 
still  in  progress. — And  I  take  them  away  in  my  wrath~\  The 
history  of  the  northern  dynasties  has  been  one  the  only  interpre 
tation  of  which  must  mean  divine  displeasure.  Israel's  experiment 
had  proven  to  be  a  failure.  "  Indulged  self-will  brought  with  it 
its  own  punishment,  —  hardening  of  the  heart  in  apostasy.  Thus 
our  passage  seems  to  mediate  between  the  two  different  views  of 
Jeroboam's  act  presented  in  i11  and  i  K.  n29-39.  In  one  sense 
Yahweh  '  gave  ' ;  in  another  he  '  gave  not.'  "  \ 

1.  a]  =  quum,  a  =  quando,  in  expressions  of  time;  GK.  164^-;  K6.  401  k-n. 
The  inf.  here  refers  to  the  past;  K6.  216.  —  nm]  For  form,  cf.  nrn,  Jb.  621. 
Lag.  BN.  173  ;  K6.  II.  i.  p.  68  ;  Sta  §  199  b ;  Earth,  NB.  7  b ;  Ew.8  p.  384 ; 
No.  Mand.  Gramm.  p.  116.  Cognate  w^'ds  are:  Aram.  Nn^rn  =  trembling; 

Arab.  '•+$\\  =  trembling;  VXQ-\  =  terror,  Je.  4924.  —  2.  IDDV]  Although  sep 
arated  from  i  by  nrj?,  the  force  of  i  really  continues  ;  H.  24,  3  b ;  Ko.  368  h.  — 
on1?]  With  reflex,  force,  Ko.  28;  GK.  135  i.  —  HDDC]  From  IDJ  —pour  out; 
hence  'D  =  molten  metal,  molten  image,  —  wiaro]  So  |$12T;  on  form,  GK.  91  <?; 
Ew.8  p.  645.  For  similar  interchanges  of  3  and  c,  Ko.  330  o.  —  DOXJ?]  On  d.f. 
in  i,  GK.  93  ee.—  rh^]  Qerf}  ^p;  perhaps  nSr,  referring  to  naoc,  or  o|w,  refer 
ring  to  D'axy,  should  be  adopted  (z/.j.).  —  onS]  Refers  logically  to  nroc,  but 
grammatically  to  '*";  Ko.  3491.  —  annx]  For  cases  in  which  ~\SN  is  used 
absolutely,  i.e.  without  an  obj.,  cf.  Gn.  48  Ex.  I925.  —  ^nar]  Explained  by 
GK.  128  /  as  a  gen.  of  genus ;  by  Ko.  337  </as  an  appositional  gen.;  but  v.s. 
—  3.  D>32>o]  On  subordination  of  ptcp.,  GK.  120^;  treated  as  ptcp.  circ.  cl. 
by  Ko.  412  c.  — 4.  \nSv]  Lit.  =  with  the  removal  of;  cf.  2  S.  722  Ps.  i832 

*  Marti  om.  this  and  foil,  clause  as  a  gloss. 

t  On  the  relation  of  i  S.  85f-  as  the  basis  of  this,  cf.  Sellin,  Beitrage,  II.  185. 

%  Che.  in  loc. 


XIII.  TO-II  4OI 

Is.  455-21  648.  On  the  obsolete  ending  >_  (cf.  vta),  cf.  GK.  90  w.— 
5.  major]  Only  here  ;  pi.  intens.;  GK.  124  <?;  Ko.  348  a.  —  6.  ir'jnc]  Ver 
bal  noun  =  inf.;  K6.  233  d.  —  lyac"!]  i  cons,  marks  apodosis,  in  continuation 
of  an  inf.  cstr.;  Ko.  366  h.  —  >>in:>£>]  On  _  in  stative  vb.,  GK.  43  a.  —  7.  TCD] 
On  poetical  form,  GK.  103 /£. —  8.  3iJ  On  gender,  cf.  GK.  122  e;  K6.  247^, 

and  253  a\  contra,  Ew.8  §  175  «.  —  NO1?]  Cf.  Assyr.  labbu ;  Arab.  %JJ; 
Lag.  BN.  93;  Erman,  ZDMG,  XLVI.  113;  Hommel,  Saugethiere,  288  f.— 
9.  ^r]  On  its  function  as  connecting  protasis  and  apod.,  cf.  Ko.  415  /.  —  o] 
—  *c  ;  on  confusion  of  2  and  r,  Ko.  330  m.  —  10.  NIDX]  Renders  question 
more  vivid;  GK.  150/5  Ko.  353  s.  — 11.  V?c]  On  frequency  of  collective 
usage,  GK.  123;  Ko.  254.  —  npNi]  The  impf.  with  simple  \  to  express  the 
frequentative  idea. 

§  18.  Ephraim  condemned  to  Sheol.  i312-16.  Ephraim's  sin 
is  complete;  judgment  approaches,  but  he  is  unprepared;  he 
cannot  escape  from  the  calamity  which  is  bearing  down  upon  him. 
Shall  I,  now,  rescue  him  from  this  certain  death?  No  !  it  is  too 
late ;  let  Sheol's  plagues  attack  him.  I  will  no  more  show  com 
passion.  To  Ephraim,  although  heretofore  fruitful,  an  east  wind 
will  bring  drought  and  death ;  all  precious  things  shall  be  carried 
away  by  the  foreign  invader.  Samaria  must  suffer  the  conse 
quences  of  rebellion  against  Yahweh,  viz.,  sword  and  horrible 
destruction. 

This  section  bears  all  the  marks  of  unity,  and  is  taken  as  a  separate 
address  by  many  modern  commentators  {e.g.  We.,  Now.,  Marti).  Some,  on 
the  other  hand,  connect  it  closely  with  I31'11  (Ew.,  Or.,  Che.,  GAS.).  It  is 
true  the  general  subject  is  the  same,  but,  after  all,  this  is  the  subject  of  the 
greater  portion  of  the  book.  There  are  four  strophes  of  trimeter  movement, 
with  6  +  5  +  6  +  5  lines.  The  elegiac  measure  is  strongly  marked  ;  while 
in  strophe  4  the  dimeter  is  adopted  for  the  purpose  of  adaptation  to  the 
terrible  content  of  the  poem.  Strophe  I  announces  the  end,  the  judgment, 
and  the  collapse  of  Israel.  Strophe  2  pictures  a  momentary  reconsideration, 
which  results  in  a  reannouncement  more  direful  than  before.  Strophe  3  puts 
the  matter  in  a  more  exact  form,  destruction  by  drought,  by  foreign  invasion. 
Strophe  4  explains  that  it  is  on  account  of  Israel's  sin,  viz.  rebellion,  that  the 
sword  and  war  will  blot  them  out  of  existence. 

12.  im]  @  (rvcTT/>o0V  (taken  as  obj.  of  npN,  v.11).  — 13.  Nin]  Now.  N-irn 
(so  Marti).  —  a:>n  «S  p]  (Jf  ut6s  crou  6  0p6j/i/xos;  6  must  be  corrected  to  ou  (so 
Cappellus,  Schleusner,  Vol.;  cf.  Get.,  who  also  om.  <rou).  <S  interprets  the  clause 
as  causal.  —  pp  13]  @  om.  ny;  3LJ5IT&  =  ^nj;  >D  (so  also  Scholz,  Seb.,  Gu.(?)). 

2D 


402  HOSEA 

Oort  (ThT.  and  Em.},  nyr  (so  Gr.,  Now.,  Marti).     Get.  nj?3  »A     rfai.  FiJJp. 

—  IDJ?>]  Gr.  na>\  —  "atpna]  ©  ^  ffwrpifiri  =  U  z'«  contritione,  both  literal  or 
etymological  renderings.     Gr.  and  Now.  natf  05.     Hal.B9tPDa. —  D'oa]  3t^>1'n- 
rww  tuorum.      Gr.  transposes  to  precede   N1?  (cf.  2  K.  I93).     Now.  om. — 
14.  DIDN]    <§  pvo-0/j.at.  /cat,  "perhaps  (§  read  D  as  i"  (Vol.).  —  VIN]    Read, 
with  ®&,  n\s  (so  Gr.);   'A.,  S.  frcytat;   0.  Kai  &rrat;   so  &.     U  «r0.  —  "H2"1] 
Many  codd.  of  de  R.  have  sg.;    cf.  <&,  6.  17  Stocij  <rov  =  pn  (Vol.,  Loft.); 
&  ^Zosj;   U  mors  tua.     Oct.  ^")p^.     Hal.  Tjax — "ptop]  @  rd  ntvrpov  <rov  ; 
'A.  dyy/toi  ffov;  S.  dicrjdla  aov;  6.  TrX-rjy/)  aov  ;  U  morsus  tnus ;  &  ->nm  nnS.  — 
DnjJ  Hi.  DHJ.     Gr.  D^cm  (cf.  ii8).     Hal.  orn. — 15.   ]o]  Gardner,!^  (foun 
tain).     Gr.  D"J3  (?).     Read,  with  We.  par  (so  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.).  —  DMIN]  Oort 
(  Th  T.  and  £»/.),  ins  (so  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Marti).    Gr.  D^HNI(?).    BDB. 
DTIN.     Gardner,  D^n.     Read,  with  We.,  -ins  OT.  —  xn«r]    (§  SicurreXei  =  nnc> 
(Schleusner,  Vol.;    so  also   Seb.,  Gr.);    so   U  dividet ;    and   ,S  w^c^aJ. — 
Nia-']   ©  ^Trd^ei  =  N-a'  (Vol.;    so  also  Gr.),  with  ">  as  subj.;    so  U;   similarly 
2T.  —  nSp]    (S  ^TT'   aur6j/  =  V1?^;    so  Arab.;    S  ^OJOZ.  —  tt'ia1']    ©   dvafrpavei 
=  ts»av  (so  US,  We.,  Gr.,  Now.,  Get.,  Marti).     Read  B?ai\  — nipr.]  @U&  pi. 

—  ann11]  @  ^e/o^wo-ei  =  a^n^;  so  U  desolabit  (so  also  We.,  Gr.,  Now.,  Marti). 

—  iryn]  @S  pi.  —  nor-1]  (H  /caro^pave?,  probably  a  misreading  for  Karalavet, 
due  to  previous  ava.%.  (Vol.,  fol.  Kahrdt).    Gr.  B'O'".  —  -IXIN]    @  =  ^n^x  (so  also 
Oort,  Gu.).     Gr.  PN.     Read  nvx;   cf.  GAS.  — So]   Gr.  Sa\  — tSa]    652T  pi. 
Hal.  ns.  —  XIV.  1.  D'-TNT]    ©  dcfeavLffdrjcreTai,  deriving  from  ortt';   cf.  515  io2 
(Vol.).    Gr.  D'^ri.     Marti,  Cjrn.  —  iSo11]  @  Treaouvrat  avrol;  hence  Oort  (Em.) 
inserts  ncn  after  'o>,  and  Gr.  on.  —  orvSS;?]    @52T  and  Arab.  =  'Syi  (so  also 
Gr.).  —  vmnni]  Gr.  mnm.    Marti,  on^nnn.  —  W2>]  Oct.  ^a»  or  ruygan  (so 
Marti). 

12.  77z<?  iniquity  of  Ephraim  is  gathered  itp ;  his  sin  is  laid  by 
in  store~\  This  is  no  word  of  promise  =  shall  be  forgotten  ;  *  the 
context  and  the  language  itself  indicate  the  opposite.  The  figure 
(cf.  Jb.  i417)  is  taken  from  the  custom  of  tying  up  money  in  bags 
and  hiding  it  in  some  secret  place  for  preservation.  Ephraim's 
guilt  is  collected,  carefully  bound  up ;  it  will  be  well  guarded  and 
preserved,  and  no  part  of  it  will  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  day  of 
judgment.  In  other  words,  the  case  is  closed.  No  longer  is 
there  opportunity  to  atone  for  their  misdeeds.  Cf.  the  noteworthy 
parallel  in  Is.  816,  where,  however,  it  is  the  teaching  of  Yahweh, 
the  testimony  of  the  prophets,  that  is  gathered  up.  On  v.126  cf. 
Jb.  2 119.  — 13.  The  pangs  of  childbirth  come  upon  him~\  This 
figure  for  anguish  and  distress  is  not  uncommon  (cf.  Is.  i38  2iJ 

*Umb. 


xiii.  12-13  403 

Mi.  49  Je.  431  I321) ;  the  pain  and  suffering  of  a  woman  in  travail 
is  a  most  striking  representation  of  an  inevitable  period  of  afflic 
tion,  since  it  is  something  which  no  power  can  turn  aside.  In 
this  instance  the  figure  represents  the  woman  as  unable  to  perform 
the  act ;  i.e.  Israel  is  unable  to  extricate  himself  from  the  troubles 
which  have  come  upon  him.  But  with  the  privilege  of  a  Hebrew 
poet,  the  figure  suddenly  shifts  from  the  mother  to  the  child  that 
is  to  be  born.  —  He  is  an  unwise  son~\  This  child  is  represented 
as  failing  to  do  the  part  assigned  him  by  nature ;  and  in  this 
failure  he  shows  himself  unwise  and  foolish.  The  result  will  be 
that,  instead  of  an  occasion  for  rejoicing,  viz.  a  new  birth,  there 
will  rather  be  an  occasion  for  grief,  for  the  parturition  will  be  fatal 
to  both  mother  and  son.  Not  only  is  there  no  new  being  in  the 
world ;  that  one  which  did  exist  is  taken  away.  Israel,  in  order 
to  continue  life,  must  be  born  again ;  without  such  new  birth,  old 
Israel  must  perish.  The  very  failure  to  produce  the  new  destroys 
the  old.  This  is  explained  in  the  following  line. — For  at  this  time 
he  should  not  stand  in  the  mouth  of  the  womb,  or  more  freely,  this 
is  no  time  to  stand  in  the  mouth  of  the  womb  *]  Whether  HflP  be 
read,f  or  ni?2  =  "  at  this  time,"  the  meaning  is  not  affected. 
Graetz's  "  do  not  break  through  (the  womb)  "  affords  no  real 
help  in  the  interpretation  of  the  passage.  The  exact  meaning 
rests  upon  the  modal  usage  of  1&1P.  If  it  is  indicative,  it  signifies 
that  the  child  at  the  (right)  time  (cf.  Ez.  2y34)  does  not  stand,  \ 
i.e.  has  not  come  forward  to  that  place  in  the  womb  whence 
egress  at  the  proper  moment  is  possible  ;  if  it  is  optative,  that 
the  child  should  not  (at  this  time,  or  now)  remain  stationary  in 
the  womb,  thus  failing  to  make  the  progress  necessary  to  a  normal 
birth.  §  What  is  Israel  doing  ?  By  his  lack  of  will-power  or 
inclination  to  do  the  necessary  thing,  viz.  make  timely  repentance, 
he  prolongs  the  agony  and  endangers  even  the  possibility  of  the 
new  regime  which  the  prophets  have  pictured  and  promised.  The 
figure  has  been  interpreted  of  (i)  premature  birth;  i.e.  a  child 
who  is  impatient  and  waits  not  for  the  proper  time,  thus  remain 
ing  in  the  womb  an  insufficient  period ;  and  this  is  coupled  with 
the  interpretation  of  the  passage  as  one  of  comfort ;  ||  (2)  retarded 

*  GAS.     f  *U8C.     t  Ew.,  Ke.(  Or.,  Che.,  Now.    §  Cal.,  Hd.    ||  Stuck,  Hes.,  Umb. 


404  HOSEA 

birth ;  *  but  also  (3)  to  a  state  of  vacillation  on  the  part  of  the 
child  at  the  critical  moment,  f  — 14.  Shall  I  deliver  them  from  the 
hand  of  Sheol?~\  It  seems  necessary,  first  of  all,  to  determine  what 
is  required  by  the  context,  —  a  promise  |  or  a  threat?  Vs.12-13 
seem  (v.s.)  to  announce  punishment;  Vs.15and16  certainly  have  this 
meaning;  v.14  itself  contains  (v.i.)  the  statement  repentance  (not 
resentment}  is  hid  from  my  eyes.  How  now  can  14a  be  taken  in 
any  other  way  than  as  a  threat  ?  But  it  has  been  suggested 

(1)  that  the  simple   translation  is    "From  the  hand  of  Sheol, 
I  will  redeem  them,"  there  being  no  interrogative  particle ;  and 

(2)  that  this  translation  is  strictly  in  accord  with  the  feeling  of 
a  father  who  is  thus  represented  as  unable  to  contemplate  the 
thought  of  his  son's  final  ruin ;   (3)  that  it  is  also  consonant  with 
Hosea's  expression  of  ultimate  redemption  elsewhere,  cf.  ilof  215f- 
35  I44"8;   (4)  still  further,  that  the  language  has  been  so  taken  by 
<!i&U&,  by  Paul  in  i   Cor.   I555;    AV.  and  RV.     In  this  case, 
"repentance"  (v.i.)  must  be  changed  to  "resentment,"  and  the 
words  treated  parenthetically,  i.e.  "  as  an  ejaculation  of  promise 
in  the  midst  of  a  context  that  only  threatens."     The  argument  is 
almost  if  not  entirely  conclusive  on  the  side  of  those  who  treat 
the  entire  verse  as  a  threat.    But  from  this  point  of  view,  different 
treatments  have  been  accorded  the  passage:    (i)    (making  the 
imperfect   a    frequentative)    "  I    have   in   past  times    repeatedly 
delivered  them,  but,  etc. ";§    (2)   (making  the  imperfect  condi 
tional)    "  I  would  have  delivered  them,  etc.  (if  they  had  been 
wise,  but  —  being  foolish  — )   I  will  bring  on  them  the  plagues  of 
death,  etc."  ;  ||     (3)    (treating    the  sentence  as  interrogative,  as 
above)  "shall  I,  or  should  I  deliver  them,  etc.,"f  a  negative  answer 
being  implied.     The  "hand  of  Sheol"  (cf.  the  "mouth,"  Is.  5", 
the  "  belly,"  Jon.  22)  is  here  used  poetically  for  "  power,"  and 
perhaps  to  give  the  line  a  third  word.     Sheol  =  underworld.  — 
Shall  I  redeem  them  from  death  ?~\  The  poetic  equivalent  of  the 
preceding  line ;    on  the   synonyms   bw   and   ma,  v.i. ;    on  the 
synonymous  use  of  "Sheol"  and  "death,"  cf.  Is.  2815  Ps.  65  49". 
—  Where  are  thy  plagues,  O  death  ?     Where,  thy  destruction  for 

*  So  most  comm.  f  Sim.,  Pu. 

J  Cf.  Cal.,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Umb.,  Mau.,  Ew.,  Hi.,  Ke.  §  RasK. 

|j  Ki.,  Eich.,  Sharpe.  H  Sim.,  Wii.,  Schm.,  We.,  Gu.,  GAS.,  Now. 


XIII.  14  405 

pestilence),  O  Sheo!?~\  TtK  =  ,TK,  where  ?*  So  rendered  by  many, 
who  treat  it  in  entirely  opposite  ways ;  e.g.  ( i )  as  an  expression 
of  triumph  over  Sheol  and  death,  their  plagues  and  pestilence 
being  powerless  to  do  harm,  inasmuch  as  Yahweh  has  determined 
to  deliver  Israel;!  and  (2)  as  a  command  to  Sheol  and  death 
to  do  their  worst,  i.e.  to  bring  on  plagues  and  the  pestilence  which 
shall  destroy  Israel  =  "  come  on,  death,  with  thy  plagues,  and  thou, 
O  Sheol,  with,  etc."  j  Others  (reading  ViK  as  ist  singular  imper 
fect  apocopated  of  irn)  render  /  ivill  be, §  or  /  would  be;  ||  but 
(i)  the  ist  person  singular  is  rarely  apocopated;  (2)  if  Yahweh 
asserts  positively  that  he  will  deliver  them  from  Sheol,  this  clause 
must  mean,  I  would  be  thy  plagues,  if  it  were  necessary,  but  the  con 
text  seems  to  require  a  positive  declaration.^  Whether  we  read 
pestilence  as  singular  or  plural  is  unessential  (v.s.).  Everything 
that  points  toward  death  (mille  viae  leti)  is  to  be  reckoned  a 
pestilence ;  while  ^^  (#•*'•)  =  destruction  in  general  (Is.  282)  ; 
in  particular,  epidemic,  disease,  plague  (cf.  Dt.  3224  Ps.  gi6). — 
Repentance  is  hid  from  my  eyes']  For  this  reason,  Yahweh,  having 
determined  not  to  deliver,  calls  upon  Sheol  to  do  its  fatal  work. 
DH3,  occurring  only  here,  has  been  emended  to  a  form  of  Dm  = 
compassion.  Ewald,  on  the  basis  of  Gn.  2742  ("thy  brother  re 
sents  thee  unto  death"),  translates  resentment,  i.e.  a  secret,  treas 
ured,  ancient  grudge,  which  will  result  in  the  death  of  an  enemy ; 
and  this  is  something  which  God  himself  will  not  permit.  But  the 
word  means  neither  resentment  nor  compassion**  It  is  the  tech 
nical  word  for  repentance.  It  refers  therefore,  either  (i)  to  the 
threat  of  v.12,  ft  of  which  Cheyne  suggests  it  may  once  have  been 
the  third  member,  but  surely  in  its  present  position  it  could  not 
go  so  far  back ;  or  (2)  to  14a  taken  as  a  promise,  \\  i.e.  a  promise 
which  should  never  be  repented  of  =  irrevocable  ;  but  the  prom 
ise  is  regarded,  even  by  those  who  so  accept  it,  as  of  so  transient 
a  tone  as  to  make  this  doubtful ;  or  (3)  to  14a  taken  as  a  threat,  §§ 


*  V.s.  ©&•££  on  Ho.  1310  and  <5,  'A.,  &,  here;  so  New.,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Hd.,  Umb, 
Sim.,  Ke. 

t  Ew.,  Umb.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Che.  **  We. ;  cf.  Thes.,  s.v. 

t  We.,  GAS.,  Now.  ft  Che. 

§  3TU,  AV.,  Cal.,  Dathe,  Ros.,  Mau.,  Pu.  Jt  Mau-  Hd->  Ke- 

||  Mich.,  Bauer.  ,     H  So  Pu.,  Che.  $§  Or.,  GAS.  Now.,  et  al. 


406  HOSEA 

in  view  of  what  has  already  been  said,  and  of  the  fact  that  there 
is  evidently  needed  here  a  statement  of  threat,  in  preparation  for 
what  follows  in  v.15.  — 15.  Although  he,  as  does  the  reed-grass  in 
the  midst  of  water,  show  fruitfulness~\  A  pun  on  the  word  D'HBK, 
cf.  also  i48  Gn.  4922,  and  Ewald's  rendering,  "though  he  be 
among  brothers  a  fruit-child."  His  name  (for  name  =  nature  or 
character)  would  have  given  ground  for  the  expectation  of  fruit- 
fulness  ;  i.e.  prosperity.  The  reading  adopted  (v.s.}  is  favored 
by  the  continuation  of  the  same  figure  in  v.15.  It  would  have 
seemed  impossible  that  there  could  have  been  disaster  with  every 
thing  so  prosperously  situated  (for  the  reed-plant  in  the  midst  of 
the  water,*  cf.  Gn.  4i2-18  Is.  iQ6).  As  fatal  to  JH2E  |  is  the  fact 
that  Ephraim  cannot  be  taken  as  one  tribe  among  its  brethren 
the  other  tribes,  because  clearly  it  is  used  here,  as  elsewhere,  of 
all  the  northern  tribes.  j  —  There  shall  come  an  east  wind,  — 
Yahweh's  wind~\  This  wind,  coming  over  the  desert,  is  both 
violent  and  scorching  (cf.  Arab.  Sirocco  =  Eastern)  ;  cf.  (with 
rtn)  Ex.  io13  Jon.  48  Ps.  487;  as  here,  standing  alone,  Ho.  12* 
Is.  278,  etc.  The  figure  represents  Assyria,  who  comes  from  this 
direction,  cf.  Is.  2I1.  It  is  Yahweh's  wind,  because  it  is  Yahweh 
himself  who  executes  the  judgment  pronounced,  Assyria  being 
the  instrument  (cf.  Is.  io5-15)  §  ;  or  because  it  is  a  mighty  wind,  in 
tensity  being  expressed  by  the  use  of  the  divine  name  (cf.  Gn.  236 
Is.  i413  Ps.  36°).  ||  "  nn  is  thus  to  be  taken  as  in  apposition  with 
Dip,  and  so  as  closely  connected  with  it,  and  not  as  subject  of 
rhv. —  Coming  up  from  the  wilderness}  v.s.  —  And  his  fountain 
shall  dry  up,  and  his  spring  shall  be  parched~\  A  continuation  of 
the  figure  in  15a,  the  source  of  fruitfulness  will  be  destroyed.  For 
ttfilT  read  W2,"  (v.s.\  as  is  clear  from  the  parallel  word  :  2"irr ;  cf. 
(§'s  treatment  of  the  nouns  as  objects. —  While  he  will  strip  the 
treasure  of  all  precious  vessels'}  The  he  is  not  emphatic,  but  used 
as  expressing  the  subject  of  the  circumstantial  clause.  It  does 
not  refer  to  Ephraim,f  who  is  thereby  represented  as  himself 

*  So  Rashi,  Or.,  We.,  Val.,  Now.,  Oort,  Oet.;  et  al. 
t  Retained  by  Ki.,  Gal.,  Marck,  Bauer,  Hi.,  Ew.,  Ke.,  Wu.,  Che.,  et  al. 
J  So  Now.  $  Hd.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Or. 

||  So  Bauer,  Ew.,;    cf.  Da.  Heb.  Syntax,  p.  49;    Ko.  309 /;    Kelso,  AJSL.  XIX. 
152-8 ;  on  the  contrary,  Green,  Heb.  Gram.  p.  298 ;  Revue  bibliquet  Oct.,  1901. 
1  Sharpe,  GAS. 


XIII.  i5-i6  407 

despoiling  the  treasury  and  turning  over  its  precious  things  to 
the  enemy;  but  rather  to  the  enemy  itself*  —  Assyria  (i.e.  the 
east  wind ;  for  here  the  figure  changes)  which  carries  off  the 
treasure  consisting  of  all,  etc.  The  change  is  confessedly  abrupt, 
but  no  greater  than  often  occurs ;  nor  is  it  so  great  as  to  justify 
Nowack's  suggestion  that  this  line  is  the  survival  of  a  stanza  or 
sentence  in  which  the  antecedent  of  Kin  appeared  as  Assyria. 
The  precious  vessels  (also  rendered  pleasant  vessels,^  precious 
jewels  \)  include  all  articles  of  value.  — 16.  Samaria  shall  (or 
must}  bear  the  guilt^\  This  now  is  the  final  summing  up.  Some 
make  Dtrx  =  be  laid  waste,  §  but  the  rendering  adopted  is  in 
accord  with  io2  I31.  The  measure  now  falls  to  two  words  in  each 
line.  —  For  she  has  rebelled  against  her  God~]  Cf.  Is.,  chap.  i. 
—  They  shall  fall  by  the  sword ;  their  children  shall  be  dashed  in 
pieces ;  and  their  women  with  child  shall  be  ripped  up^  The 
gender  and  number  of  the  verb  change  from  feminine  singular 
to  masculine  plural.  For  parallel  expressions,  cf.  io14  Ps.  I379 
2  K.  i516  Am.  i13.  The  change  back  to  masculine  singular  and 
the  hapax  legomenon  rivin  are  not  sufficient  to  raise  suspicion 
concerning  the  last  clause.  The  customs  of  ancient  warfare  were 
indeed  horrible;  ||  cf.  Jos.  io24  2  Ch.  2512  Ju.  iGf-  2  K.  812. 

12.  On  order  of  words,  v.  H.  39,  i;  GK.  141  /,  m.  — 13.  >San]  Subj.  here 
emphatic.  —  sin]  GK.  141  a.  —  nnn  sV]  A  shortened  attributive  clause;  K6. 
385^.  —  np]  If  =  nnr,  cf.  Ko.  331  £;  Ez.  i657  27^  Hg.  i2  Ps.  69"  EC.  89. 
If  =  nj?2,  note  demonstrative  use  of  art.,  GK.  1263.  — 14.  -re]  Cf.  \\th  -pa, 
Pr.  i821;  nanS  IT,  Is.  4714,  etc.  On  the  interrog.  sense  without  particle, 
GK.  150^7.  —  SINS']  On  Hebrew  conception  of  '£*,  v.  Charles,  Crit.  Hist,  of 
the  Doctr.  of  a  Future  Life  (v.  Index,  s.v.  Sheol} ;  Griineisen,  Ahnenkultus  u. 
Urrelig.  Isr.  (Index);  Frey,  Tod,  Seelenglaube,  u.  Seelenkult,  188-228;  Da. 
DB.  I.  739  f.;  Schwally,  Leben  nach  dem  Tode. —  SNJN  .  .  .  CISN]  SNJ  =  act 
the  part  of  a  kinsman;  hence  always  implies  a  more  personal  and  intimate 
relation  between  the  redeemer  and  the  redeemed  than  does  ms,  which  is  a 
more  general  term  denoting  ransom.  — 13 top]  On  the  form  before  the  suff., 
GK.  93  q.  The  masc.  suff.  (referring  to  SiNtp)  is  used  under  the  influence  of 
the  preceding  TI_;  Ko.  249/1  — 15.  xno-*]  On  intentional  confusion  of  X"1? 


*  Ki.,  Hd.,  Ke.,  Wii.,  Schm.,  Pu.,  Che.,  Or.,  Now.,  et  al. 
t  AV.  J  GAS.  $  Cal.,  Pu.,  AV. 

U  See  DB.  IV.  895;  Now.  Arch.  I.  374;  Benz.  Arch.  363. 


408  HOSEA 

and  rr1?  forms  for  the  sake  of  the  pun,  GK.  75  rr.  The  Hiph.  may  be  treated 
as  intensive,  GK.  53^.  —  !i'i:r]  For  other  cases  of  confusion  between  &M3  and 
eo%  v.  E\v.8  §  122^;  GK.  78  £. 

§  19.  Later  words  of  hope.  I41"8.  Israel  will  return  from 
her  apostasy  with  words  of  true  repentance  (L2a),  saying  to  Yah 
weh,  "  Forgive  the  past,  and  we  will  render  praise  and  thanks 
giving,  for  in  thee  the  fatherless  finds  pity  (26-3c).  We  will 
henceforth  enter  into  no  alliance  with  Assyria  or  Egypt ;  nor 
will  we  treat  as  God  dumb  idols"  (3a-6).  (Yahweh  will  reply) 
"  I  will  forgive  the  past,  and  love  them ;  instead  of  being  angry 
with  them,  I  will  show  mercy  (4-5a).  As  a  result  they  shall 
flourish ;  their  prosperity  shall  be  like  the  olive,  like  Lebanon  " 
(56-6).  "  Ephraim  will  no  longer  serve  idols;  it  is  I  who  will 
care  for  him  eternally  and  sustainingly  "  (8). 

This  piece,  a  picture  of  the  final  triumph  of  Yahweh's  love,  is  added 
in  accordance  with  the  prophetic  thought  of  a  much  later  period.  Cf.  §  5, 
pp.  236-248,  and  also  Introduction,  pp.  clix  ff.  Six  short  strophes  of  the  trime 
ter  movement  (exceedingly  regular)  are  evenly  divided  between  Israel  and 
Yahweh  in  their  loving  discourse  with  each  other.  Strophe  I  announces 
the  return,  in  the  form  of  command,  and  prescribes  the  gift  which  they  are 
to  carry  (vs.2-3a).  Strophe  2  presents  the  petition  for  forgiveness  and  the 
ground  for  the  same  (vs.36-4c).  Strophe  3  contains  the  pledge  given,  never 
again  to  desert  Yahweh  for  dependence  on  outside  powers  or  on  graven 
images  (v.4a'6).  Strophe  4  announces  in  reply  Yahweh's  readiness  to  for 
give,  to  forget,  and  to  be  merciful  (vs.5-6a).  Strophe  5  pictures  their  great 
prosperity  now  that  they  are  loyal  to  Yahweh  (vs.66-  7).  Strophe  6  asserts  that 
henceforth  Yahweh,  not  idols,  shall  be  their  everlasting  support  (v.9).  If  it 
were  not  so  clear  that  each  of  these  four-line  strophes  contained  a  separate 
and  distinct  thought,  it  might  be  well  to  arrange  the  piece  in  two  strophes 
of  twelve  lines  each.  In  this  arrangement,  the  following  general  modifica 
tions  of  the  text  have  been  assumed:  (i)  the  transfer  of  v.4c  to  follow  v.3 
(v.i.};  (2)  the  omission  of  v.7(l°  as  a  gloss  (#.*.);  (3)  the  treatment  of  v.8  as 
a  later  addition.  There  has  been  a  growing  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  most 
recent  writers^  deal  with  this  passage  (vs^2*9)  as  with  Am.  986-^  z.^ assign  it 
to  a  later  age  than  that  of  Hosea  (so  We.;  Che.  in  WRS.  Proph.  XIX.  and 
in  Exp.  Nov.  '97,  p.  363;  Marti,  Rel.  119,  EB.  2122,  and  Dcdekapropheton  ; 
Volz(?)  ;  Grimm,  Lit.  App.  91  ff.;  on  contrary,  v,  GAS.  I.  309  ff.;  Now.).  In 
behalf  of  this  position  it  may  be  urged  (i)  that  there  is  total  lack  of  connec 
tion  between  vs.1  and  -;  (2)  that  "  to  have  added  anything  to  the  stern  warning 
of  I41  would  have  robbed  it  of  half  its  force"  (Che.);  (3)  that  25,  in  contrast 
with  55,  looks  back  upon  the  punishment  as  completed;  (4)  that  the  allusion 


xiv.  i-8  4°9 

to  a  covenant  with  Egypt  (v.4)  is  incomprehensible  in  Hosea's  time;  (5)  that 
Hosea  certainly  could  not  have  spoken  of  Yahweh's  wrath  as  having  departed 
from  Israel  ;  (6)  that  the  spiritual  tone  of  vs.2"4  is  in  striking  contrast  with 
the  picture  in  56;  (7)  that  the  emphasis  laid  upon  physical  blessings  (vs.6ff-) 
is  strange  on  the  lips  of  Hosea,  who  constantly  rebuked  the  Israelites  for 
their  longing  after  material  blessings  rather  than  ethical  and  spiritual  ; 
(8)  that  the  "whole  description  is  wanting  in  unity;  entirely  different 
features  are  simply  combined  one  with  another  "  (Grimm)  ;  (9)  that  the 
language  and  phraseology  are  very  similar  to  those  found  in  writings  from 
the  time  of  Jeremiah  and  later  (on  language,  v.  especially  Volz  and  Grimm)  ; 
(10)  that  the  emphasis  here  laid  upon  words  is  in  striking  contrast  with 
Hosea's  demand  for  deeds.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  claimed  (see  especially 
GAS.),  (i)  that  Hosea  must  have  given  utterance  to  such  a  hope  as  is  here 
set  forth,  his  point  of  view  being  different  from  that  of  Amos,  in  that  he  was  of 
an  affectionate  disposition,  and  utterly  unable  to  believe  repentance  impossi 
ble,  and  had  indeed  already  predicted  restoration  on  the  basis  of  repentance 
(chap.  2)  ;  but  cf.  pp.  236,  238;  (2)  that  the  epilogue  introduces  no  idea  which 
was  not  already  contained  in  the  previous  promises  of  the  book;  "  there  is,  in 
short,  no  phrase  or  allusion  of  which  we  can  say  that  it  is  alien  to  the  prophet's 
style  or  environment,  while  the  very  key-notes  of  his  book  —  return,  backslid 
ing,  idols  —  the  work  of  our  hands,  such  pity  as  a  father  hath,  and  perhaps  even 
the  answer  or  converse  of  v.9  —  are  all  struck  once  more"  (GAS.);  (3)  the 
similarity  between  the  epilogue  and  such  passages  as  Je.  3110-20  js  to  be 
explained  as  due  to  the  influence  of  Hosea  on  later  writers;  (4)  while  it  is 
unlikely  that  Hosea's  ministry  closed  with  this  word  of  promise  at  a  time 
so  close  to  the  downfall  of  Northern  Israel,  it  is  probable  that  it  comes  from 
some  earlier  portion  of  his  career,  when  the  moral  failure  of  Israel  was  not 
so  clear,  and  the  outlook  still  furnished  occasion  for  hope.  The  present 
position  in  the  book,  it  is  suggested,  is  due  to  Hosea  or  some  editor  who 
thought  it  unfitting  that  the  prophet's  message  should  go  down  through  the 
ages  closing  with  a  threat  of  punishment.  But  the  weakness  of  the  old 
position  is  seen  in  the  unreadiness  of  those  who  hold  it  to  permit  this  chapter 
to  stand  at  the  end  of  the  book. 


2.  nSsso]  <§  ^o-ftfi/Tjcras.  —  3.  anm]  IL  multos.  Gr.  nan  (cf.  Pr.  410).  With 
<&  and  %  insert  "your  God"  after  "Yahweh."  —  nnx]  5J  and  many  codd.  of 
de  R.  =  ncNi.  —  NB>n  SD]  (§  S'TTWS  HTJ  Xd/S^re  =  iNirrrSa  (Vol.);  &  wCO^lAJj 
"  ^^  —  M'"n  iD(?)(Seb.);  'A.  iraaav  Apare;  0.  iXaadyvai.  Some  codd.  of 
(55,  dtivaffai  TrcLffav  &<f>aipeiv  (d/xaprtai')  ;  hence  Oort  (  ThT.  and  Em.}  and  Val. 
PNi?  nSb\  Gr.  NiPrrSgn.  Scholz,  Ti-St«.  Gardner,  parrSa  (=  regard  not}. 
—  npi]'  <g&  pi.  Oort  (ThT.  andJEw.),  nnpji  (so  Val.,  Oct.  (or  PIJWI),  Now.2, 
Marti).  Gr.  nNtam  for  ana  npi,  np  being  dittog.  of  prec.  inp.  —  nnStrji]  S>  3  p.  sg. 
=  o|?B"i.  Gardner,  StW),  connecting  nn_  with  following.  —  one]  Read  np 
with  @  KapTrbv;  so  £>  (so  also  Duhm,  Tkeol.  132;  Oort,  ThT.  and  Em.;  We., 
Val.,  Loft.,  Now.,  Marti)  ;  U  vitulos  —  no  (so  also  Oct.).  Hi.  pnu.  Gr. 


4IO  HOSEA 

vyu.     Gardner,  nniD.  —  U>PBB>]  5  =  op/ncif.    E  adds  <?/  aepulabitur  in  fonit 
cor  vestrum.     Duhm,  wnfltfD.    Gardner,  irnifltrc.  —  4.  &  begins  with  nnxi. 

—  nipyn]  (SUE  pi.  —  13  ntt>x]  <f§  6  tv  <rol;  F  ?wza  */MJ,  ^z«  in  te  est  ;  6.  6'ri 
tv  a-ol  ;    &  kJ]?  '^^-jLifi-     Oort  and  Gr.  rja  >yf  x.     Hal.  precedes  by  nnx  -a. 

—  orw]    (&  t\€-ri<Tei  =  on-v  (Vol.);    U  misereberis  ;  &  I\j|    >O*»^D.  —  mm] 
Oort  and    Gr.   om.  as  dittog.   of  DITV.  —  5.   XD-\X]    Gr.   oxsnx.  —  oroide] 
(5  KaroiKias  avrwv  =  onott'iiD  (Vol.);    SUE  take  in  sense  of  penitence,  con 
version.     Gr.  onawDD.     We.  ucc(?).  —  na-u]   «&  ^aaul^jJ.     Hal.  nanac.  — 
3£>]    ©  airtarp^ev.  —  IJDD]    Hal.  ann.  —  6.   VxiB"1?]  —  -p]  U  crumpet,  with 
'niy  as  subj.     Houbigant,  OM.     Oort,  na\      Read,  with  We.  and  Now.,  13^1. 
Oct.  .133cm.  —  juaSa]  E  sicut  thus.     Oort  (T^T1.  and  Em.},  n^aVr  (so  Val.). 
We.,  Now.,  and  Marti  om.  as  dittog.  from  v.8.  —  7.   "oS11]   j$  .o_»»ajJo.     Gr. 


pjaSa]  HE  =  njiaSa  (so  also  New.,  Gr.).  —  8.  13^] 
probably  an  error  for  ^ofioAJc  (Seb.).  Val.  13C^\  —  >»3C'<'] 
=  i3fM  (Vol.);  so  ,5;  similarly  &.  Read,  with  Oort  (T^T.  XVI.  298  f., 
and  XXIV.  503),  -la^i  (so  We.,  Val.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Hal.,  Marti). 
Oort  (j£w.),  13'^;,  omitting  preceding  13^\  —  iSs3]  We.,  Now.,  Get.,  and  Marti, 
^xa.  —  vn^]  @  f  770-0  Krai  =  -vni  (Vol.);  so  S>F;  cf.  5T.  @  inserts  here  /cai 
lifdvaQ-ficrovrai  =  rn"1  (Vol.)  ;  some  codd.,  ffTTjpixd^^ovrai.  Oort  (TAT.  and 
Em.~),  vn\  Perles,  Now.,  and  Marti,  -vyv,  foil.  ©,  and  considering  £r)<rovrai 
a  later  correction  based  on  £H&.  Oct.  -vrw.  Read,  with  GAS.,  foil.  @,  vn>) 
vm.  —  pn]  Oort  (TAT.  XVI.  299,  XXIV.  503,  and  Em.},  pna,  and  adds 
pa  VW)  (in  v^w.  13C").  Marti,  ^n  or  j^np  or  >jny.  Read,  with  GAS.  and 
Oct.,  pa.  —  in-iD"]  @  sg.  Oort,  n-\o,  with  oncx,  from  beginning  of  v.9,  in 
serted  after  JDJ  as  subj.  —  nat]  &  =  D-OT.  Oort  (TAT.  and  £>;z.)  and  Oct. 
om.  last  three  words  of  v.8  as  a  marginal  note.  Ew.  'TOT..  Gr.  -nsBK  Marti, 
n?r\  Read,  with  GAS.,  -nar  (cf.  Is.  663).  —  pjaS]  Some  codd.  of  "de  R.  '^3. 
GrJ  and  Hal.  ?i3^n  (cf.  Ez".  2;18).  Che.  (Exp.  Nov.  '97,  p.  365),  rya1?. 
—  9.  5»  begins  v.  with  j^cpc,  and  treats  'ON  as  its  subj.;  so  {£.  —  ^S]  Read, 
with  <g,  ai)r<?,  iS  (so  also  New.,  Ew.,  Or.,  We.,  Gr.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oort 
(Em.},  Oct.,  Marti).  —  ooxyS]  @  =  V?i  (so  also  Gu.).  —  TPJ;;]  @  ^raweivwara 
avr6v  =  vnijy  (so  also  Dathe,Oort,  TAT.  and  Em.;  Volz,  Oct.,  Now.2)  ;  so  S». 
One  cod.  of  Kenn.  injj?N.  We.  ^ruy.  Gr.  and  Marti,  vrnjp.  Hal.  T'n^V-  — 
imtC'N]  ©  Karicrxtfo-w  aur6»/  =  WtB'N  (Vol.)  ;  £>  ^^^  ^  ~  *^  ^]  =  W^NN  (Seb.)  ; 
U  dirigam  eum.  Oort,  mr>'Ni.  Gr.  U^NNI.  We.  ^rn^w.  Val.  T?.wx\  Oct. 
•laaafc'Ni  (so  Now.2).  Gardner,  -^3^x1.  Marti,  1:3^x1.  Volz,  fJ"j)  tr'n^n.  Che. 
(Exp.  T.  IX.  (1898)  331),  '^'n^ni  "ijjx  —  »naa]  Hal.  nna  or  n->?x3.  —  -\nfl] 
Gr.  mo(?)  (so  Volz,  Oort  (Em},  Marti).  —  xsnj]  Volz,  ncx\ 

1.  Return,  Israel,  to  Yahweh  thy  God~\  The  introductory  words 
of  the  utterance.  The  imperative  is  predictive  (cf.  Is.  23'  471) 
—  the  time  will  come  when  thou  shalt  return.  For  the  consist 
ency  of  this  prediction  with  the  announcement  to  the  effect  that 


xiv,  i-a 

•here  was  absolutely  no  hope,  reference  is  made  to  (i)  othei 
fcmilar  passages,  viz.  i10-21  214~23  31"4  n8"11,  but  these  are  mostly 
iate ;  (2)  the  suggestion  that  while  the  passages  without  hope 
applied  to  the  nation  as  such,  such  expressions  as  these  were 
addressed  to  the  faithful  few ;  (3)  the  proposition  that  in  all  pre 
dictions  of  disaster  there  is  a  conditional  element  (cf.  Je.  i88ff)  ; 
but  these  are  not  sufficient  to  overcome  the  difficulties  suggested 
above.  Israel's  apostasy  was  the  cause  of  the  whole  trouble 
(cf.  Je.  219)  ;  his  return  is  the  first  step  to  be  taken  toward 
reconciliation. — For  thou  hast  stumbled  by  thine  iniquity}  Cf. 
43  55.  Israel's  iniquity  (crookedness)  occasioned  the  fall;  for 
the  calamity  has  already  come  (cf.  513fi  78f).  —  2.  Take  with  you 
words  and  return  unto  Yahweh  your  God}  The  last  two  words 
are  found  in  (£  and  &,  and  are  required  by  the  measure.  Words 
(not  my  words  (v.s.*),  nor  Yahweh's  words,*  for  (a)  in  this  case 
something  more  definite  would  be  required,  and  (fr)  this  would 
not  be  consistent  with  the  following  lines ;  nor  words  which  are 
to  be  taken  to  heart  f)  are  to  be  the  gift  carried  to  Yahweh,  for 
(Ex.  2315  3420)  none  shall  appear  before  Yahweh  empty;  words, 
rather  than  sacrifice  and  burnt  offering  (cf.  56).  These  words 
must  express  repentance,  not  fitful,  but  true  and  strong,  j  — 
Say  unto  him  :  Do  thou  wholly  remove  (\.Q.forgive)  iniquity}  The 
prayer  begins  with  petition  for  pardon.  The  emphatic  ^D  used 
adverbially  (cf.  2  S.  i9  Jb.  27°)  describes  the  pardon  called  for 
as  one  entirely  complete ;  v.i.  Oort's  emendation  (v.s.),  "  thou 
art  able  to  forgive,"  is  very  ingenious,  but  v.  Nowack;  cf.  also 
Graetz,  "Wilt  thou  not  forgive?"  —  And  do  thou  take  good~\ 
i.e.  take  it.  well  §  that  we  pay,  etc. ;  or  accept  what  is  good,  viz. 
that  we  pay,  etc. ;  ||  or  graciously  receive  (us)  ;  ^[  or  let  thyself 
be  gracious  ;**  or  take  good  things  ft  (cf.  Ps.  ioy9  Pr.  i32  Is.  552). 
Graetz's  suggestion  (v.s.)  means  nothing;  but  Oort's,  "and  let  us 
receive  good,"  furnishes  a  good  meaning.  (§  and  &  have  the 
imperative  2d  person  plural  "  take  ye,"  but  this  is  inconsistent 
with  what  follows.  — And  we  will  pay  the  fruit  of  our  lips'}  i.e.  if 
thou  wilt  forgive,  etc.,  we  will  pay,  etc. ;  or  do  thou  forgive,  etc., 


Hi.  \  Umb.,  Sim.,  Now.,  and  most  comm.  **  We.,  Now. 

Bauer.  §  Dathe,  Sim.        II  Ke.  H  Hd.,  AV.  ft  Pu.,  BDB. 


412  HOSE  A 


that  we  may  pay,  etc.  iHftE  "  We  will  pay  the  calves  of  our 
lips  "  *  is  tmgrammatical  and  senseless  ;  it  is  hardly  any  improve 
ment  to  render  "  we  will  pay  (as  if  with)  bullocks,  (with)  our 
lips."  t  Cf.  Hitzig's  rendering  (v.i.),  "thoughtless  utterances" 
(Je.  512).  It  is  impossible  to  find  any  satisfactory  treatment  of 
D'~iS  ;  nor  is  it  necessary  when  (§'s  suggestion  of  nss  is  so  close  ;  J 
cf.  Is.  5719.  The  fruit  of  the  lips  is,  of  course,  the  words  spoken 
in  praise  and  thanksgiving  (Ps.  5i16t  6g30f-).  On  D^ttf,  cf.  Ps.  5ou. 
—  3  c.  For  in  thee  the  orphan  finds  mercy  (or  pity)~\  This  line 
stands  better  here,  because  (i)  "sp  has  nothing  in  v.3  to  which  it 
may  refer,  while  here  it  connects  closely  with  the  2d  person  of 
the  verbs  Kicn  and  np  ;  (2)  it  explains  here  the  ground  of  their 
praise  and  thanksgiving,  viz.  for  mercy  shown,  while  with  v.3a>6  it 
makes  no  logical  connection;  (3)  in  its  position  in  fH2T  it  has 
nothing  with  which  it  stands  in  parallelism,  and  it  interferes  with 
the  strophic  structure,  while  in  the  position  here  suggested  it  not 
only  relieves  strophe  3,  but  completes  strophe  2,  which  other 
wise  would  be  incomplete.  The  orphan  is  "  das  von  Menschen 
verlassene,  rein  auf  Yahweh  angewiesene  Israel  "  (Wellhausen)  ; 
cf.  Jn.  i418.  —  3  a.  b.  Assyria  shall  not  save  us}  A  pledge  to  give 
up  looking  for  help  toward  Assyria  (cf.  513  y11  89).  —  We  will  not 
ride  upon  horses  (from  Egypt)"}  A  second  pledge  to  leave  off 
trusting  in  Egypt,  for  alliance  with  Egypt  included  the  provision 
of  cavalry  by  Egypt  (cf.  i7  io13  with  Is.  3O16  3I1).  From  the 
times  of  Solomon  horses  were  brought  into  Palestine  from  Egypt 
(i  K.  io28  Ez.  i715).  See  the  prohibition  in  Dt.  i716.  —  And  we 
will  no  more  say  :  "  Our  God"  to  the  work  of  our  hands'}  Cf.  i32. 
This  is  the  third  pledge,  viz.  not  to  treat  as  God  images  which 
were  made  by  themselves.  This  is  the  climax  of  the  pledge. 
With  these  three  points  covered,  Israel  will  be  at  one  with  Yah 
weh.  The  chief  planks  in  the  platforms  of  both  political  parties 
of  earlier  times  are  here  rejected.  In  the  phrase,  "work  of  our 
hands,"  is  seen  an  example  "  of  the  splendid  morsels  of  irony  in 
which"  later  prophecy  "lashes  idolatry"  (cf.  Is.  42"  449~20).§  — 
4.  /  will  heal  their  backsliding}  Although  no  words  are  used  to 

*  So  Cal.,  Hd.,  GAS.,  et  al.  f  Dathe,  Ma.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Che. 

t  So  S>,  St.,  Duhm,  Oort,  We.,  Loft,  Val.,  Now. 

§  Cf.  Che.  in  loc.  ;  Marti  considers  36.  46  glosses  within  the  interpolation  J-8, 


XIV.  3-6 

introduce  a  different  speaker,  the  context  leaves  us  in  no  doubt. 
Yahvveh  in  his  turn  replies  not  directly  to  them,  but  in  an  indirect 
way,  as  if  speaking  to  the  prophet  concerning  them ;  cf.  1 17. 
Their  apostasy,  or  backsliding,  is  regarded  as  a  disease,  which 
will  be  healed.  —  I  will  love  them  freely]  i.e.  of  my  own  free  will ; 
because  of  that  which  is  in  me,  not  because  of  anything  in  them. 
This  is  added  as  a  poetic  parallel  to  the  preceding,  and  is  gram 
matically  independent.  —  Since  (=  now  that)  my  anger  is  turned 
away  from  them}  The  pronoun  is  3d  singular,  i.e.  collective.  The 
Babylonian  Codex  has  from  me,  a  mistake  growing  out  of  Je.  2^. 
"3  furnishes  the  ground  for  what  follows  in  5a,  not  what  precedes. 
This  connection  of  4c  with  5a  is  clearly  shown  by  the  parallelism. 
It  is  only  in 56  and  following  that  the  subject  changes  from  Yahweh 
to  Israel.  For  other  cases  in  which  *3  ( =  on),  with  its  explicative 
clause,  precedes  the  clause  explained,  cf.  Gn.  314-17  iS20  27™ 
Ex.  i19  i815  2  S.  i943  Is.  2815.  —  5.  /  will  be  as  the  dew  unto 
Israel ']  The  dew  is  here  a  figure  of  beneficence,  kindness;  cf.  its 
very  different  force  in  64.  b»a  =  night-mist  or  vapor,  which  comes 
in  the  summer  with  the  west  wind.  This  counteracts  much  of 
the  evil  effect  wrought  by  the  sirocco  or  east  wind;  cf.  i315. — 
He  shall  blossom  as  the  lily]  Cf.  Ecclus.  3914.  This  figure  sug 
gests  beauty  and  fruitfulness.  On  JENP,  v.i.  —  And  his  root  shall 
spread  (like  Lebanon}}  Cf.  Is.  n10  532.  Whether  the  cedars  of 
Lebanon  *  are  intended,  or  the  mountains,!  is  secondary,  in  view 
of  the  doubt  which  attaches  to  the  word  Jli^D,  partly  because 
of  the  abruptness  of  the  change  and  the  obscurity  of  the  sense 
gained,  and  partly  because  of  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
word  in  these  last  verses  ;  cf.  v.7.  On  *dy\  for  "p,  v.s. — 6.  And 
his  saplings  shall  spread]  This  seems  to  be  a  gloss  intended  to 
explain  5c;  cf.  Is.  532,  where  np3V  occurs  as  here,  in  the  sense 
of  sucker,  the  superfluous  shoots  about  the  roots,  which  ordinarily 
are  cut  out  in  order  to  strengthen  the  main  stock.  —  And  his 
beauty  shall  be  like  the  olive-tree'}  Cf.  Je.  n16  Ps.  528.  This  figure 
suggests  beauty,  but  also  something  of  the  greatest  value.  —  And 
his  smell  like  Lebanon]  i.e.  like  the  smell  of  the  cedars  and 


*  BT,  Jer.,  AE.,  Ki.,  Geb.,  Man.,  Sim.,  Pu.,  Wu.,  et  al. 
f  New.,.Hes.,  Ke.,  Schm.,  Or..  GAS.,  et  al. 


414  HOSEA 

aromatic  trees  (cf.  Ct.  411).  Smell  —  name  ;  cf.  Ct.  i3.  —  7.  They 
shall  return  and  dwell  in  his  shadow^  Cf.  Ez.  3i6.  This  cannot 
be  a  continuation  of  Yahvveh's  words,  because  it  reads  his  shadow; 
but  whose  shadow  could  it  be  if  not  Yahweh's  (cf.  v.8)  ?  The 
shadow  of  Lebanon,*  or  Israel  himself?|  (cf.  Je.  3i5'12).  V.7  con 
tains  only  a  repetition  of  what  has  been  said.  It  is  therefore 
best  to  regard  it  as  an  interpolation  by  a  still  later  hand,  \  and 
to  suppose  that  it  was  intended  to  be  the  utterance  of  the  pro 
phetic  writer,  not  of  Yahweh.  The  text  is  difficult.  Reading  "mri 
for  •aur1  (v.s.),  the  sense  becomes  clear :  Once  more  they  will 
dwell^  under  his  shadow.  This  is  better  than  (i)  to  connect 
•QW  with  vrP  =  once  more  shall  they  that  dwell,  etc.,  bring  corn 
to  life  (i.e.  cultivate  corn),||  or  (2)  £B(£  —  shall  turn  those  who 
dwell  in  his  shadow  (and}  they  shall  revive.^ —  And  they  shall 
live  well  watered  like  a  garden~\  =  mi  J«  TiTl  (v.s.)  ;  cf.  Ps.  368. 
With  this  translation  may  be  compared  (i)  they  shall  revive  (as) 
the  corn;**  (2)  bring  corn  to  ///£  ft  (cf.  the  statement  in  y14), 
neither  of  which  seems  satisfactory. — And  they  will  sprout  like 
the  vine~\  The  vine  is  frequently  mentioned  in  figurative  speech  ; 
e.g.  lo1  Ps.  8o8-14  i283  Ct.  78  Is.  34*  Je.  221  69  Ez.  i-j.  —  And  their 
renown  will  be  like  the  wine  of  Lebanon~\  Ct.  i3;  cf.  also  m  of 
preceding  verse,  and  Ho.  1 25.  Contrary  to  Nowack's  a  priori  sug 
gestion  that  good  wine  could  not  be  produced  so  far  north,  cf.  the 
testimony  of  von  Troil  (cited  by  Henderson),  "  On  this  mountain 
are  very  valuable  vineyards,  in  which  the  most  excellent  wine  is 
produced,  such  as  I  have  never  drunk  in  any  country,  though  in 
the  course  of  fourteen  years  I  have  travelled  through  many,  and 
tasted  many  good  wines."!4:  Perhaps  TCT  should  be  read  with 
G.  A.  Smith,  rot,  and  in  the  sense  given  this  word  in  Is.  6637 
they  shall  be  fragrant ;  cf.  (§.  —  8.  Ephraim,  what  more  has  he 
to  do  with  idols']  Yahweh  speaks  here.  V.8  is  in  close  connec 
tion  with  v.6.  'h  should  be  read  '"h  (v.s.).  If  fOT  is  retained, 
the  translation  is,  Ephraim  (shall  say  ) :  What  have  I  to  do  any 
more  with  idols  ?  §§  On  the  form  of  utterance,  cf.  Ju.  1 112  2  S.  i610, 
etc.  —  /  respond  (to  him)  and  look  after  him']  i.e.  it  is  I  who,  etc. ; 

*  Rashi.  f  AE.,  Wii.,  Che.  +  So  Now. 

$  So  Oort,  We.,  Val.,  Loft.,  GAS.,  Now.,  Oct.,  Hal.         ||  Hi.,  Ew.,  Sim.,  Ke.,  Che. 

H  Wii.,  AV.     **  Hd.      ft  Che.      JJ  Cf.  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.  XIV.  7.      §  §  S3T,  AV. 


XIV.  7-8  415 

cf.  214-20-21.  Yahweh  now  replies  or  gives  response  to  Israel  in  the 
same  temper  as  that  with  which  Israel  met  Yahweh,  and  besides, 
he  looks  upon  him  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  assistance  (Ps.  849 
ii9132  Jb.  3314),  i.e.  he  looks  after  his  needs.  Cf.  the  opposite, 
"to  hide  his  face,"  Dt.  3i17.  Wellhausen's  "his  Anath  and 
Asherah"  is  a  freak  of  the  imagination.  Volz's  "I  answered 
him  with  wine  and  corn"  is  better,  but  not  strong.  —  /  am  like 
an  evergreen  cypress\  It  is  difficult  to  read  this  of  Yahweh,  but 
it  is  still  more  difficult  to  place  it  in  Israel's  mouth.  In  favor  of 
the  former  *  is  the  fact  that  it  is  demanded  by  the  following  clause 
of  which  Yahweh  is  certainly  the  subject.  Yahweh's  shelter  and 
protection  of  his  people  are  likened  to  the  refreshing  shade  of 
the  cypress.  If  the  words  be  referred  to  Israel,  there  is  the 
difficulty  that  Israel  is  likened  in  two  successive  clauses  to  two 
different  kinds  of  tree,  for  the  cypress  is  not  a  fruit  tree.  As 
opposed  to  this,  and  in  favor  of  the  latter,!  is  the  fact  that 
Yahweh  is  nowhere  else  likened  to  a  tree.  If  the  figure  is  used 
of  Israel,  the  punctuation  of  f&&  must  be  disregarded,  and  this 
clause  be  taken  with  imiTKl  =  and  I  look  after  him  like  an 
evergreen  cypress.  With  all  its  difficulty,  the  former  is  to  be 
preferred.  —  From  me  is  thy  fruit  found^  This  is  clearly  in  Yah 
weh's  mouth,  and  announces,  as  the  last  word  of  the  dialogue, 
that  from  Yahweh  comes  all  of  Israel's  prosperity. 

2.  ny]  For  SN;  for  other  cases,  v.  Dt.  430  3<D2  Jo.  212  Am.  46-  8-  9-"  La.  340. 
3.  ir-M  .  .  .  inp]  Two  consec.  imvs.;  H.  23,  rm.  i.  On  the  change  topi,  from 
sg.  of  v.2,  cf.  Ko.  Siil.  237.  —  SD]  With  adverbial  force;  GK.  128 <r;  but  cf. 
K6.  277  m,  339  r.  —  ono]  Other  cases  of  stat.  abs.  in  place  of  stat.  cstr.,  Ju.  518 
Pr.  2221  Dt.  3311. — 4.  -p  -Mi's]  On  causal  force  of  -iti'X,  Ko.  3890,  344  c; 
contra  Ew.8  §  331  d.  On  3  marking  agent,  Ko.  106.  -p  =  through  thee  alone, 
Ko.  Stil.  196.  —  5.  aanx]  With  o  only  in  I  p.  sg.;  elsewhere  __,  GK.  68/  — 
m-ij]  =  'ja,  Ko.  332  r,  cf.  Dt.  232*. —  6.  njnir]  A  noun  of  unity,  Ko.  255  & 
For  literature  on  form  and  origin,  cf.  BSZ.  The  reference  is,  perhaps,  to  the 
fragrant  white  lily  with  six  bell-like  leaves,  which  grows  wild  in  Palestine  and 
"  is  unsurpassed  in  its  fecundity,  often  producing  fifty  bulbs  from  a  single 
root"  (Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  XXI.  5).  Possibly  )  ^Vv^  ^*o^,  the  royal  lily,  is 
meant.  This  is  three  or  four  feet  high,  with  a  stem  of  the  thickness  of  a 

*  Rashi,  Ki.,  Hd.,  Wii.,  Or.,  Now.,  et  al. 

f  So  U3T,  Sim.;  Ma.  treats  v.9  as  a  dialogue  between  Israel  and  Yahweh,  this 
clause  belonging  to  Ephraim. 


\l6  HOSEA 

finger  and  flowers  of  great  beauty.  —  7.  u1."]  Masc.  with  fern,  subj.,  Ko.  205  e. 
—  8.  pja?]  Without  art.  (cf.  vs.6and7),K6.  2950.  — -a  03"]  If  retamea,  scat 
cstr.  before  prep.,  Ko.  336  w.  —  9.  'i  .  .  .  "mo]  More  usual  'i . .  .Vno  (but 
cf.Je.2«);  K6.376/ 


§  20.  The  lesson  to  be  learned.  i49.  A  man  who  desires 
wisdom  will  study  such  things  as  these  that  are  found  in  Hosea's 
prophecy.  It  will  be  seen  from  these  chapters  that  Yahweh's 
ways  are  straight,  and  that  by  them  men  stand  or  fall. 

In  a  five-line  stanza  (trimeter  movement),  a  reader  from  a  late  period  adds 
his  own  understanding  or  interpretation  of  Hosea's  writings  as  a  whole.  Two 
elements  in  the  verse  betoken  the  lateness  of  the  conception,  viz.  the  strong 
coloring  of  the  wisdom-speech,  and  the  division  of  humanity  into  two  classes, 
viz.  the  righteous  and  transgressors;  cf.  Pr.  II5  I519;  also  Ecclus.  3924. 


10.  Y?B>3\]  ©  a.ff6evr}<rov<nv,  cf.  55.  —  an]  Hal. 

9.  Whoso  is  wise,  let  him  discern  these  things']  Here  *ti  is  used 
indefinitely,  in  the  sense  of  whoever,  or  if  any  one.  The  words 
wise  (nan)  and  discern  (pa)  are  technical  terms  of  the  wisdom- 
vocabulary  ;  these  things  means,  of  course,  the  preceding  dis 
courses  of  the  prophet  Hosea.  The  reader's  advice  is  this  : 
Notice  how  things  work  out  in  history,  as  in  the  case  of  Israel,  and 
acquiesce  therein;  for  to  do  this  is  a  mark  of  "wisdom."  —  Pru 
dent,  then  let  him  know  them~]  A  parallel  statement,  reenforcing 
what  has  just  been  said,  expressed  likewise  in  wisdom-language 
(cf.  pa3,  from  pa  (#.J.),  and  17T,  which  might  mean  here  either 
acknowledge,  confess  (as  in  Je.  313  Is.  5912  Ps.  5i3)  or  observe,  per 
ceive,  i.e.  secure  the  lessons  of  wisdom  they  were  intended  to 
teach;  cf.  the  absolute  use  of  in11  be  wise,  in  Is.  i3,  and  its  use 
with  naan  in  Pr.  24").  —  For  Yahweh's  ways  are  straight']  '3 
=  for,  not  that.  The  word  Providence  would,  perhaps,  suitably 
represent  the  frequently  recurring  phrase,  Yahweh's  ways,  which 
includes  the  ways  in  which  he  acts,  as  well  as  those  in  which  men, 
under  his  guidance,  move.  The  reference  is  to  Hosea's  interpre 
tation  of  these  ways.  Yahweh's  dealings  put  men  on  straight  (i.e. 
not  crooked,  but  lying  in  an  unbroken  level;  cf.  Is.  264)  or  right 
(i.e.  righteous)  ways  ;  cf.  Dt.  32*  Ps.  ig9.  —  The  righteous  walking 


XIV.  9  4*? 


in  them~\  This  word  righteous  (o'p'Hat)  is  not  used  elsewhere  in 
Hosea.  This  is  not  explained  by  the  fact  that  there  were  none 
such  in  his  days,*  but  is  due  to  the  fact  that  this  technical  phrase 
had  not  yet  come  into  use.  The  clause  is  subordinate  to  the 
preceding,  not  coordinate  t  with  it.  To  walk  in  Yahweh's  ways  is 
to  adopt  a  course  of  conduct  in  harmony  with  Yahweh's  will,  and 
consequently  one  which  permits  them  to  go  forward  prosperously. 

—  But  sinners  stumbling  by  them~\    That  is,  they  fall  and  suffer 
utter  ruin.     The  same  ways  lead  in  one  case  to  life,  but  in  the 
other  to  death;  cf.  Dt.  so19-20  i  Cor.  i18. 

10.  '?]   Although  apparently  an  indefinite  pronoun  here,  it  is  really  inter 
rogative,  who  is  wise  ?  let  him,  etc.  (cf.  similar  cases  after  •>;:,  Je.  911  Ps.  icy43). 

—  DJJIM  .  .  .  p-n]  On  i  with  jussive  marking  what  is  really  the  apodosis  of  a 
conditional  sentence,  GK.  166  a.  —  Dip'nx]  In  the  sense  of  just,  i.e.,  right  in 
one's  cause,  this  word  occurs  in  E  (Ex.  2.37-8),  Am.  26  512,  but  in  the  general 
ethical  sense  it  does  not  occur  earlier  than  Jeremiah  (cf.  2O12,  Is.  3™  being 
late).     The  two  clauses  at  the  end  of  the  verse  are  closely  parallel,  and  should 
be  taken  together,  both  being  subordinate  to  the  preceding;   v.s. 

*  Hd.  t  As  We.,  Now.,  and  most  others  make  it. 


2E 


THE 


I  U  D 


rd 


INDEX. 


I.    SUBJECTS. 


ADAM,  288. 

Adultery,  punishment  of,  227. 

Alliteration,  clxxii,  in. 

Amorite,  55,  58. 

Amos,  occupation  of,  civ  f.,  2  f. 

— ,  literary  skill  of,  12. 

— ,  personal  life  of,  c  ff. 

— ,  home  of,  ci. 

— ,  date  of,  cii  ff. 

— ,  preparation  of,  cvi  ff. 

— ,  vision  of,  cviii. 

— ,  antecedents  of,  cviii. 
,  character  of,  cviii  f. 

— ,  message  of,  ex  ff. 

,  popular  conceptions  opposed 

cxiff. 
,  convictions  of,  cxiii  ff. 

— ,  anthropomorphisms  in,  cxv  f. 

— ,  monotheism  of,  cxvi  ff. 

,  ministry  of,  cxxiv  ff. 

,  political  activity  of,  cxxvii. 

— ,  literary  form  of,  cxxx  ff. 
,  analysis  of,  cxxxii. 

— ,  insertions  in,  cxxxi  ff. 

— ,  general  structure  of,  cxxxiv  ff. 
,  history  of  Book  of,  cxxxvi  f. 

— ,  style  of,  cxxxviii  ff. 

,  discussions  of  poetical  form 

clxv  f. 

,  syntax  of,  clxx  f. 

,  rare  words  in,  clxxi. 

— ,  favorite  words  in,  clxxi. 


by, 


of, 


Amos  and   Hosea,  poetical  form  of, 
clxiv  ff. 

— ,  language  and  style  of,  clxx  ff. 

— ,  text  and  versions  of,  clxxiii  ff . 

— ,  literature  on,  clxxvii  ff. 
Ancestor- worship,  i82f.,  329. 
Angels,  381. 
Anointing,  149,  150. 
Assyria,  relation  to  Israel,  2O  f. 

BAALIM,  names  of,  235. 
Baalism,  nature  of,  xc. 
Baldness,  i82f. 
Bear,  132. 

Book  of  the  Covenant,  Ixiv  ff. 
— ,  reconstruction  of,  Ixv  f. 

,  relation  to  E,  Ixvi  f. 

,  prophetic  element  in,  Ixviii  f. 


Bribe,  122,  124. 

CANAAN,  384. 

Civilization,  opposition  of  prophets  to, 

xxxiii,  xxxvi,  Ixxvi  f. 
Clean  and  unclean,  173,  329,  330. 
Commandment,  date  of  second,  Ixii. 
Compass,  points  of,  1 86. 
Covenant,  30  f. 
Covenant  Code,  255. 
Cultus,  136. 


DAVID,  148,  198,  223. 
Day  of  Yahweh,  62,  131  f.,  181,  247. 
419 


420 


INDEX 


Dead,  treatment  of  the,  40  f. 
Decalogue,    reconstruction    of    older, 
Iviiiff. 

— ,  message  of  older,  lix  f. 

— ,  younger,  Ixff. 

— ,  original  form  of  younger,  Ixi. 
,  date  of  younger,  Ixi  f.,  250. 

— ,  message  of,  Ixii  ff. 
Decalogues,  older  and  younger,  Iviii  ff. 
Demon-worship,  390,  395. 
Dew,  of  Palestine,  285. 
Dirge,  105  f.,  loSf. 
Disruption,    attitude    of  prophets   to, 

3H- 

Dove,  foolishness  of,  303  f. 
Drought,  97. 

EARTHQUAKES,  7,  101,  179. 
Eclipse,  181. 
Edom,  31  ff.,  198. 

Egypt*  76»  I9l  f- 

Egyptian  elements  in  Northern  wor 
ship,  112. 
Elijah,  xxxiv  ff. 

— ,  his  contest  with  Ahab,  xxxvii  ff. 
Elisha,  xli  ff. 

,  character  of,  xliii. 

,  miracles  of,  xliii  f. 

,  political  activity  of,  xlivff. 

Ephah,  178. 

Ephod,  221  f. 

Ephraimite  narrative,  Ixxix  ff. 

— ,  Northern  origin  of,  Ixxix. 

— ,  date  of,  Ixxix  f. 

— ,  scope  of,  Ixxx  f. 

— ,  purpose  of,  Ixxxi. 

— ,  prophetic  element  in,  Ixxxi  f. 

— ,  message  of,  Ixxxii  ff . 

— ,  relation  to  other  prophets,  Ixxxiv. 
Ethics,  xcvi  f.,  cxxi  f. 

FEASTS,    133  f.,     177,    231  ff.,    330, 

387- 

Foreign    nations,  prophecies  against, 
4f.,  12. 


GOD,  idea  of,  Ixxxviii  ff.,  xci  f.,  xciii  f., 

cxiv  ff .,  cxlviii  ff. 
Gomer,  211. 
Grape,  340. 

HAIR-OFFERING,  i82f. 
Hammurabi,  code  of,  261  f. 
Harvest  season,  230. 
Haymaking,  161,  163. 
Heathen,  327. 
Hezion  =  Rezon,  15. 
High  places,  worship  at,  1 66. 
Homer,  219. 
Horses,  trade  in,  412. 
Hosea,  name  of,  202. 

— ,  birthplace  of,  cxl  f.,  202. 

— ,  date  of,  cxli  f.,  203. 

— ,  call  of,  cxlii  ff.,  civ  f.,  205. 
,  marriage  of,  cxliv  ff.,  208  ff. 

— ,  personal  life  of,  cxlff. 

— ,  occupation  of,  cxlii. 
,  character  of,  cxlv  f. 

— ,  message  of,  cxlvi  ff. 

— ,  idea  of  God  in,  cxlviii  ff . 

— ,  attitude  toward  cultus  of,  cli. 

— ,  ethical  teaching  of,  cli  f. 

— ,  political  attitude  of,  clii,  clvii. 

— ,  attitude  toward  past  of,  cliii. 

— ,  outlook  of,  cliii  f. 

— ,  antecedents  of,  cliv. 

— ,    characteristics   of   message   of, 
clivf. 
,  ministry  of,  clvff. 


— ,  literary  form  of,  clviii  ff. 

,  interpolations  in,  clix  ff. 

• ,  analysis  of,  clx. 

— ,  growth  of  Book  of,  clxii. 

— ,  structure  of  Book  of,  clxii  f. 

— ,    external    history    of    Book    of, 
clxiii. 

— ,  chiasm  in,  clxxii. 

— ,  paronomasia  in,  clxxii. 

— ,  assonance  in,  clxxii. 

,  syntax  of,  clxxii. 

favorite  words  of,  clxxii. 


INDEX 


421 


Hosea,  rare  words  in,  clxxiii. 
Hosts,  Yahweh  of,  158,  190. 

IMAGES,  worship  of,  Ixxxix,  xcv,  cxvi, 

140,  314,  316,363,  394  f. 
Individualism,  xcvi. 
Inscriptions  cited  or  referred  to  — 

Assyrian  and  Babylonian,  6,  16,  17, 
21  f.,  26,  27,  28,  30,  37,  42,  58. 

Egyptian,  26. 

Moabite,  8,  39,  40,  42. 

Phoenician,  55,  68. 

Of  Tel  el-Amarna,  27,  28,  47,  58. 

Of  Zinjirli,  22,  78. 
Isaac,  1 66. 

Israel,  chosen  by  Yahweh,  66. 
Israel's  intercourse  with  other  peoples, 
301. 

JACOB,  379  f. 

Jareb,  King,  277  f. 

Jehu,  revolution  under,  xlviff. 

Jeroboam  I.,  revolt  of,  xxxii  ff. 

Jeroboam  II.,  reign  of,  6. 

Joseph,  151. 

Judaean  narrative,  Ixix  ff. 

— ,  date  of,  Ixxi. 
,  scope  of,  Ixxi. 

— ,  purpose  of,  Ixxii. 
,  world-stories  in,  Ixxii  f. 

— ,  prophetic  element  in,  Ixxiii  f. 

— ,  national  element  in,  Ixxiv. 
,  predictive  element  in,  Ixxiv  f. 

— ,  idealism  in,  Ixxv  f. 

— ,  covenant-idea  in,  Ixxvi  f. 

— ,  idea  of  sin  in,  Ixxvii. 

• ,  message  of,  Ixxvii  f. 

,  relation  to  later  prophets,  Ixxviii  f. 

Judah,  44  f. 

KEWAN,  138,  140. 

LAW,  45,  255,  320  ff. 
Lethek,  219,  224. 
Libations,  328. 


Line,  poetical,  clxvii. 
Lion,  words  for,  70. 
Locusts,  161  f. 
Lyre,  135. 

MAGIC,  xxxvi. 
Massebah,  221,  343  f. 
Meal-offerings,  134  f. 
Micaiah  ben  Imlah,  Iv  ff. 
Military  enrolment,  108. 
Moab,  39  f. 
Monolatry,  329  f. 

Mosaism,  Kenitic  origin  of,  Ixxxvii. 
Mourning  customs,  I26f.,  305  f.,  328, 
334- 

NABOTH-STORY,  xxxix  f. 
Nazirite,  li  ff.,  56  f. 
New  moon,  177,  232,  271. 
Numbers,  use  of,  14,  21,  55,  99. 

OATH,  179,  186. 
Oil,  378. 
Orion,  115. 

PALESTINE,  Assyrian  name  for,  308. 
Paronomasia,     175,    318,    339  f.,   367, 

406,  407  f. 
Passover,  387. 
Patriarchs,  xcvi  f. 
Peace-offerings,  135. 
Period,  poetical,  clxvii  f. 
Personification,  302. 
Philistia,  23. 

Philistines,  history  of,  23  f.,  192. 
Phoenicia,  28  ff. 
Pilgrimages,  182. 
Pillars,  the  sacred,  221,  343  f. 
Pleiades,  115. 

Pre-prophetic  movement,  xxxi  f. 
Pre-prophetic  societies,  xliv,  xlix  ff. 

,  literature  on,  1. 

,  origin  of,  liv  f. 

,  development  and  influence  of, 

Iviii  f. 


422 


INDEX 


Pre-prophetism,  xxxi  f. 

• ,  relation  to  Mosaism,  Ixxxiv  ff. 

— ,  relation  to  Egyptism,  Ixxxv. 

• ,  essential  thought  of,  Ixxxviii  ff. 

,  idea  of  priest  in,  xciv. 

,  place  of  worship  in,  xciv  f. 

,  sacrifice  in,  xcv. 

• ,  feasts  in,  xcv. 

,  general  character  of,  c. 

Prophecy,  causes  of  its  appearance  in 

N.  Israel,  xxxiii  f. 
Prophets,  "  schools  "  of,  liii. 

— ,  ecstasy  of,  liii. 

,  relation  to  priests,  Iv. 

Prophets  support  Jeroboam  I.,  xxxiiff. 

support  Jehu,  xlvii  f. 

Prostitution,  sacred,  258,  261  f.,  377. 
Providence,  416. 

QINAH  rhythm,  109,  185^,  369. 

RAINY  season,  283  f. 
Raisin-cakes,  218,  224. 
Rechabites,  xxxvi,  lii,  237. 
Refrains,  poetical,  clxix. 
Remnant,  I2$i. 

SABBATH,  1775.,  23 2  f. 

Sackcloth,  182. 

Sacrifice,  I36f. 

Sakkut,  138,  139. 

Samaria,  77,  153. 

Sea-monster,  189. 

Seer,  170. 

Serpent,  132. 

Shabako,  192. 

Shalman,  358. 

Shekel,  178,  219. 

Sheol,  189,  407. 

Shoes,  pair  of,  49. 

Sieve,  197. 

Silver  and  gold,  source  of,  229  f. 

Sin,  origin  and  nature  of,  xcix. 

Sin-offering,  257. 

Sky,  conception  of,  190  f. 


Slavery,  25. 

Soothsayers,  I7of. 

State  after  death,  xcixf. 

Strophe,  clxviii. 

Strophic  arrangement,  13,  23,  27  f.,  35, 
38,  44,  48,  53  f.,  60,  64,  73,  74  f., 
84,90, 102, 105, 109, 113, 1 1 8,  128, 
129, 141, 151, 159, 1 68,  174  f.,  187, 
195,  215,  225,  236,  238,  241,  244, 
245,  248,  249,  252,  256,  260,  262, 
267,  280,  299,  325,  335,  341,  349, 
360,  373,  391,  401,  408,  416. 

Strophic  criticism,  clxix. 

Superscriptions,  the,  I  ff.,  201  ff. 

Sycamores,  172. 

Syria,  country  of,  15. 
— ,  history  of,  15  f.,  18,  192  f. 

TABOO,  233  f.,  269,  329. 
Teraphim,  222. 

Threshing  instruments,  17  f.,  21  f. 
Tithe,  92,  95. 
Tone-phrase,  clxvif. 
Totemism,  242,  251,  329. 
Trumpet,  43  f. 
Tyre,  28  ff. 

UZZIAH,  reign  of,  5  f. 

,  identification  with  Azriya'u,  6. 


VINTAGE,  igSf.,  230. 
Virgin,  107. 
Visions,  3  f.,  160,  388. 
Vulture,  311. 

WISDOM  utterances,  260,  416  f. 

Wormwood,  119. 

Writing  of  prophecy,  cxxv  f. 

YAHWEH,  day  of,  62,  131  f.,  181,  247. 
— ,  titles  of,  83  f.,  158,  190. 

,  a  national  deity,  190,  329  f. 

Yahwism,  relation  to  Baalism,  xc  ff. 

ZAW,  the  god,  276. 
Zion,  10. 


INDEX 


423 


II.    GEOGRAPHICAL. 


ACHOR,  valley  of,  240. 
Admah,  369. 
Ammon,  34  ff.,  37. 
Arabah,  stream  of  the,  157. 
Ashdod,  26,  76. 
Askelon,  26. 
Aven,  19,  22. 


,  336  f.,  340. 
Bashan,  86. 

Beer-sheba,  in,  184,  263  f. 
Beth-arbel,  358  f. 
Beth-Eden,  igf.,  22. 
Bethel,  82,  inf.,  171,  188,  263,  274. 
Bozrah,  34. 

CALNEH,  144. 
Caphtor,  192. 
Carmel,  II,  189. 
Cush,  191  f. 

DAMASCUS,  14,  19,  138. 
Dan,  184. 
Dead  Sea,  183. 

EKRON,  26. 

GATH,  145. 

Gaza,  23,  25  f. 

Gibeah,  273,  35  if. 

Gilead,  17,  288  f. 

Gilgai,  91  f.,  in,  263,339. 

Gomorrah,  369. 


HAMATH,  144  f. 

,  entrance  to,  157. 

Harmon,  88  f. 

JERUSAI  EM,  47. 
Jezreel,  211  f. 

KARNAIM,  156. 
Keryyoth,  41  f. 
Kir,  20,  23,  192. 

LO-DEBAR,  156. 

MEDITERRANEAN,  183,  189. 
Memphis,  330. 
Mizpah,  269. 

NAIOTH,  xxxiii. 
Nile,  1 79  f. 

PADAN-ARAM,  380. 

KABBAH,  36  f. 
Ramah,  273  f. 

SHECHEM,  290. 
Shittim,  269. 
Sidon,  28  ff. 
Sodom,  369. 

TEKOA,  3. 
Teman,  33  f. 

ZEBOIIM,  369,  373. 


n-ux,  194. 

I.1N,   112. 


III.    HEBREW. 

numx,  22. 

D-'tt'TN,  224. 
P™,  333. 


oia,  174. 

DDD£'13,  1 2O. 

•nrrp  =  Bir-'idri,  22. 


424 


INDEX 


ppa,  347  f. 

S'Dp,  117. 

y  weakening  to  N,  i 

tfpa,  1  10  note,  113. 

l^b,  122,  124. 

DID?,  7  f. 

13,  121. 

ajj?,  340. 

rua1?,  261. 

D^Dl?,  2OO« 

nSj,  20,  22  f. 

T31?,  105- 

njyS,  120. 

Nns,  319. 

vn,  200,  224  f. 

in1?,  224. 

DH31C,  150. 

S1],  I20f. 

&>-n,  1  10  note,  113. 

j^ao,  117. 

nwas,  158. 

•tyiD,  387. 

mcSx,  117. 

>n,  127. 

plTD,  150. 

njx,  89. 

Etfin,  202,  205. 

p^D,  62. 

-inx,  197,  200. 

Sa-ri  181. 

f|D,  334. 

i    Uwf  L.,   ^^tj.. 

•rap.  94,  235. 

™?!.  135- 

^Sfe^D,  123. 

nrp,  105,  io8f.,  128. 

HJT,  214. 

t3D!TD,  345  f. 

ypip,  194. 

rim,  4,  170. 

DSJ,  59. 

tfN^,  158,  346. 

DNian,  257. 

x^aj,  4. 

0>D>D-(,  158. 

'n,  186. 

Saj,  150. 

•                  Q 

"in,  311. 

^nj,  128. 

rvSn,  235  f. 

«Tt3J,  I72f. 

o^aatr,  316  f. 

onpj,  8. 

nar,  20. 

SSan%  309  f. 

}Vp3,  315  f. 

map  aw,  199,  200. 

-UPJ,  311. 

rww,  415  f. 

maa,  199. 

oSif,  139. 

n^r,  117. 

D,  interchange   with    r, 

aiSa,  175,  i84f. 

158. 

rrnn,  256. 

103,  346  £ 

n^D,  89. 

•HJ:;,  150. 

nro,  194.